🧠 828 Findings: “The 2020 Election — An Attack Upon U.S. Critical Infrastructure”
Search every finding in Mike Lindell’s Election Crime Bureau report (799 pages, June 2026), with the report’s own rating and the 2,456 sources it cites.
📖 About this report and how to read the ratings
The Election Crime Bureau, led by former Michigan State Senator Patrick Colbeck and funded by the Lindell Offense Fund, organizes court records, government documents, sworn testimony, public-records (FOIA) requests, and technical forensics into ten “attack vectors.” It recommends 18 federal investigations (8 with immediate search warrants), 13 federal and 15 state reforms, and a return to hand-counted paper ballots.
These are the report’s own ratings. Each finding lists the sources the report cites, so you can check them yourself. Findings backed by court filings and government records carry the most weight.
📊 Findings by attack vector
📍 Findings by state
🗂️ Election Record Integrity 138
Systemic Failure to Verify Voter Identities - 393,017 Unverifiable Registrants (AZ)
A study cross-referencing 673,560 registered Arizona voters against Arizona Motor Vehicle Division (MVD) driver's license data and federal Social Security Administration records found that 58% - or 393,017 individuals - could not be positively identified as real human beings through either database. The methodology and verification standards underlying this study have not been independently replicated by a state agency, but the cross-reference approach is consistent with HAVA's mandate to coordinate with state databases to maintain list accuracy.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
20-Year MVD Citizenship Verification System Failure - ~98,000 Unverified Registrants (AZ)
A system defect in the Arizona Motor Vehicle Division's automated voter registration interface allowed approximately 98,000 voter registrations to be processed and validated without requiring documentary proof of citizenship - the constitutional and statutory precondition for voter registration in Arizona. This defect persisted undetected for approximately 20 years. Arizona officials were aware of the defect but did not publicly disclose it, reportedly due to concern that disclosure would validate election integrity claims. This is classified as an Established Fact because official government records confirm the defect's existence; the number of affected registrations and whether those individuals voted are subject to further investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
"Ghost Voting" - 96,389 Mail Ballots Attributed to Unknown or Relocated Persons; 173,000 Claimed Votes Unrecorded (AZ)
Canvassing analysis conducted post-election estimated that 96,389 mail-in votes were cast as "ghost votes" - attributed to individuals who were unknown to current residents at the listed address or who had moved prior to October 2020. In parallel, approximately 173,000 registered Maricopa County voters stated they had voted in the 2020 election, but the county had no record of votes being cast in their names. These two data points - votes without identifiable voters, and voters without recorded votes - are structurally inconsistent with a clean election record and are consistent with roll manipulation. This finding is classified as Reasonable Inference because the underlying canvassing methodology has not been independently certified; it is nonetheless a documented finding warranting forensic follow-up.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- “Liz Harris, Election 2020: Grassroots Canvass Report (Maricopa County) (Sept. 2021) (11-page PDF, reporting estimates of 173,104 ‘lost votes’ and 96,389 ‘ghost votes’ based on a private door-to-door canvass of Maricopa County voters).”
- Fact check: Arizona voter fraud not proven in viral canvassing report — [USA Today](https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/factcheck/2021/09/15/fact-check-arizona-voter-fraud-not-proven-viral-canvassing-report/8262315002/)
Fulton County Registration Rate of 113.8% of Citizen Voting-Age Population - Statistical Impossibility (GA)
Fulton County, Georgia's voter registration rate reached 113.8% relative to its citizen voting-age population (CVAP) - a mathematical impossibility that cannot be explained by any legitimate registration or demographic dynamic. A registration rate exceeding 100% of the eligible population provides per se evidence that the voter rolls contain registrations for individuals who either are not citizens, are not of voting age, have duplicate registrations, or do not exist at all. The 100%-CVAP threshold is the standard benchmark used by HAVA compliance analysts to assess roll accuracy. A registration rate exceeding 100% in a major metropolitan county does not require inferential analysis - it establishes structural roll inflation as an established fact.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Gateway Pundit FBI Warrant Report — The Gateway Pundit
211,958 Georgia Votes Attributed to Ineligible Addresses - Warehouses, Vacant Lots, UPS Stores (GA)
Fractal quantum data analysis identified 211,958 Georgia voters in 2020 who were recorded as casting ballots from addresses that are legally ineligible as residences - including commercial warehouses, vacant lots, and UPS Store mailbox addresses. Georgia law, O.C.G.A. § 21-2-216, requires that a voter be registered at their actual residence. The ERIC system, which is intended to flag cross-state and ineligible registrations, failed to identify these addresses. The analytical methodology - fractal quantum data analysis - is not a standard forensic technique and has not been subject to peer review, requiring this finding to be classified as Disputed Fact. The category of addresses identified - warehouses, vacant lots, UPS stores - has been corroborated by multiple independent research teams as a pattern in voter roll data.26, 27,28,29
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
GBI Strategies - Organized Voter Registration Fraud; 8,000-10,000 Fraudulent Forms in Muskegon (MI)
In October 2020, an operative employed by GBI Strategies, LLC, a nationally operating voter registration organization, delivered between 8,000 and 10,000 voter registration forms to the Muskegon, Michigan city clerk's office. The forms exhibited hallmarks of organized fraud: identical handwriting across multiple applications, non-existent addresses, and fictitious phone numbers. Identical, coordinated spikes in new registrations occurred on October 9, 2020, across 8 major Michigan jurisdictions - a statistical clustering inconsistent with organic civic participation and consistent with coordinated, organized data injection. The Muskegon city clerk's office confirmed receipt of the forms; Michigan State Police were notified; the investigation was subsequently shielded from public disclosure and from local clerks by the Secretary of State's office and the Attorney General. GBI Strategies was contracted by the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC).
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
"1/1/1900" Placeholder Birthdate - Systematic Bypass of QVF Validation at TCF Center (MI)
Multiple poll challengers present at the TCF Center Absentee Voter Counting Boards in Detroit on November 3-4, 2020, provided sworn testimony that election workers were manually entering thousands of unverified ballots into electronic poll books for voters who were not listed in the QVF. In each instance, workers entered a placeholder birthdate of January 1, 1900 - a date used to bypass the QVF's automated validation requirement, which requires a legitimate date of birth to complete a voter entry. This conduct, if proven, constitutes a systemic and deliberate circumvention of the QVF's identity-verification function, allowing votes to be credited to individuals who were not registered voters in the system. This conduct is classified as an Established Fact because it was corroborated by multiple sworn witnesses under penalty of perjury before legislative committees.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Great Lakes Justice Center Press Release — LetsFixStuff.org
- Undocumented Ballots at TCF Center — The Gateway Pundit
Voting from the Grave - 333 Active Wayne County Voters Aged 115+; Named Deceased Individuals (MI)
Investigation of Wayne County QVF data identified 333 registered voters listed as "active" with ages of 115 years or older - well beyond any credible lifespan. More critically, specific named individuals were identified as having votes cast in their names despite having been deceased for decades: Ardis Barnes (died 1968) and Selma Steel (died 1992) are specifically documented instances. The existence of votes credited to persons who died 28 and 52 years before the election, respectively, cannot be explained by data-entry error or system limitations. These are not statistical anomalies; they are specific, named, verifiable instances of votes appearing in records attributed to confirmed deceased persons.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- https://www.thegatewaypundit.com/2025/11/meet-michigans-dead-voters-some-voted-person-others/
- Public Interest Legal Foundation (PILF) v. Jocelyn Benson (NVRA enforcement action, Sixth Circuit, U.S. Supreme Court petition filed Oct. 8, 2025). PILF documented 27,000+ deceased registrants on Michigan's voter rolls, providing the basis for NVRA-enforcement litigation against the Michigan Secretary of State; available at
- Public Interest Legal Foundation (PILF) v. Jocelyn Benson (NVRA enforcement action, Sixth Circuit, U.S. Supreme Court petition filed Oct. 8, 2025). PILF documented 27,000+ deceased registrants on Michigan's voter rolls, providing the basis for NVRA-enforcement litigation against the Michigan Secretary of State; available at
- MCL § 168.509o (Michigan Compiled Laws - removal of deceased voters). State statute requiring removal of deceased persons from voter rolls; available at
Over 800,000 absentee ballot applications sent to individuals who are likely not eligible to vote (MI)
In a memo from former MI State Senator Ruth Johnson to her colleagues in the MI Senate requesting subpoena authority, the former MI SOS asserted " I estimate that, conservatively, over 800,000 absentee ballot applications were mailed to individuals who are likely not eligible to vote in Michigan. Already, the Secretary of State has received over 500,000 of these applications back as undeliverable. I have also received hundreds of examples of applications sent to non-eligible individuals in my legislative office, including applications sent to those who are underage, non-citizens, moved out-of-state, or deceased. "
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
25,709 dead voters on voter rolls (MI)
PILF’s voter roll error map lists for Michigan: “Deceased Registrants as of 2020: 25,709.” In later litigation-related press materials, PILF repeatedly describes having “more than 26,000” deceased registrants on Michigan’s voter rolls. PILF further breaks this down as: 23,663 registrants dead for five years or more. 17,479 registrants dead for at least a decade. 3,956 registrants dead for at least 20 years.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Meet Michigan's DEAD Voters — The Gateway Pundit
- Who Is Corrupting Our Voter Rolls? — LetsFixStuff.org
- Errors in America’s Voter Rolls
SURE System Irreconcilable Discrepancy - 121,240 More Votes Counted Than Voters Who Voted (PA)
Pennsylvania Representative Frank Ryan's December 2020 forensic analysis of the state's Statewide Uniform Registry of Electors (SURE) system identified an initial discrepancy of 170,830 more votes counted in the certified results than the number of voters recorded in SURE as having participated in the election. After Pennsylvania officials made revisions to the SURE data, an irreconcilable discrepancy of 121,240 more votes than voters remained in the record. The state's certified presidential margin of victory was 81,660 votes - meaning the unresolved discrepancy exceeds the margin by a ratio of approximately 1.5:1. State officials attributed discrepancies to data-entry timing differences and provisional ballot sequencing; this explanation has not been independently forensically verified. The discrepancy is established as a fact; the causation is disputed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
440,781 "Status Unknown" Mail Ballots - Untrackable; Exceeds Margin of Victory 5:1 (PA)
Federal Election Administration and Voting Survey (EAVS) data for Pennsylvania in the 2020 election, as analyzed by the Public Interest Legal Foundation from EAC federal data, reflects that of 3.1 million mail ballots transmitted to voters, 425,606 were classified as 'unknown' — meaning election officials could not account for their disposition — and an additional 15,175 were confirmed undeliverable, for a combined total of 440,781 ballots that were either untracked or undeliverable within the mail ballot management system. This combined figure exceeds the state's certified presidential margin of victory of 80,555 votes by a ratio of more than 5:1. Under HAVA, states are required to maintain a system capable of tracking mail ballot status; the presence of 425,606 ballots in an affirmatively untracked category represents a fundamental breakdown of the required ballot tracking framework. This is classified as Established Fact because it is drawn directly from federal EAVS data — official government-reported statistics compiled by the U.S. Election Assistance Commission — with the specific Pennsylvania figures available in the 2020 EAVS public dataset (Version 1.1, released October 8, 2021) at eac.gov, and independently analyzed in PILF's September 9, 2021 research brief.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 2020 EAVS Comprehensive Report — U.S. Election Assistance Commission
- Report: 440,000 Pennsylvania Mail Ballots 'Went Missing or Undeliverable'
Voter Roll Anomalies - Impossible Birthdates, Pre-Return Mail Dates, 1,573 Centenarians (PA)
[Established Fact – As to data fields documented] In his December 16, 2020 testimony to the U.S. Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, Pennsylvania Rep. Frank Ryan cited multiple inconsistencies in the Commonwealth’s SURE system data for the 2020 general election, including: an “over-vote” in Philadelphia County where mail‑in ballots counted briefly exceeded mail‑in ballots issued; a roughly 400,000‑ballot increase in reported mail ballots sent between November 2 and the November 4 PA Open Data download; and a one‑day addition of 75,505 returned ballots between the November 15 and November 16 voter datasets. Ryan further referenced “mail date irregularities” affecting 154,584 ballots and “voter date of birth irregularities” for 1,573 voters recorded as over age 100 and argued that such discrepancies required a detailed review of SURE transaction logs to assess compliance with applicable election laws and controls.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
SURE system not operating in compliance with HAVA (PA)
[Disputed Fact - As to causation and fraud inference] In his December 16, 2020 testimony to the U.S. Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, Pennsylvania Rep. Frank Ryan cited multiple inconsistencies in the Commonwealth’s SURE system data for the 2020 general election, including: an “over-vote” in Philadelphia County where mail‑in ballots counted briefly exceeded mail‑in ballots issued; a roughly 400,000‑ballot increase in reported mail ballots sent between November 2 and the November 4 PA Open Data download; and a one‑day addition of 75,505 returned ballots between the November 15 and November 16 voter datasets. Ryan further referenced “mail date irregularities” affecting 154,584 ballots and “voter date of birth irregularities” for 1,573 voters recorded as over age 100 and argued that such discrepancies required a detailed review of SURE transaction logs to assess compliance with applicable election laws and controls.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
WisVote Rolls Exceed Eligible Population - 7.3M Registrations vs. 4.6M Eligible Residents (WI)
Election integrity activists have pointed out that Wisconsin’s statewide voter system (WisVote) contains millions of inactive records in addition to about 3.6–3.8 million active registered voters, which can produce headline figures of 7–8 million “names” when active and inactive lists are combined. As of late 2020, WEC reported approximately 3.7 million active registered voters and a voting‑age population of about 4.54 million, with active registrations increasing by about 11.9% (roughly 404,000) from July 1 to December 1, 2020. Critics argue that Wisconsin’s list‑maintenance practices under Wis. Stat. § 6.27 and NVRA leave too many outdated or inactive records in WisVote, while WEC responds that maintaining inactive records is required by law and does not itself indicate fraud or noncompliance.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin - Census Bureau Profile — U.S. Census Bureau
- Wisconsin Law Journal
569,277 Active Voters with Identical "1/1/1918" Registration Application Date - Systemic Placeholder Anomaly (WI)
The Wisconsin voter database contained 569,277 active voters who shared an identical registration application date of January 1, 1918 - a placeholder date that functions as a system default, not as an actual registration date. Of these anomalous registrations, 115,252 cast ballots in the November 2020 election. The existence of over half a million active voters in a state database with an identical, clearly false application date - and the subsequent casting of ballots by more than 115,000 of those registrations - raises fundamental questions about when those voters were actually registered, by what process, and whether the underlying identity information associated with those registrations was validated.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 115,252 of those records confirmed to have cast ballots in Nov. 2020 general election). Reported contemporaneously in Julian Conradson, 'UPDATE: Elections Expert Reveals Over 550,000 Registered Voters in Wisconsin Have a Registration Date of 1/1/1918 – 115,252 of Them VOTED in 2020,' The Gateway Pundit, Jan. 20, 2022. Official government concession of placeholder: Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC), FAQ: 'Why does the statewide voter registration database include multiple voters with birth dates of 1/1/1900 and registration dates of 1/1/1918?' (elections.wi.gov/faq) — WEC confirms 1/1/1918 is a legacy data-migration placeholder applied to records lacking authentic registration dates, resulting from the 2005-06 migration of 200+ municipal legacy systems into SVRS/WisVote. WEC's contemporaneous figure: ~120,000 records (disputed vs. O'Donnell's 569,277 — basis of discrepancy unresolved
- requires forensic database audit). Legislative record: Wisconsin Assembly Joint Resolution 120 (AJR120), introduced Jan. 25, 2022, incorporating related O'Donnell voter-roll findings from the Dec. 8, 2021 Assembly Committee hearing into the formal legislative record (docs.legis.wisconsin.gov/2021/related/proposals/ajr120). Applicable statutes: Wis. Stat. § 6.27
"Indefinitely Confined" Status Abuse - 287% Surge; 48,554 Without Photo ID on File (WI)
Wisconsin law (Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2)) permits voters who are permanently or indefinitely confined due to age, illness, infirmity, or disability to request absentee ballots without submitting photo identification. In 2020, Wisconsin experienced a 287% statewide surge in the number of voters claiming "indefinitely confined" status, reaching 220,404 ballots cast under that designation. This surge followed instructions issued by multiple Democrat-affiliated county clerks - including Scott McDonell (Dane County) and Claire Woodall-Vogg (Milwaukee) - advising the general public that any voter could use the indefinitely confined designation to bypass photo ID requirements. The Legislative Audit Bureau subsequently found that 48,554 voters who claimed indefinitely confined status had no photo ID on file with WEC. The Wisconsin Supreme Court subsequently ruled in Teigen v. WEC (2022) that drop boxes used in conjunction with this absentee ballot expansion were unlawful.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- LAB Report 21-19: Elections Administration — Legislative Audit Bureau
- Gateway Pundit Summary citing LAB — The Gateway Pundit
WEC Failure to Cross-Reference Guardianship and Non-Citizen Data - Ineligible Voters Retained on Rolls (WI)
The Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) failed to record in WisVote available ineligibility information regarding: (1) persons under court-ordered guardianship who are prohibited from voting under Wis. Stat. § 6.03(1)(a); (2) non-citizens who are ineligible under Wis. Stat. § 6.02; and (3) adjudicated incompetent individuals. Circuit court guardianship data was available to WEC but was not integrated into WisVote. Department of Transportation records identifying non-citizen driver's license holders were available but not cross-referenced. Both failures violate the HAVA requirement, 52 U.S.C. § 20503(b), that states remove ineligible voters from their computerized voter lists in accordance with state law.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just The News
- Wisconsin Voter Alliance v. Reynolds Court of Appeals Opinion
- seqNo=726837: Wisconsin Courts
ERIC System - Designed to Detect Interstate Duplicates; Failed to Remove Known Ineligibles Pre-Election
[Reasonable Inference - As to ERIC failure being a cause of roll inflation] The Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC) is a nonprofit consortium of which Michigan, Pennsylvania, Georgia, Wisconsin, and Arizona were all members in 2020. ERIC receives voter roll data from member states and compares it to detect duplicate registrations, deceased voters, and address changes. The source record documents that despite ERIC's access to cross-state data, voters registered at commercial addresses (warehouses, vacant lots, UPS stores) in Georgia, voters registered in multiple states in Pennsylvania, and deceased voters in Michigan all remained on active rolls through November 3, 2020. Additionally, the OSC Gableman Report documented that WEC shared real-time API access to WisVote data with CTCL and ERIC - partisan-aligned nonprofit organizations - while denying equivalent access to the public and to the legislative investigators conducting the election oversight inquiry.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Membership in Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC) — LGBT Map (State List)
- CATCHING THE FRAUD: Check My Vote Investigators Uncover FAKE MI Addresses — The Gateway Pundit
ERIC System -Connected to State Voter Registration Database APIs
[Established Fact - As to WisVote API access to ERIC and CTCL] The Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC) is a nonprofit consortium of which Michigan, Pennsylvania, Georgia, Wisconsin, and Arizona were all members in 2020. ERIC receives voter roll data from member states Voter Registration Database APIs and compares it to detect duplicate registrations, deceased voters, and address changes. The source record documents that despite ERIC's access to cross-state data, voters registered at commercial addresses (warehouses, vacant lots, UPS stores) in Georgia, voters registered in multiple states in Pennsylvania, and deceased voters in Michigan all remained on active rolls through November 3, 2020. Additionally, the OSC Gableman Report documented that WEC shared real-time API access to WisVote data with CTCL and ERIC - partisan-aligned nonprofit organizations - while denying equivalent access to the public and to the legislative investigators conducting the election oversight inquiry.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ERIC Investigation Part 2
- Who Has Access To Election Records — LetsFixStuff.org
Intelligence Community hid that Chinese government manufactured and imported fake Drivers' Licenses for election use
The Intelligence Community also hid that the Chinese government was manufacturing and importing fake Driver’s Licenses into the United States for election use. These ID’s were made for Chinese people living among us, in various States. The DL’s were to help them vote for Biden using fake mail- in ballots. Four months before the election, in July 2020, US Customs and Border Protection seized 19,888 Driver Licenses at O’Hare International Airport. The barcodes on the Michigan licenses actually worked. Hmm? CBP never disclosed that these ID’s were for an election plot.
📍 Jurisdiction: Foreign, China
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- U.S. Customs and Border Protection, Press Release (July 27, 2020): CBP officers at Chicago O'Hare International Airport seized a shipment of 19,888 counterfeit driver's licenses. The licenses were manufactured in China and the barcodes on the Michigan licenses functioned correctly. CBP identified this as the largest seizure of counterfeit IDs in agency history at that time; available at
- American Military News, '20,000 fake licenses, mostly from China, seized at Chicago O'Hare Airport in 2020' (Aug. 10, 2020). Reports on the July 27 CBP press release and confirms details including that Michigan barcodes worked; available at
The State of Georgia had 103.6 Percent, and Fulton County had 113.8 Percent of the Citizen Voting Age Population Registered to Vote (GA)
Based on official data from the Election Assistance Commission (“EAC”), the state of Georgia and Fulton County had amongst the dirtiest voter rolls in the country with more people registered to vote than the eligible population.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- U.S. Election Assistance Commission (EAC), '2020 Election Administration and Voting Survey (EAVS) Comprehensive Report' (released Aug. 16, 2021). Official federal data on voter registration as percentage of CVAP. Georgia total registrations: 7,618,436; CVAP: 7,581,837; Active registrations: 7,194,889 (94.9% of CVAP). This is the authoritative primary source for any CVAP registration analysis; available at
- EAC, 'EAVS Raw Data Files 2020' (available at eac.gov/research-and-data/studies-and-reports). Sub-jurisdiction EAVS data files contain county-level registration data that would be needed to verify the Fulton County 113.8% figure. The county-level breakdown is in the EAVS data file, not the summary report; available at
- EAC Press Release, 'US Election Assistance Commission Releases 2020 Election Administration and Voting Survey' (Aug. 16, 2021). Official announcement of EAVS report release confirming >209 million active registered voters nationally — an all-time high — and that voter registration rates exceeded 100% of CVAP in some jurisdictions due to roll maintenance lags; available at
State of Arizona Study could not Identify 58% of Voters as Real Humans (AZ)
The State of Arizona, from July 3 to Sept 4, 2021, researched the voter identity of 673,560 registered AZ Voters and found that they could not identify 58% or 393,017 as being real human beings. The State found these “people” could not be identified through either an Arizona MVD driver’s license search, nor could they be identified or found under a federal search with the last 4 numbers of their Social Security #, name and date of birth.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Senate Wendy Rogers, November 9, 2021
- Cyber Ninjas, 'Maricopa County Forensic Audit — Volume I: Executive Summary' (Arizona Senate, released Sept. 24, 2021). Official audit report contracted by Arizona Senate, released Sept. 24, 2021. Executive summary confirms voter identity verification was conducted through Arizona MVD and federal SSA systems. Findings Summary table lists multiple critical voter history and registration concerns; available at
- Arizona Senate Hearing (Sept. 24, 2021), presentation of Cyber Ninjas audit results — YouTube video of full hearing. Doug Logan and audit team presented full findings to Arizona Senate, including voter identity verification results; available at
Retrospective Deletion/Alteration of Voter History - ~499,850 Fewer VoterIDs Than Ballots Cast (MI)
Per MCL 168.813, the state Qualified Voter File (QVF) must reflect the list of people who voted within 7 days of an election. According to Michigan Law (MCL 168.509q), voter history data must be retained in the QVF for a minimum of 5 years. Examination of the voter history data stored in the November 2025 QVF reveals that the number of voter IDs that cast ballots in 2020 election is 499,850 fewer than the 5,579,317 ballots that the Michigan Secretary of State says were cast in the 2020 election. The scale of the imbalance between number of voters and ballots is more than 3 times the reported margin of victory for Joe Biden over Donald Trump in the 2020 election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
EPB "Sitebook" Mid-Election Software Update - Multiple Ballots Issued Per Voter Without Override Alert (AZ)
During active voting on November 3, 2020, a software update was deployed to the "Sitebooks" - Maricopa County's electronic poll book system - that resulted in the electronic poll book issuing multiple ballots to a single voter without triggering any alert or requiring supervisor override. A poll worker testified under oath that the update neutralized the system's primary technical control against double voting. The Sitebooks are the only mechanism that prevents in-person double issuance; their disablement during active voting transformed the poll book from an access-control device into a passive log.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County Elections Department, 'Election Day and Emergency Voting Plan' (March 2020 Presidential Preference Election). Official county document confirming: 'The Department will deploy the use of SiteBooks to check-in voters at all polling locations and vote centers. The SiteBook is a voter check-in system, with similar functionality to an electronic poll book referenced in state statute.' Plans to deploy 1,400+ SiteBook check-in stations; available at
- U.S. Election Assistance Commission (EAC), '2023 U.S. EAC Voluntary E-Poll Book Pilot Program Report' (Oct. 2023). Includes Maricopa County's SiteBook 3.4 as one of the evaluated e-poll book systems, confirming it remains the county's official EPB system through 2023; available at
- Improper Governmental Operations of the Maricopa County Elections Department and Board of Supervisors, We the People AZ Alliance
Missing Chain-of-Custody Documentation for EPB Records - Audit Liaison Finding (AZ)
The Arizona State Senate's Audit Liaison, Ken Bennett, formally documented that Maricopa County failed to produce chain-of-custody documentation required by A.R.S. § 16-621(E) for election equipment and ballots during the active election period. This gap directly implicates the Sitebook EPB records: without chain-of-custody documentation, it is impossible to determine whether the EPB logs were altered, supplemented, or replaced between Election Day and their production to auditors. The Cyber Ninjas audit team confirmed it was "never provided Chain-of-Custody documentation for the ballots for the time-period prior to the ballot's movement into the Auditors' care."
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Senate Audit Liaison Ken Bennett, Compliance Report (Sept. 2021), quoted in AZ Investigative Legal-Policy Report (Feb. 2026) [3]; Cyber Ninjas, Maricopa County Forensic Election Audit, Vol. I (Sept. 24, 2021)
22,534 "Ghost" Ballots - Ballots Counted Without Corresponding Voter Check-In Record (GA)
Official Fulton County records demonstrate that 22,534 more ballots were counted in the November 3, 2020 General Election than the number of voters actually credited in the voter history file as having cast a ballot. The county additionally failed to create and maintain the legally required numbered list of voters for all advance voting locations - severing the audit trail for tens of thousands of ballots at the earliest link in the chain of custody. Without a numbered voters list, there is no official, contemporaneous record of which individuals were issued advance ballots, making it impossible to reconcile the advance ballot count against any external check. The certified margin of victory in Georgia was 12,670 votes.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Report of Investigation Fulton 2020 — Election Oversight Group, LLC
Advance Voting Poll Books - Absent Opening and Closing Tapes, Zero Records, and Daily Recap Sheets (GA)
The EOG Report documented that there are only nine (9) zero tapes for the 148 tabulators used for advance voting in Fulton County, and that all 138 closing tapes for those same tabulators are "fraudulent, invalid, and do not bear the serial number or identity of the machines used to actually scan the ballots." Zero tapes establish the starting count of a machine before voting begins; their near-total absence means there is no documentary basis to establish that machines were not pre- loaded with votes. Additionally, no daily recap sheets, no numbered lists of voters, and no poll pad check-in lists exist for the entirety of Fulton County's advance voting period - a complete destruction of the voter-to-ballot audit trail for that entire voting category.80, 81
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
The "1/1/1900" Electronic Poll Book Placeholder Bypass - Thousands of Unverified Voters Forced into System (MI)
Sworn poll challengers present at the TCF Center Absentee Voter Counting Board on November 3-4, 2020 observed election workers manually entering thousands of individuals into the Electronic Poll Books (EPBs) for persons who were not listed in the Qualified Voter File (QVF) - Michigan's statewide voter registration system. To bypass the EPB's system validation, which would otherwise reject an unregistered individual, workers uniformly assigned these individuals a fabricated placeholder birthdate of January 1, 1900 - a date that is impossible for any living voter. This placeholder allowed the EPB to accept the entry and authorize the issuance of a ballot without any registration record existing in the QVF. The use of a uniform, fabricated birthdate by multiple workers is inconsistent with isolated clerical error; it indicates a coordinated workaround of the voter verification system.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Post-Election Poll Book Replacement - "Black Trunk" Delivery 13 Days After Election Night (MI)
[Established Fact - 71% imbalance documented; black trunk delivery confirmed by Palmer and Hartmann under oath; new poll books acknowledged] In the immediate aftermath of the November 3, 2020 election, 71% of Detroit's Absentee Voter Counting Board precincts were mathematically unbalanced - meaning the poll book count of check-in voters did not match the number of ballots scanned, with some precincts reporting discrepancies of up to 600 votes. This figure represents more out-of-balance precincts than all other 82 Michigan counties combined. On November 16, 2020 - thirteen days after the election - Bureau of Elections Director Jonathan Brater directed Wayne County Canvasser Monica Palmer to contact Detroit's Department of Elections Director Daniel Baxter about an "unlisted list." Subsequently, a "black trunk" was delivered to the Board of Canvassers containing "new revised" poll books that retroactively balanced the AVCB precincts to a maximum discrepancy of 29. The original, unbalanced poll books were effectively replaced by new documentation of unknown origin and chain of custody, delivered days before the November 17 certification meeting.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Post-Election Poll Book Replacement - "Black Trunk" Delivery 13 Days After Election Night (MI)
[Disputed Fact - Origin and lawfulness of revised poll books uninvestigated] In the immediate aftermath of the November 3, 2020 election, 71% of Detroit's Absentee Voter Counting Board precincts were mathematically unbalanced - meaning the poll book count of check-in voters did not match the number of ballots scanned, with some precincts reporting discrepancies of up to 600 votes. This figure represents more out-of-balance precincts than all other 82 Michigan counties combined. On November 16, 2020 - thirteen days after the election - Bureau of Elections Director Jonathan Brater directed Wayne County Canvasser Monica Palmer to contact Detroit's Department of Elections Director Daniel Baxter about an "unlisted list." Subsequently, a "black trunk" was delivered to the Board of Canvassers containing "new revised" poll books that retroactively balanced the AVCB precincts to a maximum discrepancy of 29. The original, unbalanced poll books were effectively replaced by new documentation of unknown origin and chain of custody, delivered days before the November 17 certification meeting. Per MCL 168.813, all voter history data for a given election must be uploaded to the Michigan Qualified Voter File (QVF) within 7 days of the election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Director Baxter's Denial Under Oath - False Official Statement at Certification (MI)
[Established Fact - Denial made and documented contemporaneously] During the November 23, 2020 State Board of Canvassers certification meeting, State Board member Norman Shinkle directly asked Detroit Department of Elections Director Daniel Baxter whether he had provided revised poll lists to the Wayne County Board of Canvassers. Baxter answered: "No. I'm not aware of that." This denial appears to be in direct conflict with Bureau of Elections Director Brater's documented direction to Palmer to contact Baxter for the "unlisted list," and with the delivery of the black trunk. If the denial was knowingly false - as Baxter's own colleagues' actions suggest it was - it constitutes false testimony at a quasi-judicial proceeding and potential perjury exposure under MCL § 750.423 and false statement liability under 18 U.S.C. § 1001.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- TCF Timeline Report 2020 Detroit General Election
- Michigan Board of Canvassers Meeting Video — Official Video (Court-Cited)
Director Baxter's Denial Under Oath – Knowingly False Official Statement at Certification
[Disputed Fact - As to whether knowing or truthful] During the November 23, 2020 State Board of Canvassers certification meeting, State Board member Norman Shinkle directly asked Detroit Department of Elections Director Daniel Baxter whether he had provided revised poll lists to the Wayne County Board of Canvassers. Baxter answered: "No. I'm not aware of that." This denial appears to be in direct conflict with Bureau of Elections Director Brater's documented direction to Palmer to contact Baxter for the "unlisted list," and with the delivery of the black trunk. If the denial was knowingly false - as Baxter's own colleagues' actions suggest it was - it constitutes false testimony at a quasi-judicial proceeding and potential perjury exposure under MCL § 750.423 and false statement liability under 18 U.S.C. § 1001.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Board of State Canvassers Meeting Video — YouTube (Official Meeting Recording)
- State Defendants’ Response to Motion for TRO — US District Court
- Michigan election results certified by Board of State Canvassers — Outlier Media
Monthly Alteration of QVF Voter History - Post-Election (MI)
Analysis of sequential snapshots of Michigan's Qualified Voter File (QVF) reveals that post-election alterations of voter history occurred on a monthly basis. Alterations include method of voting (absentee, election day), voting jurisdiction, and whether or not a voter voted in a given election. Michigan law requires preservation of voter records in the QVF for five years, and federal law requires 22-month preservation of all election records. The mass deletion of voter history entries - whether or not it was technically authorized - destroys the foundational audit record that would allow cross-referencing of ballots cast against individual voter participation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Secretary Benson February 12, 2021 Directive - Ordered Deletion of Electronic Poll Book Software (MI)
On December 1, 2020 - within the federally mandated 22-month record preservation window and in the middle of legislative inquiries into the integrity of the 2020 election - Michigan Bureau of Elections Director Jonathan Brater, acting under Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson, issued a memorandum to all county clerks directing that certain election records "must be deleted" and that "ballots, programs and related materials are released" from security requirements. The directive specifically ordered deletion of electronic pollbook software and associated files. Electronic poll book software files, configuration data, and associated logs are "records and papers" within the meaning of 52 U.S.C. § 20702. No exception or caveat in the federal statute authorizes deletion of software or configuration files. The directive therefore constitutes, on its face, a directive to commit a federal crime.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Missing and Irreconcilable "Yellow Books" - 244 of 428 Precincts Without Required Voter Lists at Certification (PA)
Delaware County, Pennsylvania certified the November 3, 2020 election on or about November 24, 2020. At the time of certification, Delaware County's own records - produced in response to a May 21, 2021 Right to Know Law request - revealed that 15 precincts had no Return Sheets at all, 16 precincts had blank Return Sheets, and 213 precincts were missing required information. In total, 244 of 428 precincts - more than half - were missing data legally required to certify. Poll worker coordinators formally admitted to missing "yellow numbered list of voters" (the formal statutory term for the poll book voter list under 25 P.S. § 3154(b)), to incorrect numbers in the yellow books that did not match scanner tabulations, and to precincts where Judges of Election outright refused to fill out the poll books at all. Certification occurred despite these documented deficiencies.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Moton, Hoopes & Stenstrom v. Boockvar, CV-2022-000032 (Del. Cty. CCP, Jan. 1, 2022), ¶¶ 128–135 citing RTKL Response June 28, 2021 — the breakdown: 15 no Return Sheets + 16 blank + 213 missing info = 244 of 428 precincts
- Same complaint ¶¶ 128–135 — poll worker coordinator admissions on missing yellow books, scanner-to-book discrepancies, JOE refusals.
- Gregory Stenstrom, Sworn Declaration, Nov. 9, 2020 (DOJ-filed) — firsthand chain-of-custody account
- Hoopes & Stenstrom SCOTUS Cert. Petition No. 22-503, App. p.3 (Mar. 14, 2023) — "220 of 428 return sheet records not returned or missing" (narrower definition, for context)
Missing Zero-Report and Open-Poll Tapes - No Documentary Proof Machines Were Cleared Before Voting (PA)
Delaware County's own RTKL response confirmed the following record gaps for scanner 1: 125 of 428 tally tapes missing; 137 of 428 ballot-count tapes missing; 255 of 428 open-poll tapes missing; and 244 of 428 "zero report" tapes missing. Zero-report tapes are the machine-generated records that establish a scanner registered zero ballots before polls opened - the foundational control against pre- loaded votes. Under Pennsylvania law, election judges must certify machine zero status before polls open. The absence of 244 of 428 zero reports means that for more than half of precincts, there is no documentary basis to establish that scanners did not begin the day with votes already recorded. When cross-referenced against the yellow-book deficiencies in Finding PA.ERI.VH-10, the combined absence creates an irreconcilable gap in the voter-to-ballot audit chain for the majority of Delaware County's election infrastructure.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Moton, Hoopes, and Stenstrom v. Boockvar, Complaint ¶ 177, Del. Cty. CCP No. CV-2022-000032 (Jan. 1, 2022), citing Delaware County RTKL Response (June 28, 2021): 125/428 tally tapes missing; 137/428 ballot-count tapes missing; 255/428 open-poll tapes missing; 233/428 zero-report tapes missing (all Scanner 1 figures)
- Moton v. Boockvar, 876/877 C.D. 2022 (Pa. Cmwlth. Feb. 24, 2025) — affirming dismissal on procedural grounds (failure to use Pa. Election Code remedies); court expressly declined to reach the merits of the tape-count allegations
SURE System Voter Deficit - More Certified Votes Than Recorded Voters (PA)
Pennsylvania Representative Frank Ryan, in a December 2020 report, compared certified presidential vote totals against the number of voters recorded in Pennsylvania's Statewide Uniform Registry of Electors (SURE) as having voted in the November 3, 2020 election. The SURE system recorded 6,760,230 voters as having voted. Secretary of State Boockvar certified 6,962,607 votes. That produces a voter deficit of 170,830 - a certified election result with more votes counted than voters recorded as having participated. State officials attributed the discrepancy to data-entry timing differences and provisional ballot sequencing. This explanation may be valid but has not been subjected to independent forensic verification. Additionally, the PILF documented 440,781 mail ballots classified as "unknown" statewide - no record of their disposition - a figure that exceeds Pennsylvania's presidential margin of victory (81,660 votes) by more than 5:1.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- PA Lawmakers: Numbers Don't Add Up, Certification of Presidential Results Premature and In Error — Rep. Russ Diamond
- DOS responds to Republican lawmakers' claim of election numbers ... — WJAC
- Testimony of Frank Ryan December 16, 2020 The mail in-ballots ... — US Senate Homeland Security Committee
SURE System Voter Roll Anomalies - Impossible Birthdates, Pre-Return Mail Dates, and Missing Dates (PA)
[Established Fact - Anomalies confirmed in legislative record] Official Pennsylvania legislative correspondence documented the following anomalies in the SURE voter history file: 1,573 mail ballots cast by voters listed as over 100 years old; 41 Allegheny County ballots mailed to persons with a date of birth of January 1, 1800; 245 mail votes cast by voters with no date of birth in the system at all; 58,221 ballots returned on or before the date they were ostensibly mailed (a physical impossibility); and 9,005 ballots with no mailed date recorded at all. Each category individually may reflect data-entry error, system limitation, or actual fraud; the cumulative volume and variety of the anomalies preclude a comprehensive administrative-error explanation without forensic investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fraudulent SURE System Voter Roll Anomalies - Impossible Birthdates, Pre-Return Mail Dates, and Missing Dates (PA)
[Disputed Fact - As to whether anomalies reflect fraud or systemic data error] Official Pennsylvania legislative correspondence documented the following anomalies in the SURE voter history file: 1,573 mail ballots cast by voters listed as over 100 years old; 41 Allegheny County ballots mailed to persons with a date of birth of January 1, 1800; 245 mail votes cast by voters with no date of birth in the system at all; 58,221 ballots returned on or before the date they were ostensibly mailed (a physical impossibility); and 9,005 ballots with no mailed date recorded at all. Each category individually may reflect data-entry error, system limitation, or actual fraud; the cumulative volume and variety of the anomalies preclude a comprehensive administrative-error explanation without forensic investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Testimony of Frank Ryan — US Senate Homeland Security Committee
"1/1/1918" WisVote Placeholder Registration Date - 569,277 Active Voters; 115,252 Voted in 2020 (WI)
Wisconsin's WisVote statewide voter registration database contained 569,277 active voter registrations with an identical placeholder application date of January 1, 1918 - a date assigned, in many systems, to records where the actual registration date is unknown, missing, or was not properly recorded. Of these 569,277 registrations with the suspicious uniform placeholder date, 115,252 are recorded in the WisVote voter history file as having cast a ballot in the November 2020 election. Wisconsin law (Wis. Stat. § 6.27) requires that all voter registrations contain accurate information including the date of registration. A voter registered with a placeholder date has not been properly entered into the system; the legitimacy of ballots attributed to such entries cannot be verified without examining the underlying registration documentation, if any exists.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Official Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) Response to Open Records Request (WI-REP-22-0104-A, dated Dec. 4, 2021)
- January 1, 1918, was the system-assigned default during the 2005–2006 statewide migration (mandated by Help America Vote Act) when legacy municipal systems lacked a registration date. (Same process used 1/1/1900 for missing birth dates.) WEC acknowledges this created unverifiable records without underlying documentation.
MyVote WI Database Security Vulnerability - Unauthorized Remote Alteration of Voter Histories Without Detection (WI)
[Established Fact - Vulnerability confirmed] Investigators identified a documented security vulnerability in Wisconsin's MyVote WI public-facing voter registration portal that created the capability for anyone obtaining remote access to the voter rolls to change voter information - including voting history - without the change being detected or logged in any auditable way. MyVote WI is the public interface that connects to the backend WisVote database. A modification of voter history records through this vulnerability would retroactively alter the voter participation record, severing the forensic link between ballots cast and voters credited with casting them, with no discoverable evidence of the alteration. Whether this vulnerability was exploited in 2020 is not established, but its existence - and the WEC's failure to disclose or remediate it - constitutes a systemic failure of election record stewardship.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Gableman Report, pp. 15-16 (at least one city provided CTCL partners real-time API access into WisVote and BadgerBooks — access WEC Administrator Wolfe falsely denied to the Assembly Committee)
- Gableman Report, p. 8 (Wisconsin Legislative Audit Bureau finding that WEC failed to maintain a sufficiently accurate WisVote database)
Exploitation of MyVote WI Database Security Vulnerability - Unauthorized Remote Alteration of Voter Histories Without Detection (WI)
[Reasonable Inference - Exploitation uninvestigated] Investigators identified a documented security vulnerability in Wisconsin's MyVote WI public-facing voter registration portal that created the capability for anyone obtaining remote access to the voter rolls to change voter information - including voting history - without the change being detected or logged in any auditable way. MyVote WI is the public interface that connects to the backend WisVote database. A modification of voter history records through this vulnerability would retroactively alter the voter participation record, severing the forensic link between ballots cast and voters credited with casting them, with no discoverable evidence of the alteration. Whether this vulnerability was exploited in 2020 is not established, but its existence - and the WEC's failure to disclose or remediate it - constitutes a systemic failure of election record stewardship.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Gableman Report, pp. 15–16 (at least one city provided CTCL partners real-time API access into WisVote and BadgerBooks — access WEC Administrator Wolfe falsely denied to the Assembly)
- Gableman Report, p. 8 (Wisconsin Legislative Audit Bureau finding that WEC failed to maintain a sufficiently accurate WisVote database). NOTE: No project-source document directly identifies a specific named security vulnerability in the MyVote WI public portal permitting unlogged voter history modification. The cited sources establish systemic WisVote access-control failures but do not constitute a confirmed MyVote portal vulnerability finding.
WisVote FIDO Key Proliferation - WEC Cannot Account for All Database Access Credentials (WI)
The Wisconsin Legislative Audit Bureau (LAB) determined that WEC issued 3,137 FIDO Keys - multi- factor authentication tokens for WisVote access - and "apparently does not know how many FIDO Keys they have actually issued." At least one county received 15 FIDO Keys when it requested 2 and was told to retain unused keys "just in case." Of 2,938 active keys at the time of audit, 1,929 (66%) were issued with full clerk-level access. WisVote contains sensitive personally identifiable information on every registered voter, including driver's license numbers, partial Social Security numbers, dates of birth, and protected voter addresses. When the agency responsible for the state voter registration database - which contains voter history files - cannot account for all outstanding access credentials, it cannot certify that voter history entries were made only by authorized users.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
WisVote and BadgerBooks Real-Time API Access Granted to Private CTCL Partners - Unauthorized Private Access to Voter History Data (WI)
At least one Zuckerberg 5 city provided CTCL and its private partner organizations with a real-time Application Programming Interface (API) connection to both the WisVote statewide voter registration database and the BadgerBooks electronic poll book system. BadgerBooks is the electronic poll book used by Wisconsin municipalities on Election Day; it records voter check-ins in real time. A live API connection into BadgerBooks provides not merely historical voter data but live, real-time voter participation information during an active election - including who has checked in at what precinct and at what time. This information is specifically protected under Wis. Stat. § 6.95 and was made available to private political organizations without any lawful authority. WEC Administrator Meagan Wolfe denied to the Legislature that such an API existed - a statement the OSC documented as directly contradicted by city records.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just The News; see also RE Microsoft Kole House Data Elements and Sample Files.msg (series), available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Vnw7BA7JfthGG91CISTEmdLMI2nfKrad/view; see also SpecialCounsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
- Smoking Gun Emails Reveal How Milwaukee Shared Government Election Data — The Gateway Pundit
Pre-Election Filings and Post-Election Rulings (MI)
Allegan County Clerk Robert Genetski and the Michigan Republican Party filed a complaint against new signature verification guidelines issued by MI SoS the same day the guidance was issued — October 6, 2020 — and amended it on December 30, 2020 to argue the directive was unlawful. Court issued a ruling in favor of the plaintiff on March 9, 2021 - too late to have any impact upon the 2020 election outcome.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Genetski v Benson timing assessment based upon official court records
Fulton County Willfully Failed to Perform Absentee Ballot Signature Verification (GA)
Fulton County failed to perform signature verification of absentee ballot envelopes for the 2020 General Election in accordance with Georgia law, and in contravention of the terms of a Consent Order to which Fulton County voluntarily agreed. Evidence establishes that Fulton County’s failure was willful and intentional.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fulton County Failed to Create, Maintain, Preserve, or Produce a Numbered List of Voters for All of Advance Voting (GA)
Fulton County failed to contemporaneously maintain a record of the voters who checked-in and cast ballots (“Numbered List of Voters”) for the 2020 General Election as explicitly required by Georgia law. Not just the official record identifying who voted, but the same is the metric to which statute requires the number of ballots cast be compared. Without the Numbered List of Voters, foundational election accounting process controls like reconciliation, and canvassing were not performed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fulton County‘s Official Records Include 22,534 More Ballots Cast than Voters Credited with Casting a Ballot (GA)
According to Fulton County and the State’s own records, 148,319 absentee ballots were counted for the 2020 General Election, but only 125,784 voters were recorded as casting a ballot. Therefore, 25,534 more ballots were counted than voters given credit for voting.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Black Trunk Document Substitution and Unlisted List - Fraud in the Certification Record (MI)
[Established Fact - Document delivery, Brater direction, and Baxter denial documented under oath] One day before the November 17, 2020 Wayne County Board of Canvassers certification meeting, Canvassers Palmer and Hartmann observed a black trunk being delivered containing a new, revised Statement of Votes for the absentee counting boards - a substitution of official documentation thirteen days after the election and one day before the certification vote. Bureau of Elections Director Jonathan Brater directed Palmer to resolve precinct imbalances by consulting Detroit AVCB Director Daniel Baxter, who possessed an "unlisted list" of voters - a list exclusive to Detroit, with no counterpart in Wayne County's other 42 municipalities. During the November 23, 2020 State Board of Canvassers certification meeting, Board member Norman Shinkle directly asked Director Baxter whether he had provided revised poll lists to the Wayne County Board. Baxter answered: "No. I'm not aware of that." This sworn denial is directly contradicted by Brater's documented direction to Palmer and by the physical delivery of the black trunk. If Baxter's denial was knowingly false, it constitutes perjury under MCL §750.423 or a false official statement under 18 U.S.C. §1001 if made in connection with a federal proceeding. The origins, compilation, and chain of custody of the "unlisted list" have never been disclosed by the Secretary of State's office.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- TCF Timeline Report 2020 General Election by MC4EI
- Monica Palmer’s Sworn Testimony (Michigan Senate Oversight Committee Hearing, January 28, 2021)Under oath: Palmer testified in detail about contacting Brater to resolve imbalances, being directed to Baxter’s “unlisted list,” and the delivery of revised documentation (including the trunk/updated Statements of Votes). This is the primary sworn source cited in the TCF Timeline and other filings. The hearing video and transcript are publicly available via the Michigan Senate (Oversight Committee archives); excerpts are quoted in the TCF report and related election-integrity analyses. Supporting context: Palmer’s earlier Nov. 18, 2020 affidavit (filed in Costantino v. City of Detroit, Wayne County Circuit Court, and referenced in federal filings such as Trump v. Benson) describes the same imbalances, revised documentation issues, and coordination with Brater/Baxter.
- Michigan Board of State Canvassers Meeting (November 23, 2020) – Video and TranscriptDirectly documents Baxter’s denial: Board member Norman Shinkle asked Baxter about providing revised poll lists to the Wayne County Board. Baxter responded: “No. I’m not aware of that.” The full meeting was streamed live and recorded; the exchange is referenced in the TCF Timeline and court appendices. Video: Available on YouTube (searchable as “Michigan Board of State Canvassers November 23 2020” or direct link in public archives
Canvassing Revealed Up To 173,000 Missing Ballots in Maricopa County (AZ)
During the canvass, individuals were interviewed at their residence that were registered to vote in Maricopa County but whom the county did not record a vote. Of those interviewed, 34.23% of these people said they had actually voted in the 2020 election. 34.23 % of these residents had voted, but no vote was ever registered or recorded for them. Their vote was missing and not counted in the election… When multiplying 34.23% by the number of registered Voters in Maricopa County that also show “not to have voted”, (505,709 people), there is a potential 173,000 missing Votes in Maricopa County alone! Arizona has 14 other counties.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Canvassing Revealed Over 96,000 Ghost Votes in Arizona (AZ)
In addition, the Canvass found that across the state of Arizona an estimated 96,389 mail-in votes were Ghost Votes! These are votes that were cast under the names of registered voters who were either unknown to the residents of the registered address or who were verified as having moved away before October 2020.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Pennsylvania certified the 2020 election with 121,240 more ballots than voters (PA)
Pennsylvania's official statewide voter registration and ballot-tracking system — the Statewide Uniform Registry of Electors (SURE) — reflected a deficit of 121,240 voters relative to the total number of ballots counted at the time Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar certified the presidential results on November 24, 2020. In other words, Pennsylvania's own official system of record showed more ballots counted than it could account for with corresponding voter participation records.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
263,139 Corrupted and 21,273 Missing Ballot Images on the EMS (AZ)
Forensic examination of the Maricopa County Election Management System (EMS) revealed that 263,139 ballot images were corrupt and unreadable, and an additional 21,273 ballot images were entirely missing. Ballot images are the digital photographs taken by tabulators at the moment of scanning; they are the primary instrument for correlating electronic cast vote records to physical paper. Their mass corruption and absence prevents any auditor from independently verifying that the electronic tallies correspond to the physical ballots. The Cyber Ninjas audit confirmed the Maricopa County EMS database for the 2020 General Election was "fully cleared" and that activity logs "appeared to be intentionally rolled over" - with more than 37,000 identical database queries executed after a court order to preserve materials was issued.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County Forensic Audit Volume I Executive Summary — Arizona State Senate Audit
- Arizona Audit Report Summary
Unauthorized Ballot Paper - Up to 10 Non-Compliant Paper Types Forced 11.2% Adjudication Rate (AZ)
Digital forensic microscopy conducted as part of the post-election audit detected the use of up to 10 different forms of unauthorized, non-compliant ballot paper stock in Maricopa County's 2020 election. Official Maricopa County ballots have a specific, certified paper specification, calibration marks, and Machine Identification Codes (steganographic hexagonal dots) that identify them as authentic. The use of non-compliant papers caused severe ink bleed-through, forcing an adjudication rate of approximately 11.2% - a 1,000% increase above the 2016 baseline. Adjudication is the process by which human operators override a machine's reading of a ballot; at an 11.2% rate, hundreds of thousands of ballots had their recorded vote determined by human judgment rather than machine scan, with no surviving adjudication logs to document who made those decisions or how.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Erich Speckin, Forensic Analysis of Maricopa County Ballots (Sept. 2021), Findings 1–2 (approx. 23,000 ballots printed from unidentified source
- 58 batches with 90%+ single-candidate distribution)
- Tesla Laboratories / Jovan Hutton Pulitzer, Kinematic Artifact Detection Report — Maricopa County Preliminary (PKAD Report), Sept. 14, 2021, Sworn Affidavit of Aug. 4, 2021, at 76 (ballots lacking certified paper stock, MICs, and calibration standards characterized as counterfeit)
- Rasmussen Reports post on X, Nov. 4, 2025 (summarizing 10 non-compliant paper types and 200,000+ non-conforming ballots)
Commingled Original and Duplicate Ballots - Batch Manifests Do Not Match Physical Contents; UOCAVA Double-Counts (AZ)
Post-election audit confirmed that boxes of ballots delivered to auditors contained commingled original damaged ballots and their machine duplicates, inconsistently identified, with batch Maricopa County, manifests that did not match physical contents. In the documented example of Box EVH1/11- 07/MC17349, the manifest listed 14 batches of original ballots while the box physically contained 7 original and 8 duplicate batches, with one batch missing from the manifest entirely. Additionally, instances were identified where electronic UOCAVA (uniformed and overseas citizen) ballots were duplicated and counted more than once. The Arizona 2019 Election Procedures Manual requires segregation of originals and duplicates; the Secretary of State's own counsel represented to the Arizona Supreme Court in CV2020-015285 that duplicated ballots were "segregated and preserved" - a representation directly contradicted by the physical audit record.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Approximately 23,000 Ballots Printed from Unidentified Source - Speckin Forensic Report (AZ)
Forensic document examiner Erich Speckin, retained as part of the Arizona Senate audit, reported that approximately 23,000 ballots appeared to have been printed from a source other than the official ballot PDF on file with Maricopa County. He further documented that 58 batches of ballots (approximately 11,600 ballots) from early voting favored one candidate by 90% or more - a distribution he characterized as statistically improbable. IMPORTANT CAVEAT: Senate President Fann's cover letter to the audit noted that Speckin's report was not included in the formal audit release, and the Cyber Ninjas' own analysis found the 23,000 anomalous ballots were split approximately evenly between candidates. The Speckin findings remain disputed and require independent forensic verification under recognized ASTM standards before they can be treated as established.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Mass Destruction of Ballot Images - 374,000+ Fulton County; 1.7 Million Statewide; Court-Admitted (GA)
In response to a Request for Admissions filed in Curling v. Raffensperger, Fulton County expressly "Admitted" that it "did not preserve until the present time the majority of ballot images from in- person voting for the November 3, 2020 election original machine count." The EOG Report documents the specific scope of destruction in Fulton County: 380,458 original in-person ballot images destroyed; all approximately 316,000 advance voting ballot images destroyed; and 132,286 of 148,318 absentee ballot SHA authentication files intentionally deleted. SHA (Secure Hash Algorithm) files are cryptographic fingerprints that authenticate a digital ballot image against tampering - their deletion destroys the ability to verify that any surviving ballot image is unaltered. Statewide, VoterGA's Open Records Act requests revealed that 74 of Georgia's 159 counties failed to produce ballot images; 56 provided written admissions of non-preservation. The Secretary of State's December 1, 2020 Official Elections Bulletin directed counties to preserve recount ballot images but conspicuously omitted any instruction to preserve original count ballot images - an asymmetric directive that is circumstantially consistent with intentional exclusion of the original count from preservation obligations.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
17,852 Recount Ballots Without Corresponding Images; 20,713 Ballots of No Provenance; 3,930 Duplicate Scans (GA)
Official records confirm that Fulton County certified 17,852 recount votes for which no corresponding ballot image exists - ballots that were counted in the official recount but have no digital record. The EOG Report further documents 20,713 ballots tied to tabulators with "no provenance" - meaning they cannot be traced back to any origin in the ballot accounting record. An additional 3,930 duplicate ballots were scanned and counted multiple times through human intervention. The certified margin of victory in Georgia's presidential race was 12,670 votes. The sum of unaccounted-for and multiply-counted ballots documented in Fulton County alone significantly exceeds the margin of victory. Dr. Philip Stark, University of California, Berkeley, inventor of risk- limiting audits, stated that "the electronic records of the election are not intact" and that Fulton County's "lack of basic accounting controls make it impossible to determine who really won" in 2020.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- FBI Search Warrant Affidavit (unsealed) — U.S. Federal Court
- Fulton County 17,852 Missing Ballot Images — Atlanta Journal- Constitution
35 Tabulator Memory Cards Swapped Mid-Election; Closing Tapes Printed on Surrogate Machines (GA)
The EOG Report documents that 35 tabulator memory cards were swapped mid-election in Fulton County - an event for which no chain-of-custody documentation exists. Memory card swapping during an active election is not a standard procedure and introduces the possibility that cards containing accumulated vote totals were replaced with cards containing different data. The EOG Report further confirms that closing tapes - the machine-generated printouts that establish tabulator totals at poll close - were not printed on the actual scanning tabulators but on surrogate machines. Closing tapes printed on surrogate machines are not auditable records of the actual machine's count; they are secondary printouts whose relationship to the actual tally cannot be verified. Under Georgia law, tabulators must generate their own closing tapes; the use of surrogates is not authorized and creates an irresolvable break in the chain of evidence.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dominion Voting Systems Personnel in Operational Control of Voting Systems During Election and Post-Election (GA)
[Established Fact - Dominion operational control confirmed; FIPS violation confirmed; EAC certification timing confirmed] The EOG Report concluded that Dominion Voting Systems personnel were in operational control of voting systems in nearly every Georgia county during the election period. This determination is critical to the record destruction findings: the personnel with the greatest access to the machines whose images were subsequently destroyed were not government officials subject to statutory duties of preservation, but private contractor employees whose records retention obligations were defined by contract rather than statute. The EOG Report characterizes the failure to preserve ballot images statewide as "almost certainly no accident" given the extent of Dominion's operational presence. Additionally, the EOG Report and forensic analysis confirmed that Dominion stored encryption keys in plain text within election databases - a confirmed violation of FIPS 140-2 federal cryptographic standards - and that Dominion installed software on 30,000+ Ballot Marking Devices (BMDs) before obtaining EAC certification, in violation of federal certification requirements.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- Curling v. Raffensperger, No. 1:17-cv-02989-AT (N.D. Ga. Nov. 10, 2023), at 43–44 (court-accepted Halderman testimony: BMD system can alter votes without detection)
Dominion Voting Systems Personnel in Operational Control of Voting Systems and Ballot Images During Election and Post-Election (GA)
[Reasonable Inference - Causal link between operational control and record destruction] The EOG Report concluded that Dominion Voting Systems personnel were in operational control of voting systems in nearly every Georgia county during the election period. This determination is critical to the record destruction findings: the personnel with the greatest access to the machines whose images were subsequently destroyed were not government officials subject to statutory duties of preservation, but private contractor employees whose records retention obligations were defined by contract rather than statute. The EOG Report characterizes the failure to preserve ballot images statewide as "almost certainly no accident" given the extent of Dominion's operational presence. Additionally, the EOG Report and forensic analysis confirmed that Dominion stored encryption keys in plain text within election databases - a confirmed violation of FIPS 140-2 federal cryptographic standards - and that Dominion installed software on 30,000+ Ballot Marking Devices (BMDs) before obtaining EAC certification, in violation of federal certification requirements.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
TCF Center 3:30 AM Ballot Delivery Without Chain-of-Custody Manifests (MI)
[Established Fact - Speckin forensic finding and sworn testimony as to 3:30 AM delivery confirmed] A forensic audit by Speckin Forensics of sampled Wayne County TCF Center Absentee Voter Counting Boards determined that up to 20% of absentee ballots in the sampled boards lacked the legally required absentee ballot application - the instrument that creates the official record of a voter's request and the authorization for issuance of an absentee ballot. A ballot without a corresponding application has no legal origin document; it cannot be traced to a specific registered voter. Separately, sworn poll challenger affidavits document that tens of thousands of ballots were delivered to the TCF Center at approximately 3:30 AM - during the active counting period - in cardboard boxes, without any chain-of-custody manifests identifying the source, the delivering official, or the ballot count in the delivery. During the 2022 pre-election walkthrough, Detroit election official Daniel Baxter admitted to lack of chain of custody documentation for ballots dropped off at TCF Center. The absence of manifests for a late-night ballot delivery of this scale eliminates any forensic basis for determining whether the delivered ballots were lawfully cast before polls closed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
TCF Center 3:30 AM Ballot Delivery Without Chain-of-Custody Manifests; 20% of Absentee Ballots Lack Legal Applications (MI)
[Disputed Fact - Extent of missing applications and ballot count of late delivery contested] A forensic audit by Speckin Forensics of sampled Wayne County TCF Center Absentee Voter Counting Boards determined that up to 20% of absentee ballots in the sampled boards lacked the legally required absentee ballot application - the instrument that creates the official record of a voter's request and the authorization for issuance of an absentee ballot. A ballot without a corresponding application has no legal origin document; it cannot be traced to a specific registered voter. Separately, sworn poll challenger affidavits document that tens of thousands of ballots were delivered to the TCF Center at approximately 3:30 AM - during the active counting period - in cardboard boxes, without any chain- of-custody manifests identifying the source, the delivering official, or the ballot count in the delivery. The absence of manifests for a late-night ballot delivery of this scale eliminates any forensic basis for determining whether the delivered ballots were lawfully cast before polls closed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Speckin Forensic, LLC Amended Report of July 26, 2023
- "2000 Mules" Investigator Gregg Phillips Announces... TCF Center Ballot Dump — The Gateway Pundit
- King v. Whitmer — US Court of Appeals Sixth Circuit
Physical Destruction of Election Records by Named County Officials - Eyewitness Testimony (PA)
[Established Fact - Eyewitness testimony documented; internal emails authenticated; blank ballot discovery confirmed] Named witness Regina Miller testified that she personally observed Delaware County official Thomas Gallagher and county employee James Ziegelhoffer physically tear election data - including machine tapes and return sheets - into pieces and place them in the trash. Ziegelhoffer was reported to have justified the destruction by stating the data had "no audit value" because it "wouldn't match the election results." If this statement was made as reported, it constitutes an admission that the physical record did not match the certified result - which would independently establish fraudulent certification. On May 27, 2021, plaintiff Gregory Stenstrom alleges that newly appointed Director James Allen directed the removal and destruction of additional November 3, 2020 election evidence. Internal county emails from May 4, 2021 (Perrone to Winterbottom/Iacono/Allen) confirm that "everything with the last election was screwed up," specifically referencing machine-sliced ballots and chain-of-custody failures. Additionally, 27 banker boxes of blank official ballots were found in the Delaware County Bureau of Elections in July 2021 with no chain-of-custody documentation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Exclusive Video: PA Election Workers Discuss Hiding 'Derogatory' Records — The Federalist
- Complaint in Ruth Moton, Gregory Stenstrom, Leah Hoopes, et al. v. Kathy Boockvar, Delaware County, et al. (Delaware County Court of Common Pleas, filed November 18/22, 2021; later docketed under CV-2022-000032)Full 91-page complaint (publicly available via Delaware County court records and archived on Scribd)
- Stunning Election Fraud Found In Delaware County, PA — Skagit Republicans
Authorized Physical Destruction of Election Records by Named County Officials - Eyewitness Testimony (PA)
[Disputed Fact - As to intent and whether destruction was authorized] Named witness Regina Miller testified that she personally observed Delaware County official Thomas Gallagher and county employee James Ziegelhoffer physically tear election data - including machine tapes and return sheets - into pieces and place them in the trash. Ziegelhoffer was reported to have justified the destruction by stating the data had "no audit value" because it "wouldn't match the election results." If this statement was made as reported, it constitutes an admission that the physical record did not match the certified result - which would independently establish fraudulent certification. On May 27, 2021, plaintiff Gregory Stenstrom alleges that newly appointed Director James Allen directed the removal and destruction of additional November 3, 2020 election evidence. Internal county emails from May 4, 2021 (Perrone to Winterbottom/Iacono/Allen) confirm that "everything with the last election was screwed up," specifically referencing machine-sliced ballots and chain-of- custody failures. Additionally, 27 banker boxes of blank official ballots were found in the Delaware County Bureau of Elections in July 2021 with no chain-of-custody documentation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Petition for Writ of Certiorari — US Supreme Court
- Complaint in Ruth Moton, Gregory Stenstrom, Leah Hoopes, et al. v. Kathy Boockvar, Delaware County, et al. (Delaware County Court of Common Pleas, filed November 18/22, 2021; later docketed under CV-2022-000032)Full 91-page complaint (publicly available via Delaware County court records and archived on Scribd)
Agissar Machine "Slicing" - Ballots Processed Unobserved After Machine Damage (PA)
[Established Fact - Machine slicing confirmed by internal emails and whistleblower testimony] An Agissar ballot processing machine - used in Delaware County's ballot handling operation - "sliced" thousands of ballots, physically damaging them. The sliced ballots were removed from the standard processing stream and, per whistleblower accounts, were subsequently processed outside the observation of legally required poll watchers and without chain-of-custody documentation recording who handled the damaged ballots, how they were evaluated for voter intent, or what happened to them. Internal county email communications confirm county employees were aware of the machine slicing events and the resulting chain-of-custody failures. Under Pennsylvania law, damaged ballots must be duplicated according to specific procedures with bipartisan witness requirements; any deviation is a statutory violation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Complaint in Ruth Moton, Gregory Stenstrom, Leah Hoopes, et al. v. Kathy Boockvar, Delaware County, et al. (Delaware County Court of Common Pleas, filed November 18/22, 2021; later docketed under CV-2022-000032)Full 91-page complaint (publicly available via Delaware County court records and archived on Scribd)
- Motion to Strike Amended Complaint
Agissar Machine "Slicing" - Thousands of Ballots Processed Unobserved After Machine Damage (PA)
[Disputed Fact - As to number of affected ballots and disposition] An Agissar ballot processing machine - used in Delaware County's ballot handling operation - "sliced" thousands of ballots, physically damaging them. The sliced ballots were removed from the standard processing stream and, per whistleblower accounts, were subsequently processed outside the observation of legally required poll watchers and without chain-of-custody documentation recording who handled the damaged ballots, how they were evaluated for voter intent, or what happened to them. Internal county email communications confirm county employees were aware of the machine slicing events and the resulting chain-of-custody failures. Under Pennsylvania law, damaged ballots must be duplicated according to specific procedures with bipartisan witness requirements; any deviation is a statutory violation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Complaint in Ruth Moton, Gregory Stenstrom, Leah Hoopes, et al. v. Kathy Boockvar, Delaware County, et al. (Delaware County Court of Common Pleas, filed November 18/22, 2021; later docketed under CV-2022-000032)Full 91-page complaint (publicly available via Delaware County court records and archived on Scribd)
- Clip shows Pennsylvania workers legally transcribing damaged ballots — AP News
- Fact check: Video shows Pennsylvania officials fixing damaged ballots — USA Today
440,781 Mail Ballots Classified as "Status Unknown" - No Record of Disposition (PA)
Federal Election Administration and Voting Survey (EAVS) data for Pennsylvania's 2020 election classified 440,781 mail ballots as "status unknown" - meaning election officials have no record of whether these ballots were delivered, returned, counted, rejected, or disposed of. These are not ballots that were tracked and rejected for cause; they are ballots that disappeared from the accounting system entirely. Pennsylvania's certified presidential margin of victory was 81,660 votes. The volume of completely unaccounted-for mail ballots exceeds the margin of victory by a ratio exceeding 5:1. The Public Interest Legal Foundation (PILF) documented these figures in its September 2021 report. This finding does not establish that these ballots were fraudulently cast; it establishes that they cannot be accounted for, which is legally indistinguishable from a chain-of- custody failure at the scale necessary to question certification.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Lost USB Flash Drive Containing 120,000+ Absentee Votes; Contemporaneous 3:26 AM Ballot Dump of 143,379 Votes (WI)
On election night, Milwaukee Election Commission Deputy Director Kimberly Zapata briefly lost chain of custody of a USB flash drive containing absentee voter data for over 120,000 votes. The flash drive was reported as missing, then recovered, during the period when central count tabulation was active. This loss of custody over the primary electronic storage medium for a substantial portion of Milwaukee's absentee ballot record occurred contemporaneously with an unexplained ballot dump of 143,379 votes reported at 3:26 AM - a single batch upload that dramatically shifted the reported statewide vote total. The metadata of the flash drive - which would establish whether any write events occurred during the period it was unaccounted for - has not been forensically examined. Significantly, Kimberly Zapata was subsequently convicted of a separate felony - fabricating military absentee ballots - establishing her willingness to commit election fraud and bearing directly on the credibility of any innocent explanation for the flash drive's temporary loss of custody.
📍 Jurisdiction: Milwaukee, Milwaukee County, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Developing: Milwaukee Elections Chief Lost Elections Flash Drive in Morning Hours of November 4th When Democrats Miraculously Found 120,000 Votes for Joe Biden — The Gateway Pundit
- REVEALED: Woman Charged with Voter Fraud in Wisconsin Was ALSO INVOLVED in 2020 Election Night Absentee Ballot Flash Drive Scandal — The Gateway Pundit
- Fact check: Milwaukee elections flash drive transferred to county office without tampering — USA Today
Non-Compliance With Subpoenas Pertinent to Command Central, LLC - Wisconsin Ballots Retained at Private Facility in Minnesota Without Lawful Authority (WI)
[Established Fact - OSC documented allegation and Command Central's non-compliance with subpoenas] The Wisconsin Office of the Special Counsel (OSC) documented that Command Central, LLC - a Dominion Voting Systems reseller and servicer - received images of cast ballots on election night via internet connection and is alleged to be holding actual physical cast ballots at its facilities in Minnesota. If Wisconsin ballots were transported across state lines and retained by a private entity without governmental authorization or a court order, this constitutes a chain-of-custody failure at the most fundamental level: the physical ballot corpus itself is no longer in the legal custody of the Wisconsin government. Command Central did not comply with OSC subpoenas, and the underlying question of whether Wisconsin ballots are in Minnesota has not been resolved by any court.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Command Central, LLC - Wisconsin Ballots Retained at Private Facility in Minnesota Without Lawful Authority (WI)
[Reasonable Inference - As to physical ballot location pending forensic verification] The Wisconsin Office of the Special Counsel (OSC) documented that Command Central, LLC - a Dominion Voting Systems reseller and servicer - received images of cast ballots on election night via internet connection and is alleged to be holding actual physical cast ballots at its facilities in Minnesota. If Wisconsin ballots were transported across state lines and retained by a private entity without governmental authorization or a court order, this constitutes a chain-of-custody failure at the most fundamental level: the physical ballot corpus itself is no longer in the legal custody of the Wisconsin government. Command Central did not comply with OSC subpoenas, and the underlying question of whether Wisconsin ballots are in Minnesota has not been resolved by any court.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Private Non-Government Agent Controlled Voting Machines, Ballots, and Secret Wi-Fi Access Point at Grand Hyatt Central Count (WI)
The OSC documented that on election day 2020, all voting machines in Green Bay were ESS machines connected to a secret, hidden Wi-Fi access point located at the Grand Hyatt hotel - Green Bay's central count facility. The Wi-Fi access point, the machines, and the ballots at the central count facility were controlled by a single individual: Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein, an agent of a private organization (CTCL) who was not a government employee and who held no statutory election authority. Control of ballot custody and tabulation equipment by a private actor without statutory authority is not merely a procedural irregularity; it is a fundamental chain-of-custody breach. No government official can certify the integrity of ballots whose chain of custody passed through a private actor with undisclosed interests and unrestricted access.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of Special Counsel Second Interim Report (Full) — Madison.com / Wisconsin OSC
- 2020 Election Fraud Is No Longer a Theory - It's a Fact — The Gateway Pundit
10K "Ghost Vote" Marks on Ballots (MI)
Gateway Pundit reports that an independent review of Detroit’s 2020 ballots has identified more than 10,000 “ghost vote” ballots where voters filled in the oval for a write‑in candidate but left the name line blank, concentrated almost entirely in down‑ballot races on ballots that otherwise show straight‑ticket or top‑of‑ticket votes for Democrats. The article argues this highly uniform, unexplained error pattern—occurring at roughly 6% of ballots and never cited in official audits— combined with Detroit’s high adjudication rate and large number of out‑of‑balance precincts, suggests systemic irregularities or possible mass fraud in how ballots were marked and adjudicated, and calls for further investigation into whether such ballots enabled duplicate counting or other manipulation that benefited Democratic candidates.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Absentee Ballot Timing Discrepancies (MI)
Gateway Pundit says that, after reviewing about 40% of nearly one million Detroit election records obtained through FOIA, its team has identified multiple categories of alleged absentee‑ballot irregularities in the city’s 2020 vote. The article highlights claimed problems such as ballots linked to a non‑existent Detroit address, absentee envelopes that appear to show impossible or suspicious mailing timelines (including same‑day transatlantic delivery), ballots recorded as counted despite unsigned or “rejected” envelopes, and envelopes with conflicting or altered “received” date stamps. According to the piece, these findings suggest Detroit officials improperly accepted and counted significant numbers of absentee ballots in 2020, and the outlet is continuing its record‑by‑record review to build a broader case about alleged election misconduct.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Detroit Write-In Precinct Tape Discrepancy (MI)
Poll worker overseeing Precinct 374 in Detroit provided affidavit that the tabulator printouts indicated write-in votes but none of the ballots that he saw featured write-in votes. This could indicate that the ICP was programmed to flag certain ballots (perhaps Trump votes) as "write-in" so that the ballots would be diverted to the write-in bin and swapped with new ballots denoting Biden votes or blank write-ins. The write-in ballot diversion feature could be used to facilitate ballot swaps and reinforce the "just look at the ballots" mantra.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fulton Count's order of over one million "extra" absentee ballots without stubs or envelopes (GA)
Fulton County ordered 1,058,910 absentee ballots at the last minute, without envelopes, without stubs, and after they could have realistically been mailed. The “extra” ballots were not ordered for the reasons given, and what ballots from the order that remained after the election were destroyed. For reference, a total of 528,777 ballots were cast for the 2020 General Election, and of those only approximately 148,000 were absentee. The majority of which were sent by Runbeck Election Services directly to the voter.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Damaged Ballot Boxes and No Ballot Box Chain of Custody (AZ)
Arizona Senate Audit team led by Cyber Ninjas received damaged ballot boxes from Maricopa County officials and have video evidence of that. Auditors were never provided Chain-of-Custody documentation for the ballots for the time-period prior to the ballot's movement into the Auditors' care.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Ballots stored in illegal ballot containers (MI)
Wayne County Board of Canvassers Chair, Monica Palmer arrives at the TCF and will stay until after 11 pm November 4th. She and fellow GOP Canvasser Bill Hartmann inspect the metal transfer cases that are used to seal the ballots at the close of the election. They had reported over 30 out of 50 that were not usable and were appalled at the high percentage of defective containers. They identify and document 5 on the counting floor still not meeting security standards. As a result, in the event of a recount, those ballots would not be recountable due to the chain of custody not being maintained [Palmer, M. Pers. Comm.]
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fulton County Included 20,713 Ballots Attributed to Ten Advance Voting Tabulators with No Provenance (GA)
Fulton County’s November 3rd results include votes from 20,713 ballots from ten tabulators with no records, chain of custody, or official returns.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
State Farm Arena Incident & Larger Problem (GA)
1. At State Farm Arena on the night of November 03, 2020, county staff, election workers, poll watchers, and the media were told that counting was stopped for the night and would resume the following morning. For disputed reasons five members resumed scanning after everyone else had left. 2. Ruby Freeman was not a county employee nor was she trained nor authorized to operate the scanner she used to scan ballots on November 3, 2020. 3. Unsecured mail carts filled with tens of thousands of ballots with no chain of custody or provenance appeared at State Farm Arena. The ballot containers were not inspected nor were they sealed as required by statute.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
3,930 Ballots were Intentionally Scanned and Counted More than Once for the Recount (GA)
3,930 ballots were intentionally selected from batches of ballots that had already been scanned and counted to form new batches of ballots that were scanned and counted again.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
The Fulton County Candidate-Requested Recount Included Hundreds of Test Ballots Which Were Counted and Included in the Official Results (GA)
At least hundreds of test ballots, produced during the Logic & Accuracy testing process, were included in the Recount, but were not in the initial count.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Thousands of Ballots Included in the Original Count are Missing from the Recount, and Thousands of Ballots in the Recount are Missing from the Original Count (GA)
The ballots counted for the Original November 3, 2020 Election, should match almost perfectly with the ballots counted for the Recount as the same paper ballots are being scanned and counted by the same machines; however, thousands of ballots are unique to each, which is not possible by natural means or mistake.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
57,734 potentially fraudulent ballots cast in Maricopa County (AZ)
There were 57,734 potentially fraudulent ballots cast in Maricopa County for the 2020 general election. Remember, the vote difference in the 2020 election between Biden and Trump in Arizona was only 10,457 votes.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Digital Ballot Images Do Not Match Physical Ballots – Deliberately (US)
High-end scanners used in election tabulation are programmed with a feature called "color dropout." This is an intentional functionality documented in system user manuals. When a ballot with "TEST" written in red ink is scanned, the machine ignores the red ink. The resulting digital image—the official record used for audits—is a black-and-white copy where the word "TEST" has completely disappeared. Because digital images are used for voter intent reviews, recounts, and audits, the loss of "TEST" or "VOID" markings means a test ballot becomes indistinguishable from a legitimate vote in the digital record. In the 2021 New York City mayoral primary, 135,000 test ballots were accidentally included in preliminary results.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
Intentional Overwriting of EMS Security Logs via Script Executed 38,478 Times (AZ)
Windows security event logs on the Maricopa County Tabulation and Election Center (MCTEC) Election Management System server - the primary records of who accessed the system, when, and what actions were taken - were deliberately restricted to a maximum file size of 20 MB, causing automatic overwriting of older entries. This configuration alone would predictably destroy election-period records. But the Cyber Ninjas forensic audit and subsequent analysis documented that a script was executed 38,478 times in the days after the Arizona State Senate's court- authorized subpoena was issued, forcing the logs to roll over and purging all access records covering the November 3, 2020 election period. The earliest retained log entry was February 5, 2021 - the final day of a separate pre-audit access event - meaning no records of the election itself survive. Video surveillance of the MCTEC facility identified three individuals present at the exact time the log-purging script was executing, none of whom have been publicly identified or charged. Senate President Karen Fann's September 24, 2021 letter to Attorney General Brnovich characterized the overwriting as accomplished by "churning more than 37,000 identical queries several days after the court ordered Maricopa County to produce its election materials." The result is that no forensic reconstruction of EMS activity during the election is possible from surviving logs.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Cyber Ninjas Maricopa County Forensic Audit Report (Volume I-III) — The Gateway Pundit:
- Cyber Ninjas Response to Maricopa County — Cyber Ninjas
- Fann letter (Sept 24, 2021)
EMS SQL Database Purged of 2020 Election Results Prior to Forensic Audit - 263,139 Corrupt and 21,273 Missing Ballot Images (AZ)
The Maricopa County EMS SQL Database was purged of all 2020 General Election results by an administrator account in the period immediately prior to the forensic audit team gaining access. Forensic examiners found that: (1) the database contained 263,139 corrupt and unreadable ballot images - digital records that should allow tally reconciliation to each scanned ballot - that cannot be read or correlated to vote totals; and (2) 21,273 ballot images were entirely absent from the EMS, meaning a significant share of the November 2020 ballot corpus has no surviving digital representation. Without readable ballot images, it is impossible to independently verify whether the machine-reported vote totals correspond to the actual ballots that voters submitted. Additionally, Mesa County (CO) Forensic Report No. 3 - examining a parallel Dominion system under Mesa County Clerk Tina Peters - documented the creation of unauthorized new Tabulation and Adjudication databases mid-election, with selective copying of batch and ballot records from the original databases into the new ones. In specific batches, this process sent 339 ballots to manual adjudication during first processing, but only 39 when the same ballots were reprocessed in the new database - a difference of 300 adjudicated ballots without any paper record of the original decisions. The Colorado and Arizona findings, on parallel Dominion system versions, establish that this database architecture permitted mid-election manipulation of the adjudication pipeline in a manner that defeats standard audit reconciliation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Cyber Ninjas Maricopa County Forensic Audit Report (Volume I-III) — The Gateway Pundit
- Cyber Ninjas Response to Maricopa County — Cyber Ninjas
- Mesa County (CO) Forensic Report No. 3 – unauthorized new Tabulation and Adjudication databases created mid-election with selective copying
- Amended Complaint Case 2:22-cv-00677-DMF — Court Filing
17,852 Certified Votes Have No Corresponding Ballot Images - 20,713 Ballots Lack Provenance - 3,930 Ballots Double-Scanned (GA)
Three distinct categories of tabulation record failure have been documented in Fulton County by independent forensic investigators. First, official records confirm that Fulton County certified 17,852 votes in the presidential race for which no corresponding ballot images exist in the county's production - confirmed by two independent expert declarations filed in Curling v. 3,930 Ballots Double- Scanned (GA) Raffensperger: (1) Professor Philip B. Stark (UC Berkeley, EAC Board of Advisors), who stated "Fulton County's production included images of ballots and printout cards for 510,073 of the 527,925 cast vote records - 17,852 image files are missing"; and (2) Professor Duncan Buell (University of South Carolina), who independently confirmed approximately 17,800 missing images and the same number of missing .sha authentication files. Second, the Election Oversight Group (EOG) documented 20,713 ballots tied to tabulators with no provenance - they cannot be traced to a chain-of-custody origin. Third, EOG documented that 3,930 duplicate ballots were scanned and counted multiple times through human intervention: ballots were extracted from already-scanned batches 17, 18, and 19, consolidated into a new batch, and scanned on a different tabulator (tabulator 794) - a process requiring affirmative, multi-step human action that EOG characterized as intentional. Georgia's certified presidential margin was 11,779 votes. The 17,852 votes with no ballot image representation alone exceed the margin of victory.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- SEB 2023-025 Complaint by Kevin Moncla — Georgia State Election Board Filing
Master Cryptographic Keys Stored in Plain Text - Complete Tabulator Configuration and CVR Manipulation Enabled Without Detection (GA)
Forensic examination of the Dominion election database in Fulton County and multiple additional Georgia counties discovered that master cryptographic encryption keys - the core secrets protecting the integrity of tabulator configurations and Cast Vote Records (CVRs) - were stored unprotected in plain text within the election database files. A cryptographic key is only as secure as its storage: a key stored in plain text is, by definition, accessible to any person with database read access, which in these systems included vendor personnel, IT administrators, and anyone who exploited the open SQL Server port (port 1433, confirmed open to any IP address worldwide in the Mesa County forensic analysis of an identical system version). With the master cryptographic key, an attacker can: (1) decrypt and modify tabulator configuration files before or during an election; (2) alter Cast Vote Records without triggering integrity checks; and (3) reconfigure tabulators to shift vote allocations between candidates. Georgia's entire statewide election infrastructure - 30,050 Ballot Marking Devices deployed across all 159 counties - used the same Dominion Democracy Suite platform where this vulnerability was documented. No public disclosure to voters, the legislature, or CISA was made before the 2020 election; CISA acknowledged nine Dominion vulnerabilities only in a June 2022 advisory, 22 months after Election Day.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Election System Event Logs Entirely Absent for Election Period (Oct. 20- Nov. 23, 2020) - Coinciding with Discovery of 2,600 Uncounted Trump Votes (GA)
The election system event logs from Floyd County, Georgia completely skip the critical tabulation period from October 20, 2020 through November 23, 2020 - a 34-day gap that encompasses the entire early-vote tabulation period, Election Day itself, and the immediate post-election canvass period. This missing data covers the exact period during which 2,600 previously uncounted votes for President Trump were discovered during the mandatory hand recount. The discovery of those 2,600 votes - which changed the certified county result - is an established fact acknowledged by Georgia election officials. The absence of system event logs for the period in which those votes were uncounted and later found means that there is no forensic record of why the original tabulation failed to count them, who had system access during the relevant period, or whether any operator actions were taken that could have caused or contributed to the omission. Without those logs, the finding that votes were miscounted cannot be forensically investigated or attributed. The classification as Reasonable Inference reflects that the log gap could represent intentional deletion, system failure, or data loss - but the absence of logs covering precisely the period of the documented counting failure warrants criminal investigation to determine the cause.
📍 Jurisdiction: Floyd County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Centralized Subversion of Statewide Tabulation via ElectionSource VIFCHOICEINSTANCE.DVD Repository - Both Paper Tapes and Digital EMS Simultaneously Alterable (MI)
Forensic analysis demonstrated that modifying a single file - VIFCHOICEINSTANCE.DVD - within the central repository maintained by voting system vendor ElectionSource simultaneously alters the vote totals on both the printed tabulator paper tapes and the digital EMS results. This is a finding of profound significance: the paper tape - the physical record that serves as the "paper audit trail" in standard canvassing reconciliation - is generated from the same underlying file as the digital EMS result. If that file has been modified before printing, both the paper record and the digital record will reflect the modified totals, and a standard canvass reconciliation comparing paper tapes to digital EMS results will show a perfect match - masking any underlying manipulation. ElectionSource acted as the centralized manager for election project files across 22 Michigan counties in 2020. Forensic investigators further documented the existence of a companion file - VIFBALLOTINSTANCE.DVD - that controls ballot definition in the same repository. The existence of a single centralized file controlling tabulation outputs across 22 counties - maintained by a private vendor without independent government verification of its integrity - represents a structural vulnerability that defeats the purpose of distributed, precinct-level tabulation architecture. The Secretary of State ordered the deletion of ballot images from Antrim County and other counties following the ASOG analysis, precluding independent forensic verification of the vote-shift analysis.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- [17] Lenberg #8 [Central Vote Manipulation] [060921]
- Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG), Antrim Michigan Forensics Report v2, Dec. 13, 2020 (error rate 68.05%
- Mesa County Forensic Report No. 3 (unauthorized new Tabulation and Adjudication databases created mid-election, 300 ballots receiving different adjudication outcomes between first and second processing).
ImageCast Tabulators Jammed 4-5 Times Per Hour - Jammed Batches of 50 Ballots Rescanned Up to 8 Times Without Zero-Reset (MI)
Sworn testimony from Dominion contractor Mellissa Carone and multiple GOP poll challengers at the TCF Center in Detroit documented that ImageCast tabulators jammed 4 to 5 times per hour throughout the central count operation on November 3-4, 2020. When a tabulator jams, standard procedure requires operators to zero out the vote count before reinserting the interrupted batch - a step equivalent to a zero tape at the start of polls, ensuring no ballots are double-counted. Sworn witnesses testified that operators failed to zero out the vote counts prior to re-inserting jammed batches, resulting in the same batches of 50 ballots being tabulated up to 8 times. If a batch of 50 ballots was re-scanned 8 times without a zero reset, it would be counted as if 400 ballots had been processed. Multiple sworn affidavits corroborate this pattern. The State of Michigan and Dominion disputed this characterization, attributing the reports to observer misunderstanding of the tabulation process. However, the dispute is between sworn affidavit testimony subject to perjury liability and unsworn vendor and government denials. No independent forensic investigation of the TCF Center's tabulation records has been publicly conducted and published. The Wayne County result was the decisive component of Michigan's certified presidential margin of 154,188 votes.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Whistleblower and Dominion Staffer Saw Detroit Voter Fraud — The Gateway Pundit
- 'Sassy' Michigan Dominion worker and GOP witness goes viral after ... — Washington Examiner
Director of Elections and Warehouse Director Replaced Original V-Drives with "Clean" Drives to Fabricate Tally Results Matching Certified Totals (PA)
When more than 200 Delaware County precincts failed to mathematically reconcile their vote totals in the canvassing process prior to certification, the Director of Elections (James P. Allen) and the Voting Machine Warehouse Director (James P. Savage) did not disclose the discrepancies to the Board of Elections, seek a recount, or report the anomaly to the Secretary of State. Instead, according to whistleblower testimony and First Amended Complaint allegations filed November 18, 2021, they conspired to replace the original V-drives - the tabulator flash drives containing the actual election data - with "clean" substitute drives, and used those clean drives to recreate tabulation results that mathematically matched the certified totals, effectively hiding the discrepancies from any subsequent Right-to-Know request. This conduct was confirmed by named witnesses present in the warehouse. Delaware County certified the November 3, 2020 election on approximately November 24, 2020, while simultaneously possessing knowledge of the 200+ precinct reconciliation failures. The underlying precinct-level V-drive data - which would have established the nature and scope of the reconciliation failures - was destroyed or concealed by this alleged substitution. The certified result is thus insulated from forensic verification at the precinct level because the original storage media no longer exists in its election-day state.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Delaware County Return Board Audit Report — Official Audit Report
- Stenstrom et al. v. Boockvar Court Complaint
- Moton v. Schmidt Petition — Court Filing
County Solicitor and Warehouse Personnel Physically Tore Up Original Tabulator Tally Tapes and Return Sheets - Declared Records "Had No Audit Value" Because They Would Not Match Certified Results (PA)
Named witness Regina Miller, present at the Delaware County election warehouse, provided sworn testimony that County Solicitor Thomas Gallagher and warehouse personnel James Ziegelhoffer physically tore election data into pieces - specifically the original November 3, 2020 machine tally tapes and return sheets - and placed them in the trash. The most legally significant element of this account is the stated justification: Ziegelhoffer declared that the destruction was necessary because the tapes "had no audit value because they would not match the election results." If true - and this is a serious sworn-witness allegation, not yet adjudicated - this statement constitutes an acknowledgment that the physical tabulator record did not match the certified results, and that the records were destroyed specifically to prevent that discrepancy from becoming part of the reviewable record. Tabulator tally tapes are the primary paper audit trail for electronic tabulation; their destruction eliminates the only physical record that would allow independent verification of whether machine-counted totals were accurately reported. Delaware County was also missing: 125 of 428 tally tapes for Scanner 1; 137 of 428 ballot-count tapes; 255 of 428 open-poll tapes; and 233 of 428 zero-report tapes - the records establishing that machines were empty before voting began, without which there is no documentary basis to rule out pre- loaded vote counts.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- First Amended Complaint, Hoopes, Stenstrom, and Moton v. Boockvar et al., filed Nov. 18, 2021 (PADel.Co.Hoopes18Nov2021.pdf), ¶¶ 156–158 (Regina Miller sworn witness account: Gallagher and Ziegelhoffer physically tore election data
- Ruth Moton v Boockvar
3:26 AM Tabulation Dump of ~170,000 Heavily Biden-Weighted Votes - Concurrent with Executive Director Losing Chain of Custody of Absentee Flash Drive (WI)
At 3:26 AM on November 4, 2020, official Wisconsin election results recorded a single tabulation update of approximately 170,000 votes showing a ratio severely disproportionate for Joe Biden - a batch upload that is statistically anomalous relative to the distribution of vote totals in surrounding time periods. This event occurred concurrently with a documented chain-of-custody failure: Milwaukee Elections Executive Director Claire Woodall-Vogg briefly lost possession of the encrypted USB flash drive containing the city's absentee vote tallies during transport from the central count facility. The flash drive contained over 120,000 absentee vote tallies. The correlation between the chain-of-custody lapse for the absentee flash drive and the timing of the anomalous vote-total spike has not been forensically resolved: there is no publicly available independent forensic analysis that has either confirmed or excluded the possibility that data was injected into the flash drive during the period it was outside official custody. Wisconsin's certified presidential margin was 20,682 votes - a margin that falls well within the 170,000-vote batch that was recorded at 3:26 AM. The anomalous timing and the concurrent chain-of-custody failure, taken together, constitute a serious investigative basis for forensic examination of the specific flash drive used and the metadata of the vote-total file it contained.
📍 Jurisdiction: Milwaukee, Milwaukee County, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Milwaukee Election Flash Drive Was Briefly Lost, Sources Say — Wisconsin Right Now; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
- Fact check: No fraud in Wisconsin overnight vote spike — USA Today
- Developing: Wisconsin Gableman Election Fraud Team Member Comes Forward — The Gateway Pundit
Fulton County Unlawfully Discarded Write-In Votes for Qualified Candidates (GA)
Fulton County willfully failed to count- and effectively discarded- nearly all votes for qualified write-in candidates for ballots cast in-person for both early and Election Day voting.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Thousands of False Ballots Added to the Post-Election Hand-Count/Audit (GA)
a. Fulton County falsified records (batch tally sheets) which caused approximately 6,691 fictitious absentee ballots and votes for the presidential contest to be added to the results of the 2020 post- election hand-count audit. b. The Secretary of State and/or Fulton County have refused to correct the results, and the Attorney General has falsely attributed the inconsistencies to “data entry errors”. c. As compared to the official results for each advance voting polling location, Fulton County’s hand-count audit includes a delta of some 13,910 ballots and votes.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Manual Deletion of All 2020 Adjudication Logs from EMS Server; Prior Years' Logs Intact (MI)
The December 13, 2020 forensic report by Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG) on the Antrim County EMS confirmed that all adjudication logs for the 2020 election cycle were entirely absent from the server, while logs for prior election years using the identical software remained intact. Adjudication logs are the transaction records of every instance in which a human operator overrode the machine's interpretation of voter intent - they record the operator's identity, the timestamp, the original machine reading, and the replacement decision. Their absence means the 68.05% ballot error rate that triggered mass adjudication in Antrim County cannot be audited: there is no record of who adjudicated hundreds of thousands of ballots, how they adjudicated them, or whether the adjudication was authorized. The selective deletion of only the 2020 logs - while preserving all prior years' logs in the same system - is inconsistent with accidental data loss or routine maintenance and constitutes circumstantial evidence of deliberate targeted deletion.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
ElectionSource (Dominion Subcontractor) Directed Battery Removal from Voting Machines (MI)
[Established Fact - Battery removal directive confirmed; 26-county access confirmed] ElectionSource - a Dominion Voting Systems subcontractor under Michigan State Contract #071B7700117 - issued letters to county clerks directing "preventative maintenance" that included the removal of internal batteries from voting machines. Per voting machine operations manuals, battery removal resets a machine to factory default settings, erasing server connection settings, configuration data, logs, and other forensic artifacts. The preventative maintenance checklist in the state contract does not identify battery removal as a scheduled item; the instruction therefore represents either an unauthorized modification of the maintenance protocol or a deliberate directive to destroy forensic evidence under the guise of routine maintenance. ElectionSource technicians working on the Antrim County project file simultaneously had access to project files for at least 26 other Michigan counties - raising the question of whether the battery removal directive affected the forensic integrity of voting machines across multiple jurisdictions.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Contract 071B7700117 Change Notice — State of Michigan
- Michigan Attorneys Issue Cease and Desist to Election Source — The Gateway Pundit
- Preventative Maintenance? Yeah Right — Lets Fix Stuff
ElectionSource (Dominion Subcontractor) Directed Battery Removal from Voting Machines - Resetting Configuration Data and Destroying Forensic Evidence (MI)
[Reasonable Inference - Characterization as evidence destruction] ElectionSource - a Dominion Voting Systems subcontractor under Michigan State Contract #071B7700117 - issued letters to county clerks directing "preventative maintenance" that included the removal of internal batteries from voting machines. Per voting machine operations manuals, battery removal resets a machine to factory default settings, erasing server connection settings, configuration data, logs, and other forensic artifacts. The preventative maintenance checklist in the state contract does not identify battery removal as a scheduled item; the instruction therefore represents either an unauthorized modification of the maintenance protocol or a deliberate directive to destroy forensic evidence under the guise of routine maintenance. ElectionSource technicians working on the Antrim County project file simultaneously had access to project files for at least 26 other Michigan counties - raising the question of whether the battery removal directive affected the forensic integrity of voting machines across multiple jurisdictions.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Contract #071B7700117 (Dominion Voting Systems) — Official Government
- BREAKING EXCLUSIVE: Michigan Attorneys Issue Cease and Desist to ElectionSource — Gateway Pundit
- Preventative Maintenance? Yeah Right (ElectionSource Memo) — LetsFixStuff.org
Deletion of EMS Files and Database (AZ)
Forensic experts found that 865 directories and 85,673 election-related files were deleted from the EMS C:\ Drive, and over 1 million files from the D:\ Drive. The Cyber Ninjas audit report states all data in the EMS database related to the 2020 General Election "had been fully cleared" and that security logs "appeared to be intentionally rolled over." More than 37,000 identical queries were run on the EMS server in the days after the court ordered Maricopa County to produce election materials to the Arizona State Senate.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- HCR 2033 — Arizona Legislature
- Cyber Ninjas Response to Maricopa County — Cyber Ninjas
- BREAKING: Maricopa County Elections Officials DELETED ENTIRE DATABASE — The Gateway Pundit
Overwriting of Windows Security Event Logs (AZ)
Windows security event logs on the EMS server - which track remote and local access - were restricted to a 20 MB file size, causing them to automatically overwrite. The logs covering the November 3, 2020 election period were purged, destroying the complete audit trail of all system access during the election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Cyber Ninjas Response to Maricopa County — Audit Report
- Maricopa County EMS Logs Statement in Cyber Ninjas Report — The Gateway Pundit
Missing Chain-of-Custody Documentation (AZ)
Maricopa County failed to produce to the Arizona State Senate the chain-of-custody documentation required by A.R.S. § 16-621(E), which expressly mandates records tracing custody of all election equipment and ballots through completion of provisional voting tabulation. Senate Audit Liaison Ken Bennett stated this as an established compliance failure.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
284,412 Corrupt or Missing Ballot Images (AZ)
The Cyber Ninjas audit found 284,412 ballot images on the EMS were "corrupt or missing." Files were additionally found missing from the EMS server. Maricopa County contested the characterization; Cyber Ninjas responded that their team included certified forensic examiners and that the County's own actions - creating new executable files and modifying thousands of DLL files after Dominion software installation - contradicted the County's claim that the system was "frozen."
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County Forensic Audit Volume III: Results Details — Cyber Ninjas Audit Report
- Maricopa County Forensic Audit Executive Summary — Cyber Ninjas Audit
Commingled Ballots Contradicting Court Representations (AZ)
Ballot boxes delivered to auditors contained commingled original and duplicate ballots, inconsistently identified, with batch manifests not matching physical contents. In at least one documented box (EVH1/11-07/MC17349), the manifest listed 14 batches of originals while the physical contents contained 7 originals and 8 duplicates with one batch entirely unaccounted. During prior Arizona Supreme Court litigation, the Secretary of State's counsel represented that original and duplicate ballots "are, by statute, segregated and preserved."
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County Forensic Audit Volume III: Results Details — Cyber Ninjas Audit Report
Mass Destruction of Original Ballot Images (GA)
Fulton County admitted in federal court (Curling v. Raffensperger) that it "did not preserve until the present time the majority of ballot images from in-person voting" for the November 3, 2020 election original machine count. For advance voting, all approximately 316,000 ballot images were destroyed. Statewide, 74 of Georgia's 159 counties failed to produce ballot images; 56 provided written admissions of non-preservation. Over 1.7 million original ballot images were lost statewide.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Deletion of SHA Authentication Files for 132,286 Absentee Ballots (GA)
Of 148,318 absentee ballot images, only 16,032 have corresponding SHA authentication (hash/fingerprint) files. The remaining 132,286 authentication files were, in the words of the EOG Report, "intentionally deleted." SHA files are the cryptographic verification mechanism that would allow auditors to confirm images were not altered. Dr. Philip Stark (UC Berkeley), inventor of risk- limiting audits, stated "the electronic records of the election are not intact" and that Fulton County's "lack of basic accounting controls make it impossible to determine who really won."
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fraudulent and Invalid Tabulator Closing Tapes (GA)
There are only 9 zero tapes for 148 tabulators used for advance voting in Fulton County. All 138 closing tapes for those tabulators are, per the EOG Report, "fraudulent, invalid, and do not bear the serial number or identity of the machines used to actually scan the ballots." No daily recap sheets, numbered lists of voters, or poll pad check-in lists exist for the entirety of early voting - all records required by O.C.G.A. § 21-2-483 et seq. The State Election Board (SEB) voted to refer the matter to the Georgia AG with a recommended fine of $740,000 and separately referred the matter to the U.S. Department of Justice.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Missing State Farm Arena Pre-5:22 AM Surveillance Video (GA)
The State Farm Arena surveillance video from the night of November 3, 2020 would have shown the arrival of ballots in unsecured industrial laundry carts at 5:22 AM. The video prior to 5:22 AM - which would have documented who delivered those ballots and when - was not preserved. This missing segment cannot be explained by routine retention limitations and represents a targeted, specific evidentiary gap coinciding with the most contested event of election night.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Missing Election Day System Log Files (GA)
Floyd County election system log files completely skip the critical period covering October 20, 2020 through November 23, 2020. The entire Election Day event log is missing, eliminating the ability to audit machine functionality or manual vote manipulation during that window.
📍 Jurisdiction: Floyd County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Secretary of State's Post-Election Bulletin Omitted Original Count Preservation (GA)
A December 1, 2020 Official Elections Bulletin (OEB) from Secretary Raffensperger's office directed counties to preserve ballot images for the Recount but conspicuously omitted any parallel instruction to preserve ballot images from the original November 3 count. This asymmetric directive - issued by the Secretary's own office after the election - is circumstantially consistent with intentional exclusion of original count images from the preservation mandate.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- Fulton County Response to Request for Admissions, Curling v. Raffensperger, No. 1:17-cv-02989-AT Document 1297-6 (Fulton County Response to RFAs) is hosted on court archives and secondary repositories (e.g., Scribd mirror
17,852 Ballot Images Missing from Official Recount (GA)
The EOG Report identified that 17,852 ballot images are missing from the candidate-requested recount of the November 3, 2020 General Election. This figure is characterized in the report as occurring under "unnatural circumstances," raising concerns about whether the recount itself can be validated as accurate.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Missing 2020 Adjudication Logs (Prior Years Intact) (MI)
Forensic audits of the Antrim County EMS server found that adjudication log entries for the 2020 election cycle were entirely absent, while logs from prior years using identical software remained intact. Given that the 2020 Antrim County election featured a reported 68.05% error rate triggering mass ballot adjudication, the absence of these logs removes the only record of how adjudicated ballots were resolved.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Antrim Michigan Forensics Report — Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG)
- Crucial Logs Missing From Michigan County Dominion Voting Machines — The Epoch Times
Missing Server Security Logs Prior to 11:03 PM, Nov. 4, 2020 (MI)
All server security logs prior to 11:03 PM on November 4, 2020 - including all logs covering Election Day itself - were missing from the Antrim County EMS, destroying evidence of network connections and data transfers on and before election night. CyFIR forensic examiner Ben Cotton found anonymous remote logon activity on November 5 and November 17, 2020; Cotton concluded "it is likely that the same actor had access prior to November 4th." Antrim County Clerk Sheryl Guy later admitted to deleting the records during a public meeting of the County Commissioners.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG) Antrim Michigan Forensics Report — Justice.gov FOIA Library
- Halderman Antrim County Forensic Report — USENIX Security Symposium
- Crucial Logs Missing From Michigan County Dominion Voting Machines: Forensics Report — The Epoch Times
Antrim County Clerk Admits to Destroying Election Records During County Commissioner Meeting (MI)
During a March 4, 2021 Antrim County Commissioner Meeting, Antrim County Clerk Sheryl Guy appeared before the Antrim County Board of Commissioners and, in that public setting, acknowledged that election records were destroyed at her direction.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Secretary of State Directive to Delete Electronic Pollbook Software (MI)
Michigan Bureau of Elections, under Secretary Benson, issued a February 12, 2021 memorandum to county clerks directing that certain election records "must be deleted" and that electronic pollbook software and associated files be deleted. This directive was issued within the 22-month federal preservation window and appears to conflict facially with 52 U.S.C. § 20702. The Michigan Senate Oversight Committee characterized the allegations as "misleading," asserting e-pollbook deletion is "standard practice ordered by the federal government" - but no federal authority for this specific directive has been identified in the record.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Release of Voting Equipment Memo — WHMI (Michigan Bureau of Elections)
- Protest Erupts In Front Of Radical MI Sec of State Jocelyn Benson's Home — The Gateway Pundit
Mass Deletion of ~500,000 Voter History Records from QVF (MI)
Analysis of the Michigan Qualified Voter File (QVF) reveals that approximately 500,000 voting history records were deleted from the statewide voter registration database as of January 1, 2021. Deletion of a voter record from "voted" to "did not vote" eliminates key evidence of ballot-to- voter matching essential to any audit. The official number of ballots cast (5,579,317) exceeded QVF voter history records (5,475,179) by 104,138 individuals with no voter history record.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Physical Destruction of Machine Tapes and Return Sheets by County Officials (PA)
Named witness Regina Miller states she personally observed Attorney Thomas Gallagher and James Ziegelhoffer physically tear election data into pieces and place it in the trash, stating they would "have a campfire to burn the data." Ziegelhoffer stated the data had "no audit value" Delaware County, because it "wouldn't match the election results." Director of Elections James Allen separately ordered removal and destruction of November 3, 2020 election evidence on or about May 27, 2021. Delaware County's own RTKL response confirmed 244 of 428 precincts were missing legally required return-sheet documentation at the time of certification.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Hoopes Complaint, ¶¶ 156–161 (Regina Miller account of Gallagher/Ziegelhoffer physical destruction
- James Allen order to remove/destroy Nov. 3, 2020 evidence on or about May 27, 2021)
- Hoopes Complaint, ¶¶ 128–129 and Exhibit N (RTKL Response, June 28, 2021: 244 of 428 precincts missing legally required return-sheet documentation)
Ordered Erasure of Blue Crest Ballot Sorter Data (PA)
Delaware County Director of Elections James Allen explicitly ordered the Blue Crest ballot sorter to be completely erased of all November 3, 2020 election data in May 2021 - strategically timed immediately prior to the county's fulfillment of Right to Know Law requests. The Blue Crest machine's data would have provided independent verification of ballot-scanning processes and chain-of-custody documentation for individual ballots.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Missing Zero-Report, Tally, and Open-Poll Tapes (PA)
Delaware County's RTKL response disclosed the following missing records: 125 of 428 tally tapes for Scanner 1; 137 of 428 ballot-count tapes; 255 of 428 open-poll tapes; and 233 of 428 zero- report tapes. Zero-report tapes are machine-generated records proving machines registered zero votes before polls opened. Their absence means there is no documentary basis to establish machines were not pre-loaded with votes before Election Day.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
440,781 Mail Ballots "Unknown" - Chain of Custody Unresolvable (PA)
The Public Interest Legal Foundation (PILF) published a September 2021 report documenting that Pennsylvania sent 3.1 million mail ballots in 2020 but had 440,781 ballots classified as "unknown," meaning election officials had no record of what happened to them. Pennsylvania's presidential margin of victory was 81,660 votes. The number of unaccounted ballots exceeded the certified margin by more than five to one.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 440K Mail Ballots Went Missing or Undeliverable amid 81K Vote Margin of Victory in PA 2020 Presidential — Public Interest Legal Foundation Report
- Report: 440,000 Pennsylvania Mail Ballots 'Went Missing or Undeliverable' — Breitbart
Destruction of Drop Box Surveillance Video - Zero Footage Produced (WI)
In the City of Milwaukee - where nearly half of all votes were cast by mail and 15 drop boxes were deployed - not a single municipality produced the statutorily required video surveillance of drop Milwaukee, Milwaukee boxes in response to open records requests. Wisconsin law requires drop box surveillance to be retained as an election record. The complete absence of this footage across every Milwaukee drop box location is consistent with systematic non-preservation or deliberate destruction, not with routine loss.
📍 Jurisdiction: County, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- True the Vote Special Report 1 (full PDF with appendices logging every municipality’s response)
- Newsweek article (March 2, 2022) quoting Milwaukee’s withholding of the video.
Voting Machines Wiped During Vendor Updates (WI)
The OSC consulted with multiple computer security experts regarding voting machine data retention in Wisconsin. A representative of one machine manufacturer stated that voting machines "were wiped during updates" - meaning they did not retain federally required voter data. If voting machines were wiped before expiration of the 22-month federal retention period, this constitutes a potential violation of 52 U.S.C. § 20701 and may constitute destruction of records under 18 U.S.C. § 1519, which carries a penalty of up to 20 years' imprisonment.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just The News; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
Command Central (Dominion Reseller) Holding Wisconsin Ballots in Minnesota (WI)
The OSC learned that Command Central, LLC - a Dominion reseller and servicer - received images of cast ballots on election night via the internet and is alleged to be holding actual cast ballots at its offices in Minnesota. Command Central did not comply with OSC legislative subpoenas. If Wisconsin ballots were transported to and retained by a private party in another state without lawful authority, this constitutes a potential violation of Wis. Stat. § 7.23 and federal election records law.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Second Interim Investigative Report — Wisconsin OSC
- Second Interim Investigative Report — Madison.com
WEC Failure to Maintain Accurate WisVote Database / Inadequate FIDO Key Security (WI)
The Wisconsin Legislative Audit Bureau determined that WEC failed to maintain a sufficiently accurate WisVote voter registration database. WEC issued 3,137 FIDO Keys and cannot account for how many were actually issued. At least one county received 15 keys when it requested 2. Of 2,938 active keys at one audit point, 1,929 (66%) were issued with full clerk-level access. This level of key proliferation rendered multi-factor authentication effectively meaningless and exposes all voter records to unauthorized access and potential alteration.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Report 21-19 Elections Administration — Legislative Audit Bureau; see also RE Microsoft Kole House Data Elements and Sample Files.msg (series), available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Vnw7BA7JfthGG91CISTEmdLMI2nfKrad/view
- The WEC Is a Member of the ERIC System — The Gateway Pundit
Missing Chain-of-Custody on Drop Box Ballots and Deleted Surveillance Footage (GA)
Fulton County deployed drop box infrastructure funded in part by approximately $6 million in CTCL grants. Forensic reviews identified over 100,000 ballots lacking legally required chain-of- custody transfer forms, particularly those retrieved from drop boxes. Video surveillance of nighttime ballot drop activity was reportedly deleted or of such poor quality as to be unusable for forensic verification. The State Election Board (SEB) referred related record failures to both the Georgia AG and the DOJ.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fulton County Unlawfully Swapped Thirty-Five Advance Voting Tabulator Memory Cards During a Live Election (GA)
During the course of advance voting, security seals were cut, and the memory cards of thirty-five tabulators were unlawfully removed- and replaced with other memory cards.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Security Seals were Cut, Tabulator Memory Cards Were Removed, and Fraudulent Returns were Printed on Surrogate Machine (GA)
At the end of advance voting, the memory cards were removed from 138 tabulators and on Election Day they were inserted into surrogate tabulators which were used to print fraudulent official returns.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Destruction & Failure to Preserve Election Records from November 3rdCount (GA)
Fulton County destroyed approximately 374,128 ballot images for nearly all of in-person voting for the November 03, 2020 General Election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Absentee Ballot Image SHA Authentication Files Intentionally Removed (GA)
Fulton County selectively and willfully destroyed approximately 132,280 electronicballot image authentication hash files.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Missing Ballot Image Records from the Recount (GA)
Fulton County is missing 17,852 ballot images for the candidate-requested recount of the November 03, 2020 General Election
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
MCTEC Deleted All of the Election Files (AZ)
Fortunately, in the AZ Senate audit, a company by the name of CyFIR was contracted to investigate the hardware, machines, tabulators, etc used in the election. CyFIR found and showed that the Maricopa County Recorder’s office actually deleted the entire 2020 General election results from their system the day before an audit and when the results were reinstalled on the system, approximately 269,000 ballot images were now corrupt and unreadable, in addition to approximately 30,000 missing ballots!
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Trusted Build Process Deleted 28,989 Files - Including 695 Legally Mandated Logs (CO)
The Colorado Secretary of State's trusted build process - a state-mandated Dominion upgrade conducted with active state participation and approval - deleted 28,989 files from the Mesa County EMS server, including at least 695 log and event-log files required by federal and state law to be retained for 22 months. Deleted categories included IIS web-server logs, SQL Server installation and error logs, Windows Defender logs, and multiple Windows event-log archives. These logs are the primary means by which examiners could reconstruct whether unauthorized access, configuration changes, or exploitation of documented vulnerabilities had occurred. The "trusted build" - a mechanism presented to the public as an integrity-preserving certification update - functioned operationally as a mass evidence-destruction tool. A-2Electronic Voting System Integrity
📍 Jurisdiction: Mesa County, Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Mesa County Forensic Report No. 1 — TinaPeters.US
Fulton County, GA election results uncertifiable due to CVR mismatch with Master
A comparison between the Master Activation Dataset and the CVR/Ballot Images highlights clear anomalies: Example 1: Ballot ID 3 is programmed for Precinct 01A (Democratic), and Ballot ID 19 is programmed for Precinct 01G (Non-Partisan). Variance: In the CVR/Images, both Ballot ID 3 and Ballot ID 19 appear as Precinct 01C. Fulton County, GA Code Activation database (GA) Anomalous Contests: Democratic (DEM) ballots were found in precincts that were not part of the 86 authorized precincts for the District 39 Democratic contest. The Master Activation dataset provides a necessary external benchmark to test the reliability of the election record. The presence of ballots in the CVR that contradict the programmed definitions in the Master Activation dataset—such as Democratic primary contests appearing in unauthorized precincts—indicates a failure of the system to maintain the fixed identity required by federal standards (HAVA) and the manufacturer's own specifications. These discrepancies are directly testable using the ballots currently held in custody.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Logical Bumper Vote Shift Algorithm Evident in Dominion System (MI)
The persistence of Secretary Benson in keeping RFK Jr. on the ballot in Michigan, despite his withdrawal and the resulting legal challenges, raises significant questions regarding the integrity of the upcoming election. With absentee ballots scheduled for mailing as early as September 26, 2024, there is insufficient time to redesign or redeploy a new vote-shifting algorithm. Therefore, if such an algorithm exists and was pre-programmed for the 2024 cycle, the specific ballot configuration—including the Natural Law Party candidate—must be maintained for the intended "shift" to occur. The lack of transparency and the active destruction of records further complicate efforts to verify the security of the voting systems.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County and Barry County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Multiple Vote Tally Reporting Pathways Evident in Single Tabulator (MI)
Banks Township serves as a critical control case because its election results card loaded successfully and was unaffected by the ballot-definition mismatch occurring elsewhere in the county. Analysis reveals that the tabulator generated multiple, materially different representations of the same ballot set. The central finding is a "subset output" error where one reporting layer reflected only 13 ballots (corresponding to a single ballot ID) despite the tabulator correctly scanning 1,129 ballots. This discrepancy provides a technical explanation for large-scale reporting variances observed in other Antrim County precincts that required manual reconstruction from tape-based outputs. In those precincts, Republican straight-party and candidate totals were significantly suppressed in initial unofficial reports before being corrected to align with paper ballot counts.
📍 Jurisdiction: Banks Township, Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Detroit Never Provided Precinct-Level Election Results (MI)
The precinct serves as the foundational unit of American election administration. It is the primary level where reconciliation, chain of custody verification, and post-election audits occur. In Michigan, precinct-level reporting is not merely a convention but a constitutional and statutory Detroit, Wayne County, mandate. However, a significant "structural gap" exists in the official records of the 2020 Detroit General Election due to the centralized processing of mail-in ballots. Detroit NEVER provided precinct-level vote tallies for the 2020 general election yet MCL 168.812 clearly requires the reporting of election results by precinct. While election-day data is recorded by precinct, mail-in ballots were processed through 134 Absentee Voter Counting Boards (AVCBs), most of which served multiple precincts. Consequently, the official Statement of Votes (SOV) for these boards lacks a precinct-level breakdown for the majority of the vote. Resolving this discrepancy and achieving a complete precinct-level picture of the election requires the acquisition of Cast Vote Record (CVR) data—machine-generated logs that are currently unreleased.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
🖥️ Electronic Voting System Integrity 98
EAC lacks analysis rigor sufficient for critical infrastructure
The latest VVSG 2.0 standard features the following security gaps: • System boundary: focuses on the voting device and EMS, not the full enterprise and vendor environments. • Operational security: limited guidance on continuous monitoring, vulnerability management, and incident response. • Identity and access: no full RBAC requirement and constrained, fragmented MFA implementation relative to federal best practice. • Supply chain: high level risk management language without concrete, enforceable controls commensurate with foreign hardware/software risk. • Enforcement: voluntary, non-retroactive adoption, with no hard deadlines for migrating off weaker, legacy systems.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
EAC lacks analysis rigor sufficient for critical infrastructure
CISA’s Cyber Risk Assessment depicts U.S. election infrastructure as a highly networked, variably secured critical infrastructure ecosystem with persistent, exploitable weaknesses, while the EAC’s election system oversight is narrowly product centric, episodic, and largely detached from those systemic cyber risk realities. Unlike other critical infrastructure systems, there are no failure modes and effects analyses performed on election systems nor is there any substantive analysis of their supply chain.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
EAC governance system is an insulated "circle of trust" that lacks independent oversight needed for the security of critical infrastructure
When these elements are combined—foreign manufactured platforms, vendor centric designs, VSTLs and CIS operating inside the same ecosystem, and state/local officials willing to violate logging and record retention laws—the EAC’s security mission becomes structurally incapable of detecting or correcting the most damaging risks. • CISA’s EI data show pervasive phishing weaknesses (73% of assessed EI entities), long patching delays (median >90 days for critical/high vulnerabilities), and extensive use of unsupported software, exactly the conditions in which sophisticated foreign adversaries and criminal groups excel at gaining and maintaining covert access. • Because the same small circle designs, configures, certifies, and later investigates these systems, any successful intrusion that leverages supply chain tampering, out of band management, weak configurations, or deleted logs can be misattributed to “operator error” or simply declared unprovable, preserving vendor reputations and EAC narratives at the expense of verifiable election integrity. This closed, conflicted circle of trust is itself a demonstrated security risk, and any credible reform of EAC security analysis must begin by replacing it with truly independent, adversarial, and supply chain aware scrutiny.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Electronic voting systems lack the transparency needed to promote public trust in election outcomes
Together, illusory contracts, FOIA obstruction, and denials of access create a structural environment in which grave technical weaknesses can persist indefinitely without detection or remediation. • Mesa County’s case demonstrates that unauthorized software (SSMS), global SQL exposure, disabled logging, and mass deletion of audit trails can coexist with EAC/VSTL “certification” and state assurances precisely because the public and independent experts are blocked from seeing the full system state and history. • CISA’s data confirm that unpatched, exposed, and poorly configured systems are common across the subsector, meaning that Mesa County is almost certainly not an outlier but one of the few instances where a clerk preserved images before a vendor state process wiped logs and thus made the failures visible. In this environment, the EAC’s security analysis is compromised not only by technical gaps but by an information regime designed to prevent effective external challenge, converting what should be verifiable critical infrastructure security into an untestable set of assurances.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Retaliatory Decertification - State Punishes County for Exercising Audit Rights
The Pennsylvania Secretary of the Commonwealth's decertification of Fulton County's Dominion machines, triggered solely by Fulton County's exercise of its audit rights, effectively inverted the relationship between state oversight and local accountability. Under Pennsylvania election law, counties retain statutory authority to verify the integrity of election equipment under their custody. If the state can decertify county equipment as a penalty for independent auditing, it structurally eliminates the possibility of any county-level verification of certified voting system compliance - creating a regime in which the certified configuration is legally unverifiable at the point of deployment. The Fulton County litigation confirms this interpretation is disputed and that the Secretary's legal authority for the decertification is at minimum contestable.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
EAC's Own Investigation Found Tabulation Discrepancies in 7 of 18 Dominion ICP Tabulators (TN)
The EAC's own investigation of Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5-B deployment in Williamson County, Tennessee documented anomalies in which close poll reports from 7 of 18 ICP tabulators did not match the number of ballots scanned - requiring correction through central count scanner re- tabulation. This is not a finding by election integrity advocates; it is a finding by the federal certification body itself that certified Dominion tabulation equipment produced vote count discrepancies in an official election environment. The EAC certification of Democracy Suite 5.5-B did not prevent, detect, or report these discrepancies to the jurisdictions that deployed the same system.
📍 Jurisdiction: Williamson County, Tennessee, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- EAC Report of Investigation Dominion D-Suite 5.5-B — U.S. Election Assistance Commission
- EAC Issues Report on Tennessee Voting System Anomaly — U.S. Election Assistance Commission
EAC Certification Does Not Require Disclosure of Foreign Ownership, Supply Chain Provenance, or Remote Access Capabilities
The EAC's certification program, as documented by the Brennan Center's November 2019 report, certifies voting systems against technical performance standards but does not require vendors to disclose: (1) foreign connections or ownership structures; (2) supply chain provenance of components; or (3) embedded remote-access capabilities. This structural gap enabled ESS and Dominion to pass through the federal certification pipeline while deploying systems with Chinese- manufactured components (documented at 48% for Dominion ICX), Serbian data center operations partnered with Huawei, and embedded cellular modems - none of which were disclosed to or reviewed by the EAC as part of the certification process.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- A Framework for Election Vendor Oversight — Brennan Center for Justice
- Voting System Testing and Certification Program Manual Version 3.0 — U.S. Election Assistance Commission
Secretary of Commonwealth Decertified Fulton County Voting Machines in Retaliation for Commissioning Independent Forensic Audit (PA)
After Fulton County, Pennsylvania commissioned an independent forensic examination of its Dominion voting equipment - an audit it was authorized to conduct under Pennsylvania law - the Pennsylvania Secretary of the Commonwealth decertified Fulton County's voting machines on the stated basis that the county had permitted an independent inspector to access them. Fulton County subsequently filed suit, arguing that the decertification was unlawful and retaliatory - that the Secretary used the power of the state office to punish a county government for exercising its legitimate audit rights. This decertification creates a distinct configuration-integrity problem independent of any underlying forensic findings: by punishing the one county that subjected its equipment to independent forensic scrutiny, the Secretary created a statewide deterrent effect ensuring that no other county would risk losing its equipment by commissioning a similar audit. The result was the systematic foreclosure of precisely the kind of independent technical review that would establish whether the certified configuration had been maintained across all Pennsylvania Dominion deployments.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Letter to Fulton County Officials Decertifying Dominion Voting System — PA Department of State
- Voting machines in Pennsylvania's Fulton County decertified after audit — Washington Examiner
- Pennsylvania Senate leaders question 'aggressive' decertification of voting machines — Just The News
68.05% Ballot Error Rate - Dominion EMS Configuration Altered Pre- Election to Force Mass Adjudication (MI)
The ASOG forensic report further documented that the Antrim County Dominion EMS was erroneously configured to produce a 68.05% ballot error rate - meaning more than two-thirds of all ballots were rejected by the machine and routed to human adjudication. The national standard for acceptable ballot error rates is less than 0.0008%. A 68.05% error rate is not the product of voter error or equipment malfunction; it is the product of misconfiguration of the election management software, which defines the parameters under which ballots are accepted or rejected. ASOG concluded: "The Antrim County Clerk and Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson need to come forward and explain how the error rate was allowed to be set to 68.05%." When combined with the deletion of all adjudication logs, the mass routing of ballots to human adjudication becomes forensically unauditable.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dominion EMS Configured with 68.05% Error Rate - Forcing Mass Adjudication - System Suppressed Critical Error Messages During Vote Shifting (MI)
Forensic analysis by the Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG), conducted pursuant to a court- authorized inspection in Bailey v. Antrim County, documented that the Dominion EMS was intentionally configured to generate a tabulation error rate of 68.05% - meaning more than two- thirds of all ballots processed were flagged for manual adjudication. The VVSG Section 4.1.1 maximum allowable error rate is 1 in 125,000 ballot positions - approximately 0.0008%. The documented Antrim error rate exceeded the legal maximum by a factor of approximately 85,000. Of 15,676 total log events, 10,667 were critical errors or warnings. The ASOG report's key forensic finding is that the error-handling routines were subverted to suppress critical error messages when votes were shifted between contests - the system automatically converted shifted votes into undervotes without generating the system alerts that would normally flag the anomaly for operator review. This combination - a configuration generating mass errors, a suppression mechanism hiding the errors from operators, and the routing of flagged ballots to bulk adjudication where human operators make the final allocation - created a pipeline in which the outcome of adjudicated ballots could be directed by whoever controlled the adjudication interface, without any surviving log record. All adjudication logs for the 2020 election cycle were subsequently found to be manually deleted - while logs from prior election years remained intact.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
ESS Tabulators with 4G Modems - Certified Machines Bypassing Isolation Requirements (WI)
The Gableman Special Counsel Report documented that ESS voting tabulators deployed throughout Wisconsin, despite holding federal and state certification, were manufactured and deployed with embedded 4G wireless modems enabling internet connectivity. In Green Bay, these certified machines connected to a hidden Wi-Fi access point at the Grand Hyatt hotel - the central count facility - controlled by CTCL operative Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein rather than any government employee. The presence of active 4G modems in federally certified election equipment deployed in a presidential election directly contradicts the certified air-gap configuration and represents a categorical certification violation that state-level pre-election L&A testing was not designed to detect.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just The News; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
- ES&S EVS 6.4.0.0 Certificate and Scope of Conformance — EAC
Unauthorized Dual-Boot Configuration on Adjudication Endpoint (AZ)
Forensic review of Maricopa County's election network discovered a dual-boot configuration on the "Adjudication 02" endpoint workstation. The system contained two internal hard drives, both capable of booting to different operating environments. The second drive contained non-county, non-election data whose provenance has not been publicly disclosed. A certified election system is required to operate in a single, fixed, pre-approved hardware and software environment. The presence of a second bootable drive with extraneous data means that the adjudication workstation - through which ballot-level voting records were reviewed and potentially altered - was operating in a configuration that was neither tested nor approved by any accredited Voting System Test Laboratory (VSTL). Any adjudication decisions made on this machine are therefore produced by an unverifiable, uncertified configuration.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona Senate Audit Presentation by Ben Cotton — Scribd
- Maricopa County Forensic Audit Executive Summary — Cyber Ninjas / Arizona Senate
Surreptitious Software Alteration - Tabulation Components Deviated from Certified Build; L&A Testing Conducted on Only Five Spare Tabulators (AZ)
System log files reviewed during post-election forensic analysis indicate that Maricopa County's tabulation software was surreptitiously altered in components that control how ballots are read - the core functional module of any optical scan tabulator. This alteration rendered the deployed software an uncertified build not matching the EAC-approved Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5B golden image. Compounding this configuration failure, statutorily mandated pre-election Logic and Accuracy (L&A) testing was not conducted on all vote center tabulators as required; instead, testing was conducted only on five spare tabulators. L&A testing on machines that were not the machines used on Election Day cannot validate the Election Day configuration. Maricopa County operated over 230 vote centers on November 3, 2020.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The Case Against Electronic Voting Systems — LetsFixStuff.org
- Lake v. Fontes Appellants' Corrected Motion to Recall Mandate — Court Filing
Unapproved Hardware Substitution - Tabulators Identified as ICE Devices Despite ICP2 Representation; Procurement Records Corroborate Substitution (AZ)
Maricopa County publicly represented its 2020 tabulator deployment as consisting of ImageCast Precinct 2 (ICP2) optical scan units. However, multiple independent forensic indicators establish that the devices operated on Election Day were ImageCast Evolution (ICE) units: (1) EMS configuration files consistently identified the tabulators as ICE devices, not ICP2 units; (2) SLOG verification logs and Cast Vote Records (CVRs) used ICE device identifiers; (3) tabulator tapes substituted a Master Build Software (MBS) baseline identifier instead of the EAC-certified hardware model (PCOS-330A); and (4) Maricopa County procurement records show the purchase of 1,800 ICE-specific paper rolls - a physical supply that does not fit ICP2 units without unauthorized modification. The ICP2 and ICE are different certified products with different EAC certifications; using one while representing the other breaks the certification chain entirely. Whether the paper records produced by these tabulators accurately reflect cast ballots cannot be verified without knowing the actual hardware and software configuration under which they were generated.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Defective L&A Testing Using Zero-Voter "NVP" Synthetic Precincts (AZ)
Maricopa County utilized "NVP" (zero-voter, or No Voter Population) synthetic precincts in its election programming and in its pre-election Logic and Accuracy testing. Because these synthetic precincts contain no registered voters, testing them does not validate: (1) the actual ballot styles that will appear on Election Day; (2) the district overlay configurations that determine how ballots are attributed to specific races and candidates; or (3) the reporting structures through which results are tabulated and transmitted. Arizona statutes and HAVA § 301 require that L&A testing be conducted on the precise configuration that will be used in the live election. An L&A test that validates a zero-voter synthetic precinct configuration rather than a live-voter ballot configuration cannot demonstrate that the live election configuration is functioning correctly. Any assertion that L&A testing "passed" in Maricopa County is therefore forensically meaningless as a validation of the live election system.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Official Maricopa County and City of Phoenix election records explicitly list multiple “NVP” precincts (e.g., NVP 1, NVP 17, NVP 20, NVP 23, etc.). These precincts consistently report zero registered voters and zero votes cast in Statement of Votes Cast (SOV) reports. Maricopa County Justice Courts documentation confirms these were created as “non- voting precincts” or “NVPs” — small areas left with no registered voters due to redistricting boundary misalignments. They appear in precinct maps, committeemen quota lists, and canvass reports alongside normal precincts.
- A.R.S. § 16-442 (Arizona L&A testing requirement — tests must be conducted on actual election configuration)
- HAVA § 301, 52 U.S.C. § 21081 (federal requirement that L&A testing validate live election configuration)
- Analysis of NVP-Designated Zero-Voter Precincts in Election Programming and Testing based upon analysis by Narelle Brigden
Post-Election Forensic Audit Scope Insufficient to Validate or Refute Hardware Configuration - Internal Inspection Refused (AZ)
Post-election forensic examinations of Maricopa County's voting systems conducted by certified test laboratories, including Pro V&V and SLI Compliance, were structurally limited to external reviews, removable-media imaging, and software-level analysis. No auditor was permitted to conduct internal hardware inspections of the tabulator units - the "lift the hood" examination that would verify whether the internal computing components inside each physical tabulator matched the EAC- certified PCOS-330A hardware model or instead matched an ICE configuration. Maricopa County's refusal to permit physical internal inspection means that the most critical hardware-level question - whether the deployed tabulators were actually the certified model - remains forensically unresolved. An audit that cannot examine the hardware cannot validate the hardware configuration.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dominion ICX BMDs Deployed in Unauthorized Tabulator/DRE Mode (GA)
The Dominion ImageCast X (ICX) devices deployed in Fulton County were operated in tabulator (DRE - Direct Recording Electronic) mode during the 2020 election, with devices actively displaying "Total Ballots Cast" on their screens during voting operations. This is an unauthorized operational mode. Georgia's Master Solution Contract and the applicable EAC certification - Democracy Suite 5.5-A - certified the ICX exclusively as a Ballot Marking Device (BMD): a device that produces a marked paper ballot for separate scanning, not one that itself records and tallies votes. Operating a BMD in tabulator mode means that votes were recorded and counted by a device that was never certified for that function. The implications are fundamental: (1) the L&A testing performed on BMD-mode configurations does not validate DRE-mode operation; (2) the paper trail produced by a BMD in DRE mode may not accurately reflect what the tabulation module recorded; and (3) the result produced by an uncertified operational mode has no legal validity under HAVA or Georgia law.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- ICP2 v ICE configuration summary based upon Narelle Brigden analysis
- Georgia Master Solution Contract (ICX certified as BMD only under Democracy Suite 5.5-A)
- EAC Democracy Suite 5.5-A certification (BMD-only function)
- Curling v. Raffensperger (Halderman Report: BMD vulnerabilities)
- ICP2 v ICE configuration analysis report based upon Narelle Brigden analysis
Illegal Dual Project Configuration - Two Prior Election Projects Active Simultaneously in EMS During Live Election (GA)
Forensic database analysis of the Mesa County Dominion Voting Systems EMS server revealed an unauthorized creation of new election databases during early voting in the 2020 General Election on October 21, 2020, followed by the digital reloading of 20,346 ballot records into the new election databases, making the original voter intent recorded from the ballots unknown. The multiple databases found within the voting system show that ballot and ballot batch records were moved and changed, breaking the chain of evidence and leaving the true vote count unknown — making the vote count impossible to authenticate or prove accurate. Dominion's installation of the Trusted Build update on the EMS in May 2021, as ordered by the Colorado Secretary of State, destroyed all data on the EMS hard drive, including the batch and ballot records that evidenced the creation of new databases and reprocessing of ballot records.
📍 Jurisdiction: Mesa County, Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Uncertified 4GB CompactFlash Memory Cards Deployed in Place of Contracted 8GB Cards; 36 Mid-Election Card Swaps Without EMS Logical Delineation (GA)
Georgia's Master Solution Contract specified 8GB CompactFlash (CF) cards with a 29,000-ballot storage capacity per card. Fulton County instead deployed 4GB CF cards with a stated operational limit of 5,000 ballots - less than one-fifth the contracted capacity. Because these cards reached their informal 3,000-ballot threshold before filling, county personnel swapped memory cards 36 separate times during the early voting and Election Day period. This alone represents a significant deviation from the certified deployment configuration. The configuration failure was compounded in a critical way: when swapping cards, Fulton County staff failed to create new "logical tabulators" in the Dominion EMS - Dominion's own prescribed method for creating auditable boundaries between card-load periods. The EMS Batches Loaded Report shows no corresponding batch segmentation or load entries for the approximately 108,000 ballots associated with these card swaps, meaning the origin and chain of custody of these ballots is untraceable in the digital audit record. Dominion was aware of the 4GB card deployment; a contemporaneous report established that company officials warned Georgia election officials about the capacity mismatch.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- Philip B. Stark, "When Audits and Recounts Distract from Election Integrity," arXiv:2408.00055 (2024)
- System Audit: Election Integrity Failures – Memory Cards, based upon analysis by Narelle Brigden
Recount Server Crash and Complete Database Recreation - Fourth Full Rescan Required (GA)
During the court-ordered machine recount of Fulton County's 2020 general election results, a failure by county staff to comply with approved technological protocols for backing up and uploading tabulation data caused a server crash on November 29, 2020. This catastrophic configuration failure destroyed the active recount tabulation database entirely, requiring Fulton County to completely rescan all ballots for a fourth time. The significance of this event extends beyond the operational disruption: (1) the specific cause of the server crash - whether hardware failure, software error, or user action - has not been forensically determined; (2) the destroyed database contained intermediate tabulation data from the recount that was never recovered; and (3) the requirement to conduct a fourth full rescan means that no single complete, uninterrupted tabulation of Fulton County's ballots exists in the record without a mid-process disruption. A database recreated after a crash is not the same certified database that was deployed on Election Day.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dominion Software Installed on 30,000+ BMDs Without EAC Certification; Encryption Keys Stored in Plain Text in Violation of FIPS 140-2 (GA)
In the weeks immediately preceding the 2020 election, the Georgia Secretary of State authorized Dominion to install software updates across more than 30,000 BMDs statewide without completing the EAC recertification process that such modifications require. Pre-election installation of software updates on certified systems without re-certification is a categorical violation of federal certification standards - it means that on Election Day, every BMD in Georgia was running software that had not been certified by an accredited lab as meeting HAVA's functional and security requirements. Additionally, forensic examination of the Dominion Democracy Suite databases established that cryptographic encryption keys were stored in plain text within the election database - in direct violation of FIPS 140-2 federal standards for cryptographic module security. FIPS 140-2 is specifically incorporated into HAVA's security requirements. Plaintext storage of encryption keys means that any party with database access - including through the open SQL Server port 1433 documented in multiple jurisdictions - could read, copy, or misuse the keys that secure the election's cryptographic integrity. Expert testimony accepted by the federal district court in Curling v. Raffensperger found the system capable of altering individual votes and election outcomes without detection.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Dominion's Trump-Hating Executive Eric Coomer Performed a Suspicious Update in Georgia a Week Before Early Voting Started — The Gateway Pundit; see also RE Microsoft Kole House Data Elements and Sample Files.msg (series), available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Vnw7BA7JfthGG91CISTEmdLMI2nfKrad/view
- Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger's Update to Georgia's Voting Machine Software Right Before the 2020 Election Was Unlawful and Violates Any Certification of State Results — The Gateway Pundit
- Monday, Sept 30th - Georgia Judge Hears Case on Lawsuit Concerning Dominion Encryption Keys — True the Vote
Installation of Uncertified Microsoft SQL Server Management Studio on Dominion EMS - Direct Database Manipulation Capability Without Application-Level Audit Trail (MI)
The Dominion Election Management Server (EMS) in Antrim County, Michigan was found to contain an installation of Microsoft SQL Server Management Studio - a database administration tool that is not part of the certified Dominion Democracy Suite configuration and has not been approved by the EAC for use on election systems. This installation is not a passive software presence; SQL Server Management Studio is an active tool that allows any user with database credentials to run arbitrary SQL scripts directly against the backend database - including scripts that would alter vote tallies, modify ballot records, or delete audit log entries - without generating any entry in the certified application-level audit log. The Dominion Democracy Suite's EAC-certified audit trail only captures actions taken through the application interface, not direct database-level operations. Any action taken through SQL Server Management Studio against the election database would be invisible to the application-level audit log. This means that the audit trail cannot be relied upon to detect whether unauthorized modifications were made to the Antrim County election database.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Antrim County, MI Election Management System Application Security Analysis — Cyber Ninjas Report
- Antrim County: Technology Expert Witness Comparisons — LetsFixStuff.org
Concurrent Conflicting Election Project Files - Dominion CEO Admits Under Oath Two Versions Active Simultaneously (MI)
Dominion Voting Systems CEO John Poulos testified under oath that the Antrim County EMS concurrently housed two different versions of the 2020 election project: one from September 25, 2020, and a later version from October 23, 2020. The coexistence of two versions of the same election's project file on a single EMS is not a trivial technical detail - it is a categorical violation of the system's certified state. The EAC certifies a voting system for deployment in a single, specific, unambiguous configuration; the presence of two concurrent versions of the same election project means that the system was operating in a configuration that was neither tested nor certified. Further, any L&A testing conducted before October 23 - on the September 25 version - did not validate the October 23 version that was actually used on Election Day. This admission, made under oath by the system's CEO, is direct evidence of a configuration deviation from a primary source that cannot be dismissed as partisan interpretation of forensic findings.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Mid-Election EMS Database Recreation - Tabulation and Adjudication Databases Recreated on October 21, 2020; Selective Ballot Record Reprocessing (CO)
Forensic analysis of the Mesa County, Colorado EMS server - utilizing the same Dominion Democracy Suite platform deployed in multiple 2020 battleground states - revealed the unauthorized, mid- election creation of entirely new Tabulation and Adjudication databases on October 21, 2020, during the active early voting period. The original pre-election databases were deleted and replaced with new database instances. Thousands of ballot records were selectively copied into the new databases and reprocessed. This mid-election database recreation permanently and irreversibly broke the chain of custody between the ballots physically cast by voters and the database records purporting to represent those votes and voided the certified configuration state that had been validated by pre- election L&A testing. This finding is directly relevant to battleground state investigations because Mesa County used the same Dominion Democracy Suite platform and the same trusted build procedures; it demonstrates that this specific category of configuration manipulation - mid-election database recreation - is technically feasible within the platform's architecture, was actually executed in the field, and would be invisible to the application-level audit trail.
📍 Jurisdiction: Mesa County, Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Mesa County Colorado Voting Systems Report #3
- Investigation Reveals Secret Databases Created On Mesa County Colorado Dominion Voting Machine — Just the News
- Mesa County Forensic Report No. 2 — US Election Integrity Plan
Voting Systems Failure and Reprogramming of Election Systems Immediately Before The 2020 General Election (GA)
On September 30, 2020, the Secretary of State directed county officials to install untested and uncertified software (version 5.5.10.32) written the week before on 34,000 Ballot Marking Devices across the state before it was tested or submitted to the Election Assistance Commission (“EAC”) as required. To be clear- this was not a patch, but a complete installation of a new and untested software version.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Ballot Paper Authentication Disabled Across the State of Georgia (GA)
Georgia purchased the Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5A voting system that included tabulators with the capacity to authenticate specialized ballot paper. The Georgia Master Solutions Agreement requires counties to use the specialized paper which must be purchased from Dominion Voting Systems. The feature has been disabled on all tabulators across the state since the purchase of the system while counties continue to purchase the specialized paper at a premium.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Post-Certification Software Alterations - 45 EXEs and 1,053 DLLs Modified (AZ)
Forensic cybersecurity analyst Ben Cotton (CyFIR), retained by the Arizona Senate audit, documented that after the Dominion software installation 45 .exe packages and 1,053 .dll files were modified, and 4 .exe files and 377 .dll files were newly created on the EMS system. Cotton stated: "The machine behavior settings (MBS) and the database versions that existed on the tabulators...could not have been produced by the DVS version 5.5B. Any representation that this is the same golden image that the EAC approved is false." The county simultaneously defended its unpatched OS by claiming updates would void certification - a logically contradictory position, since the software modifications already voided it by the county's own standard.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Senate Presentation 4-30-22
- Update Report for Senate 3-17-24 — Scribd (Ben Cotton CyFIR Declaration)
- Arizona Audit: Deleted Election Files — Scribd
EMS OS and Antivirus Unpatched Since August 2019 - Contradictory CISA Guidance (AZ)
The Cyber Ninjas audit documented as an established fact that neither the EMS operating system nor its antivirus software had been patched or updated since August 2019 - the date of Dominion's software installation - meaning Maricopa ran a presidential election on a system with 15+ months of unaddressed CVEs. Maricopa County contended that patching would have "invalidated EAC certification." EAC Notice of Clarification 19.01 expressly contradicted this: security patches qualify for de minimis approval, and CISA has explicitly recommended such patching. The county's defense was therefore factually false, while the unpatched system remained exposed to documented critical vulnerabilities.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Cyber Ninjas Response to Maricopa County — Scribd
- Ben Cotton Testimony July 15 2021 — Rev.com
- EAC De Minimis Changes NOC 19-01 — EAC.gov
EMS Compiler Installed - Capable of Generating New Executables During Live Election (AZ)
Cotton's forensic presentation to the Arizona Senate documented that a compiler was installed on the Maricopa EMS - a tool providing the ability to modify and create executable files and drivers on the fly that could alter election results without detection. Evidence showed that new executable files were created at least three times during the active voting period in the 2020 election, a finding with no benign operational explanation. The presence of a compiler on a production election system fundamentally contradicts the static, locked-configuration requirement of the VVSG 1.0 certification paradigm.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Second Declaration of Benjamin R. Cotton — Court Filing; see also Affidavits- Reports Spreadsheet (Election Integrity Sandbox)
- Ben Cotton CyFir Presentation to Arizona Senate — Arizona Senate Audit
- CyFir Final Report — Arizona Senate Republicans
ICX BMDs Deployed in Uncertified Tabulator/DRE Mode (GA)
The Dominion ImageCast X (ICX) was EAC-certified under Democracy Suite 5.5-A exclusively as a Ballot Marking Device (BMD) - not as a tabulator or direct-recording electronic (DRE) system. That distinction was expressly addressed in the certification. Field deployment photographs and analysis from a Pro V&V audit documented that Georgia's ICX devices were operating in tabulator/DRE mode, displaying a "Total Ballots Cast" screen - a configuration reserved for tabulator or DRE systems that was specifically excluded from the ICX's 5.5-A certification. Georgia thereby conducted its 2020 elections using equipment operating entirely outside its certified configuration, in violation of both federal certification standards and the terms of Georgia's contract with Dominion, which required EAC certification.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Security Analysis of Georgia's ImageCast X Ballot Marking Devices – Halderman Report (Curling v. Raffensperger)
- "The Dominion Voting Systems Democracy Suite 5.5-A System is a paper-based optical scan voting system. The certified system consists of four major components: 1. Election Management System (EMS); 2. ImageCast X (ICX BMD) ballot marking device; 3. ImageCast Precinct (ICP) precinct scanner; 4. ImageCast Central (ICC) central count scanner." Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission, Attachment A — Dominion D-Suite 5.5-A Implementation Statement, dated Oct. 31, 2018.
Equipment Chain of Custody Discrepancy with the Poll Tape Metadata (MI)
"The Antrim Paradox," highlights an irreconcilable discrepancy between the documented chain of custody for voting equipment and the metadata printed on the physical poll tapes. While the Halderman report attributes massive vote mis-mapping to a "one-row shift" caused by an outdated With election definition on a CompactFlash (CF) card, the actual poll tapes produced by that card contain revised contest headings and write-in structures that should not exist if the card had not been reprogrammed. This finding challenges the internal logic of the report’s explanation for the Antrim County voting discrepancies.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dominion EMS Deployed with Known Deadlock Issues Compromising Audit Trail (CO)
Analysis of Mesa County, CO Dominion EMS Server images reveals that system was deployed with known SQL Server “deadlock” issues that compromises audit trail integrity.
📍 Jurisdiction: Mesa County, Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Non-Certified Software Tools, Pre-Election EMS Changes, and Failed L&A Tests on Certified Dominion System (PA)
Independent forensic examination of Fulton County's Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5 server - conducted by a third-party consultant retained by Fulton County - found: (a) failure to meet Commonwealth certification requirements; (b) non-certified database tools installed on the Dominion system; (c) changes made to the EMS three weeks before the 2020 election; and (d) failure to conduct required Logic and Accuracy (L&A) inspections. These findings collectively establish that Fulton County's deployed Dominion system materially deviated from its certified configuration in multiple independent respects simultaneously. The Pennsylvania Department of State subsequently decertified Fulton County's machines - not because of the substantive violations found by the audit, but because Fulton County had hired an independent third-party to conduct the examination, which the Secretary characterized as grounds for decertification. Fulton County sued, characterizing the decertification as unlawful retaliation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
ESS Tabulators with Embedded 4G Modems Not Disclosed Before or During L&A Testing - Connectivity Undetected (WI)
As documented in the Gableman Report, ESS voting tabulators deployed in Wisconsin were manufactured and deployed with embedded 4G cellular wireless modems enabling internet connectivity. L&A testing protocols in Wisconsin - and nationally - do not include network traffic Madison; Milwaukee, Milwaukee monitoring, port scanning, or connectivity verification as components of the accuracy test. As a result, the L&A testing conducted on ESS tabulators in Milwaukee, Madison, and other jurisdictions tested tabulation accuracy in isolation while leaving entirely undetected the active cellular modems that connected those certified machines to external networks. A system with a live cellular modem and an active internet connection is not the same system as a certified, air-gapped tabulator - and no L&A test verified the security configuration that certification assumed to be present.
📍 Jurisdiction: County, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just The News
- Gableman Report on Wisconsin Elections (page 14) — Gableman Report
Non- “Air Gapped” Scanner Configuration Deployed in Support of 2020 Election Operations (MI)
Election records obtained in response to FOIA request for 2020 election records that were subpoenaed by the MI legislature revealed that LAN-enabled JF-prefix Serial Numbers were deployed in Livonia, MI rather than the “air-gapped” JS-prefix models. The deployed version significantly increased the risk of network-based subversion of the election and indicates that the election was not conducted with an approved scanner configuration thereby serving as grounds for decertification of the results.
📍 Jurisdiction: Livonia, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just The News
- Analysis of Livonia 2020 Election subpoena records by Narelle Brigden
- Michigan Legislature, Joint Legislative Subpoena, December 15, 2020 ("Document 003"), covering 38 document categories, compliance deadline January 12, 2021. Citizens filed FOIA request May 7, 2021 encompassing all 38 subpoena categories. See Kate Riley, Livonia Election Integrity FOIA Timeline (April–June 2021). FOIA production repository
- Canon Inc., DR-G2140/G2110/G2090 User ManualDR-G2140/G2110/G2090 User Manual, p. 5 (distinguishing JF "network models" supporting wired LAN scanning via RJ-45 from JS "USB models" supporting USB connection only). Available at
- Canon Inc., imageFORMULA DR-G2140/G2110 Service ManualimageFORMULA DR-G2140/G2110 Service Manual ("The network scanning with wired LAN is supported by the DR-G2140/G2110 network models."). Available at
- U.S. Election Assistance Commission, D-Suite 5.5 Certificate and Scope of CertificationD-Suite 5.5 Certificate and Scope of Certification (FINAL), specifying: "Wide Area Network – Use of Wireless: NO; Local Area Network – Use of Wireless: NO; Local Area Network – Use of TCP/IP: YES (Client/server only); Internet Connectivity: NO." The Verified Voting Foundation's profile of the ImageCast Central further confirms that "ImageCast Central workstation is connected to the EMS Local Area Network" — the approved data path routes scanner → workstation via USB, and workstation → EMS via LAN. EAC Scope
- The compliance argument proceeds as follows: (a) ECO 100601 approves the DR-G2140 for use in D-Suite 5.5; (b) the D-Suite 5.5 Scope of Certification restricts LAN use to client/server communication between the ICC workstation and EMS server; (c) Canon's User Manual and Service Manual establish that the JF variant possesses an independent RJ-45 LAN port and LAN-scanning capability; (d) that independent LAN capability has no approved role in the certified data path. Neither the EAC documents nor the Canon documents individually adjudicate the JF/JS compliance question; the argument rests on the combination of both.
Failure to Test Production Tabulators - Only Five Spare Units Tested (AZ)
Contrary to representations made to the district court and the public, Maricopa County did not conduct statutorily mandated pre-election L&A testing on all its active vote-center tabulators prior to the November 2020 election. Instead, county officials tested only five spare tabulators - units not deployed to vote centers - leaving the actual production machines used by voters on Election Day entirely unverified. L&A test result tapes were generated on spare units and associated with production machine serial numbers in a manner that could not confirm those production units tabulated accurately.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Parikh Declaration (v4c, Mar. 18, 2024)
- Lake Motion to Expedite (SCOTUS Docket 23-1021): Available via supremecourt.gov docket search or mirrored copies on Democracy Docket.
COVID-19 Restrictions Invoked to Limit Observation of L&A Testing (AZ)
Maricopa County leveraged COVID-19 social-distancing protocols to restrict the number and proximity of public observers permitted to witness L&A testing sessions. The practical effect was that observers were unable to verify machine serial numbers against test tapes, confirm that the same machines tested were the same machines deployed, or meaningfully observe the testing process as required by A.R.S. § 16-442. Because Arizona law makes public observability a substantive component of the L&A process, restricting observation is not a procedural accommodation - it is a violation of the statute's transparency requirements.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Truncated L&A Test Decks - Only One Race Per BMD Tested Statewide (GA)
The Georgia Secretary of State's L&A procedures manual, issued in January 2020, directed counties to test only one candidate race per Ballot Marking Device (BMD) for each ballot style, rather than all contests on the ballot. This truncated testing protocol directly contradicts O.C.G.A. § 21-2-379.25(c), which requires L&A testing to verify accurate recording for all offices and questions on the ballot. In a statewide election with dozens of contest positions - judicial races, constitutional amendments, local races, and federal contests - testing a single race provides no assurance whatsoever that the BMD will accurately record votes in untested races, including presidential. An undetected software defect affecting the presidential race but not the single tested race would pass L&A testing under Georgia's protocol without triggering any alarm.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Logic and Accuracy Procedures v1.02 — Georgia Secretary of State
Late-Stage BMD Software Update Nullified Prior L&A Testing on All 30,000 Devices (GA)
Shortly after L&A testing began across Georgia's counties in advance of the November 2020 general election, a display bug was discovered in the Dominion ICX BMD software. The Secretary of State's office coordinated a software patch - described as correcting the visual display of ballots - that was distributed and installed on all 30,000 BMDs statewide without completing VSTL testing or obtaining the required EAC certification, as documented in the September 30, 2020 SOS directive. This last- minute installation nullified every L&A test that had already been conducted, introducing untested code into all 30,000 production devices. No state directive was issued requiring re-testing of the updated devices before the election, and there is no documented evidence that comprehensive re- testing was conducted on any material portion of the updated fleet.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fulton County L&A Testing for Advance Voting Tabulators Not Independently Verified - Dominion Personnel Conducted Testing (GA)
Dominion Voting Systems personnel, operating under a nearly $2 million on-site staffing contract with Fulton County, were directly involved in programming, testing, and post-election support for the county's voting equipment, including participation in L&A testing procedures. Official L&A testing conducted by a vendor with a financial interest in the system's continued deployment cannot satisfy the independence requirement of a meaningful public accuracy test. The EOG Report further confirmed that 35 tabulator memory cards were swapped mid-election without documented authorization - an event that, had L&A testing been independently and comprehensively conducted on the actual production memory cards that were ultimately used, would have been detectable.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
EMS, Adjudication Workstations, and RTM Laptops Excluded from L&A Testing - 172,000+ Absentee Votes Affected (MI)
The City of Detroit deployed central Election Management System (EMS) workstations, Remote Tally Management (RTM) laptops, and adjudication workstations at the TCF Center to process over 172,000 absentee ballots. None of these centralized, high-risk systems were subjected to public accuracy testing before the election. MCL § 168.798 requires public testing of voting equipment; the EMS and adjudication systems are the highest-impact nodes in the vote-tabulation chain - they receive tabulator output, manage batch adjudication decisions, and produce final consolidated totals. Testing only precinct-level tabulators while leaving EMS and adjudication systems entirely untested creates a fundamental gap in the verification chain: accurate precinct tabulation can be completely negated by downstream manipulation at the EMS or adjudication layer.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- "October 29th, 9 AM – the voting machine Logic and Accuracy test is held via Zoom, due to Covid-19. Trump campaign lawyers are denied in-person observation of the event." [Flynn, S. Trump Campaign, Pers. Comm. c. October 28th, 2020]
- EXPOSED: Detroit Election Night Reporting Process — Lets Fix Stuff
- Election Results Are Missing Key Audit Trail Links | Lets Fix Stuff
Mandatory L&A Test Skipped After October 23, 2020, Database Modification - 7,060-Vote Discrepancy Resulted (MI)
Antrim County Clerk Sheryl Guy uploaded a modified election project file to the Dominion ImageCast Precinct tabulators on October 23, 2020 - replacing the original project built on September 25, 2020 - without conducting the required public accuracy test on the newly programmed system as required by MCL § 168.798. This statutory violation allowed a severe configuration mismatch to remain undetected and ultimately produced an apparent 7,060-vote flip from Trump to Biden that was reported on election night before being corrected. The ASOG forensic report documented a 68.05% error rate in the tabulator logs - vastly exceeding the VVSG maximum of 1 per 125,000 positions - with 10,667 critical errors or warnings out of 15,676 total log events. Had a proper L&A test been conducted after the October 23 modification, these errors would have been detected before any voter cast a ballot.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ASOG Antrim Michigan Forensics Report — ASOG Report
- Halderman Antrim County Forensic Analysis — USENIX Security Symposium
- Antrim County: The Thread That Unravels 2020 Election Theft — LetsFixStuff.org
110% Ballot Reversal Rate Observed During L&A Testing - Anomaly Not Investigated (MI)
ASOG's forensic examination of Antrim County L&A records revealed a 110% ballot reversal rate in adjudication log records during the L&A testing phase for Warner Township. A reversal rate exceeding 100% is mathematically indicative of systematic error, configuration failure, or software anomaly - it means more ballots were reversed in adjudication than were cast in the test. This anomalous finding was not investigated, not corrected, and not reported to any oversight authority before the election proceeded. EMS system event logs (slog.txt and EmsLogger) that would contain the complete record of these anomalous events are among the class of records documented as absent for the 2020 election cycle, consistent with ASOG's finding that 2020 adjudication logs were selectively deleted.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Warner Township Public Accuracy Test held on October 20, 2020
- Halderman "entirely omitted" the 111% reversal rate — Election Crime Bureau
- Bailey v. Antrim County, Case No. 20-9238-CZ, James Thomas Penrose IV and Jeffrey Lenberg, "Assessment of Halderman Expert Report Dated March 26, 2021" (June 23, 2021)
Standard L&A Testing Structurally Unable to Detect Test-Aware Malware (PA)
Technical cybersecurity evaluations of Pennsylvania voting system deployments - most concretely illustrated by the Northampton County ESS ExpressPoll failure in 2019, which produced zero votes for one candidate in a contested race despite those votes having been cast - demonstrated a documented pattern: systems passing L&A testing subsequently suffered massive tabulation failures in production conditions. Cybersecurity researchers, including Prof. Halderman in his expert report in Curling v. Raffensperger, documented that standard L&A test decks are wholly ineffective against test-aware malware that can detect the testing environment (limited ballot count, sequential testing pattern, absence of network traffic) and remain dormant during the test window while activating only during live polling hours. L&A testing, as designed and implemented, cannot detect malicious code that knows when it is being tested.
📍 Jurisdiction: Northampton County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- A year ago, voting machines malfunctioned in a pivotal Pa. county. Have the problems been fixed? — Spotlight PA
- Northampton County kept sloppy voting machine records — Spotlight PA
- They may look and look, yet not see: BMDs cannot be tested adequately — Philip B. Stark arXiv paper
Required L&A Testing Not Conducted - Forensic Exam Found Pre- Election EMS Changes Three Weeks Before Election (PA)
The Speckin Forensics examination of Fulton County's Dominion voting machines - conducted in 2022 as part of Fulton County v. Dominion Voting Systems - documented that required Logic and Accuracy inspections had not been conducted and that changes were made to the EMS three weeks before the 2020 election. A system that has been modified after its last documented L&A test has, by definition, not been tested in its deployed configuration. L&A testing had been designed specifically to catch this class of pre-election modification. Its omission meant that a materially modified EMS configuration was deployed without any independent verification of accurate tabulation. The Pennsylvania Department of State's response to this finding - decertifying Fulton County's machines not for the substantive violations but for the act of hiring an independent expert - structurally discouraged any other county from conducting independent verification.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Speckin Forensics Report — Fulton County PA
COVID Rules Weaponized to Block Observers from L&A Testing; Demonstration Units Substituted for Production Tabulators (WI)
Wisconsin municipalities leveraged COVID-19 spacing restrictions to unlawfully restrict poll challengers and citizen observers from meaningfully overseeing L&A testing. Wis. Stat. § 5.84 guarantees any elector the right to observe pre-election testing of automatic voting equipment. The use of public health rules to enforce the practical equivalent of exclusion from these tests violated this statutory guarantee. Compounding this, testing was in multiple documented instances limited to a single demonstration tabulator rather than comprehensive testing of all electronic tabulators scheduled for deployment - identical to the Maricopa County pattern of testing spare or representative units instead of actual production machines. In Green Bay specifically, CTCL operative Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein had been granted operational access to the central tabulation facility - access that no private citizen should have held - raising the question of whether L&A testing at that facility was supervised by an authorized governmental official or by a partisan private operative.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Gableman Report on Wisconsin Elections (page 14) — Gableman Report
L&A Testing Conducted Before EMS Programming Complete - Testing Window Does Not Cover Final Configuration
A structural deficiency in L&A testing practice across multiple jurisdictions is that testing is frequently conducted after initial EMS programming but before final ballot database configuration is complete - particularly in jurisdictions where late ballot contest additions, ballot style corrections, or candidate withdrawals occur close to the election. The October 23, 2020 Antrim County database modification is the most clearly documented instance of this pattern: the original project was built September 25, tested, and then replaced by a new project on October 23 with no subsequent testing. The practical consequence is that L&A testing in these jurisdictions verifies an intermediate configuration, not the final deployed configuration - rendering the test legally insufficient to satisfy the statutory purpose of verifying that "the equipment will accurately tabulate the ballots to be cast."
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fulton County Utilized Voting Systems for Advance Voting That Had not Been Tested for Logic & Accuracy as Required by Georgia Law (GA)
After the discovery of the voting systems failure detailed in Count 1, Logic & Accuracy testing was suspended pending resolution of the problem. After the new software was installed, Fulton County did not perform L&A testing on the voting equipment utilized for Advance Voting.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Detroit Deployed Tabulators Not Subject to Public Accuracy Test (MI)
During the 2020 election, the City of Detroit had 503 election precincts. Each election precinct featured a Dominion ImageCast Precinct (ICP) tabulators and a Dominion ImageCastX (ICX) Voter Assist Terminal Station (VATS) to assist handicapped individuals in generating a ballot for them to deposit into the ICP for tabulation. The Detroit Absentee Voter Counting Board (AVCB) featured 134 counting boards. Each of these counting boards were assigned 3-5 precincts. AVCB ballots were tallied by 25 ImageCast Central (ICC) tabulators which routed rejected ballots to one of 14 unique Adjudicator workstations. Only 14 Dominion ICP devices were subject to Public Accuracy Test.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Shared Single Password Across All EMS, EMS Client, ICC, HiPro, and Adjudication Systems (AZ)
The Cyber Ninjas audit documented that a single, identical password was used for all user accounts on all EMS, EMS client, adjudication, HiPro scanner, and ICC workstations - credentials installed by Dominion during the August 6, 2019 system installation and never changed through the date of the audit, a period exceeding two years and one presidential election. This directly violated Arizona's 2019 Election Procedures Manual (EPM), §5, which mandates that "users and, if applicable, stations shall have unique usernames and secure passwords" and that "vendor-supplied generic passwords may not be used." The practical consequence: any person who obtained the single credential - authorized, unauthorized, or via social engineering - had administrative access to every component of the election management infrastructure.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County Forensic Audit Volume III: Results Details — Cyber Ninjas Audit Report
iButton Authentication Hardware Retained by Vendor - County Had No Independent System Access (AZ)
The Cyber Ninjas audit confirmed as an established fact that Maricopa County did not possess the administrative iButtons required to independently access, configure, or validate its Dominion tabulation systems. Only Dominion Voting Systems held these tokens. The Senate cover letter stated: "No private company should be trusted with the keys to our democracy. If a county doesn't even have administrator passwords for its vote-counting machines, the county cannot properly monitor its own elections." A county that structurally lacks administrative access to its own certified election equipment cannot demonstrate VVSG-required configuration compliance and cannot independently verify the integrity of a single count.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County Forensic Audit Volume III: Results Details — Cyber Ninjas Audit Report
- AZ Senate cover letter (Karen Fann letter, Sept. 24, 2021): 'No private company should be trusted with the keys to our democracy'
- Ken Bennett Compliance Report (county directed Dominion not to cooperate with Senate audit)
Encryption Keys Stored in Plaintext Within Election Database - FIPS 140- 2 Violation (GA)
The EOG Report and independent forensic analysis confirmed that Dominion stored master cryptographic encryption keys unprotected and in plain text within the same database used to store election data and produce contest results - in direct violation of FIPS 140-2, which requires cryptographic keys to be protected within a cryptographic module from unauthorized access. This violation was confirmed in election databases from multiple Georgia counties including Appling, Bibb, Coffee, Jones, and Telfair. The plaintext keys provide access to "all tools and information including usernames and passwords necessary to manipulate, fabricate, produce, and/or replace election results...without detection." This vulnerability is the most catastrophic single-point security failure documented in any certified U.S. election system.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- RESPONSE TO MOTION TO DISMISS — Fulton County Superior Court
- Dekalb GOP v. Raffensperger Mandamus — VoterGA.org
- Halderman Expert Report (referenced) — Fulton County Superior Court
- Fulton County 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
Halderman Expert Findings - QR Code Manipulation and Remote Malware Installation Possible on Certified BMDs (GA)
Prof. J. Alex Halderman (Univ. of Michigan), serving as plaintiff's expert in Curling v. Raffensperger, documented through hands-on forensic testing of the EAC-certified ICX BMD system that: (1) attackers can alter ballot QR codes (the operative data the tabulation system counts, not the human- readable text); (2) malicious software can be installed remotely from the EMS; and (3) audit log entries can be subverted. The Curling court found these opinions credible and issued injunctive relief. CISA was notified of these findings on September 2, 2021, but suppressed public disclosure for approximately 22 months - finally acknowledging nine specific vulnerabilities in a June 2022 advisory - while Georgia conducted additional elections on the same platform. The EAC's certification of this system did not detect, and its program did not address any of these vulnerabilities.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5 Deployed with Open SQL Server Port 1433 - Direct Database Modification Possible from Any Internet- Connected Device (PA)
[Established Fact - As to SQL port configuration and demonstrated vulnerability] Forensic analysis of Dominion's Democracy Suite in multiple jurisdictions established that SQL Server port 1433 was configured to accept connections from any IP address worldwide. Port 1433 is the standard network port for Microsoft SQL Server - the database engine underlying the Democracy Suite. An open, world-accessible SQL Server port means that any actor with valid database credentials could directly connect to the election database from any internet-connected device and execute queries against it: inserting, modifying, or deleting records in the vote database without passing through any certified application interface and without generating any entry in the certified application-level audit trail. The Mesa County forensic team demonstrated this vulnerability empirically: using a non-Dominion workstation and an iPhone SQL client, they were able to directly modify election database records in a Mesa County Democracy Suite environment. Whether this architectural deficiency - present in the certified deployment configuration shipped to all Democracy Suite jurisdictions - was exploited in any Pennsylvania county is a forensic question that has not been answered, because the external IP transmission logs from the Fulton County forensic examination have not been fully disclosed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Mesa County, Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Douglas Gould, “Report #2: Forensic Examination and Analysis Report” (Feb. 28, 2022), analyzing forensic images of Mesa County’s Dominion D-Suite 5.11-CO EMS server (the certified version used in the 2020 election)
- Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, ICS Advisory (ICSA-22-154-01): Dominion Voting Systems Democracy Suite ImageCast X (June 3, 2022), discussed in CyberScoop at
- Fulton County v. Dominion Voting Systems, Inc., No. 277 MD 2021, Civil Complaint (Fulton Cty. Ct. of Common Pleas, Sept. 20, 2022), available at
- Fulton County, PA Speckin Forensics Report, September 15, 2022
Exploitation of Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5 Deployed with Open SQL Server Port 1433 - Direct Database Modification Possible from Any Internet-Connected Device (PA)
[Disputed Fact - As to whether vulnerability was exploited] Forensic analysis of Dominion's Democracy Suite in multiple jurisdictions established that SQL Server port 1433 was configured to accept connections from any IP address worldwide. Port 1433 is the standard network port for Microsoft SQL Server - the database engine underlying the Democracy Suite. An open, world- accessible SQL Server port means that any actor with valid database credentials could directly connect to the election database from any internet-connected device and execute queries against it: inserting, modifying, or deleting records in the vote database without passing through any certified application interface and without generating any entry in the certified application-level audit trail. The Mesa County forensic team demonstrated this vulnerability empirically: using a non-Dominion workstation and an iPhone SQL client, they were able to directly modify election database records in a Mesa County Democracy Suite environment. Whether this architectural deficiency - present in the certified deployment configuration shipped to all Democracy Suite jurisdictions - was exploited in any Pennsylvania county is a forensic question that has not been answered, because the external IP transmission logs from the Fulton County forensic examination have not been fully disclosed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Security Analysis of Georgia's ImageCast X Ballot Marking Devices – Curling v. Raffensperger
- Douglas Gould, “Report #2: Forensic Examination and Analysis Report” (Feb. 28, 2022), analyzing forensic images of Mesa County’s Dominion D-Suite 5.11-CO EMS server (the certified version used in the 2020 election)
- Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, ICS Advisory (ICSA-22-154-01): Dominion Voting Systems Democracy Suite ImageCast X (June 3, 2022), discussed in CyberScoop at
- Fulton County v. Dominion Voting Systems, Inc., No. 277 MD 2021, Civil Complaint (Fulton Cty. Ct. of Common Pleas, Sept. 20, 2022), available at
- Speckin Forensics Report, September 15, 2022
Unpatched EMS Operating System and Plaintext FIPS Decryption Keys (AZ)
The Dominion EMS server's operating system and antivirus software were not patched or updated after August 6, 2019 - the date of initial installation - leaving the system exposed to all known exploits disclosed during the subsequent 14 months before the November 2020 election, including the entire pre-election deployment period. More critically, Dominion configured the voting machines with FIPS-level decryption keys stored in an election database table in plaintext, protected only by easily bypassed Windows credentials. Any actor with access to the database - through the globally- open SQL Server port (see AZ.EVS.SN-03) - could retrieve these keys and decrypt, modify, or replace election result files without cryptographic detection.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Cyber Ninjas Findings: No OS or AV Updates Since Aug 2019 — The Gateway Pundit
- Ben Cotton Second Declaration: 12,507 Executables Modified Post Aug 6 2019 & Plaintext Encryption Keys — Benjamin R. Cotton Declaration
- AZ Senate Hearing Transcript: No Updates/Patches Since Dominion Install Aug 2019 — Arizona Senate Audit Hearing
Single Shared Password Across All EMS Components - Never Rotated Through 2020 Election (AZ)
The credentials (usernames and passwords) for all EMS server components - EMS workstations, adjudication workstations, HiPro scanners, and ICC workstations - were created during the Dominion software installation on August 6, 2019, and were never changed from that date through the delivery of systems for forensic audit following the 2020 election: a period exceeding two years encompassing one presidential election cycle. The same password was used for all user accounts on all systems, meaning that any person - an insider, vendor employee, or unauthorized actor who obtained the single common credential - could access and potentially modify any component of the election management infrastructure without attribution. This directly violates the Arizona Election Procedures Manual's requirement that users have unique usernames and secure passwords, and that vendor-supplied generic passwords may not be used.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona State Senate Hearing on the 2020 Election Audit Transcript — Rev.com
- Cyber Ninjas Audit Findings on Maricopa Voting Machines — The Gateway Pundit
SQL Server Port 1433 Open to Any Global IP - Direct Database Modification Without Application Layer (AZ)
The Dominion EMS SQL Server was configured with firewall rules accepting inbound connections on port 1433 from any IP address worldwide, bypassing the certified application layer entirely. The Mesa County Forensic Team demonstrated this vulnerability empirically: a non-Dominion workstation - and even an iPhone SQL client - could directly query and modify election databases without interacting with the certified Dominion software. This is not a theoretical risk; it is a documented architectural deficiency in the deployed production system.
📍 Jurisdiction: Mesa County, Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Mesa County Forensic Report No. 2 — US Election Integrity Plan
EMS Security Event Log Configured to Auto-Overwrite - Election Day Logs Destroyed (AZ)
The EMS server's Windows Security Event Log was configured with a maximum retention size of 20 MB and set to automatically overwrite older entries when full. As a consequence, the earliest log entry preserved at the time of forensic audit was dated February 5, 2021 - not November 3, 2020. Every access event, authentication attempt, administrative action, and network connection that occurred during the preparation and conduct of the 2020 general election had been automatically overwritten before auditors arrived. This configuration did not result from storage constraints: the EMS server had over 2 terabytes of free storage. The practical effect was that it is impossible to determine who accessed the EMS, from what IP address, on what dates, or what actions they took during the election cycle.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona State Senate Hearing on the 2020 Election Audit — Rev Transcript
- Maricopa County Forensic Audit Volume III: Results Details — Cyber Ninjas Audit Report
Unhardened Election Servers - Unauthorized USB Use, Video Games Installed, No NIST Hardening (GA)
Cybersecurity expert Harri Hursti, providing sworn testimony in Curling v. Raffensperger, documented severe operational security failures in Georgia county election offices. EMS and tabulation servers were not hardened according to NIST benchmark guidelines; servers exhibited frequent, untracked use of USB flash drives, and unauthorized software applications - including video games - were installed on election management workstations. The presence of unauthorized software creates direct pathways for malware injection via USB, introduces unknown network-facing processes that may create additional attack surfaces, and violates both the VVSG's requirement that systems operate in a closed, controlled configuration and the principle that only certified software run on election-certified machines.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Declaration of Harri Hursti — Curling v. Raffensperger Court Filing
Dominion Stored Master Encryption Keys in Plaintext in Election Databases - Confirmed in 5+ Counties (GA)
Independent forensic analysis confirmed that Dominion placed master cryptographic encryption keys unprotected and in plaintext within the same database used to store election data and produce contest results - in direct violation of FIPS 140-2, which requires cryptographic keys to be protected within a cryptographic module. This vulnerability was confirmed in election databases from multiple Georgia counties, including Appling, Bibb, Coffee, Jones, and Telfair. The EOG Report concluded that these encryption keys "provide access to all tools and information including usernames and passwords necessary to manipulate, fabricate, produce, and/or replace election results . . . without detection." The keys were present in the same database that was accessible via open SQL Server ports, meaning that any remote actor who connected to the database had the cryptographic means to decrypt, modify, and re-encrypt results without leaving evidence.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Plaintext Master Cryptographic Key, 12-Year-Old Shared Password, and Two Anonymous Remote Logins with Escalated Privileges (MI)
Forensic analysis of the Antrim County EMS revealed that the master cryptographic key used to encrypt all voting results transmitted from tabulators was stored in plaintext in a database table - identical to the vulnerability confirmed in Georgia. Additionally, all users relied on the generic, shared administrative account "EMSADMIN" with a 12-year-old password: "dvscorp08!" - a password whose format encodes the corporate initials "dvs" (Dominion Voting Systems) and the year "08," indicating it was set at manufacture in 2008 and never changed. CyTech/CyFir forensic examination documented two successful, anonymous remote logins with escalated privileges on November 5 and November 17, 2020 - two and fourteen days after the election - using this credential. The identity of these remote actors has never been publicly established.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Cyber Ninjas Antrim County EMS Security Analysis — Court Filing
- Benjamin R. Cotton Affidavit June 8, 2021 — Court Filing
Unauthenticated RDP and VNC Remote Access Protocols Enabled on Certified EMS Workstations (PA)
Forensic imaging of the Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5 server in Fulton County, PA discovered that VNC (Virtual Network Computing) and RDP (Remote Desktop Protocol) protocols were actively enabled on secured election management workstations - creating open remote-access channels that permitted outward data routing to foreign IP addresses without authentication requirement. These misconfigurations nullified any defense relying on a physical or logical air gap. The Pennsylvania Department of State's subsequent decertification of Fulton County's Dominion machines - issued not because of the substantive security vulnerabilities found, but purportedly because Fulton County had used an independent third-party consultant to find them - is itself documented as a potentially retaliatory act. Fulton County filed suit, characterizing the decertification as unlawful retaliation for exercising its audit rights.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County v. Dominion Voting Systems, Inc., Civil Complaint ¶¶ 70–74, Court of Common Pleas, 39th Judicial District, Fulton County, PA (Sept. 20, 2022), available at
- Carroll et al. v. Secretary of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Emergency Application for Stay, Pennsylvania Supreme Court No. 277 MD 2021 (filed Aug. 28, 2023), at p. 25, incorporating Benjamin R. Cotton Affidavit (Exhibit C, Aug. 24, 2023), available at
- Carroll et al. v. Secretary of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Petition for Writ of Certiorari, SCOTUS Docket No. 23-1237 (filed May 30, 2024), available at
- County of Fulton v. Secretary of the Commonwealth, Pennsylvania Supreme Court, 3 MAP 2022, opinion at
ESS Installed Remote-Access Software (pcAnywhere) on EMS Systems - Source Code Was Stolen by Hackers (PA)
Election Systems & Software (ESS), the largest U.S. voting machine vendor, admitted in a 2018 letter to Senator Ron Wyden that it had installed pcAnywhere remote-access software on election management systems sold to Pennsylvania and other states between 2000 and 2006 - directly contradicting prior public representations that it had never done so. The period during which pcAnywhere was installed coincided with the theft of pcAnywhere's source code by hackers, meaning that any ESS EMS with pcAnywhere installed was potentially accessible to anyone possessing the stolen source code. ESS refused to disclose to Congress which specific states and counties had received affected systems and refused to seek Colorado certification when the state required vulnerability test results to be made public.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Top Voting Machine Vendor Admits It Installed Remote-Access Software on Systems Sold to States — Vice Motherboard
- Public Citizen Calls on Largest Voting Machine Vendor to Stop Selling Machines That Connect to the Internet — Public Citizen
- Voting machine vendor says it installed remote software connections — CyberScoop
FIDO Key Mismanagement and Private Operative's Control of Hidden Election-Night Wi-Fi Network (WI)
The Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) issued 3,137 FIDO (Fast Identity Online) hardware security keys for WisVote database access while admitting it cannot account for how many keys it has actually issued. At least one county received 15 keys after requesting only 2, and was told to hold unused keys "just in case." Of 2,938 active keys at one audit point, 1,929 (66%) were issued with full clerk-level access, rendering multi-factor authentication effectively meaningless. In Green Bay, CTCL- affiliated operative Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein - a Brooklyn-based attorney with no governmental authority - controlled a hidden Wi-Fi access point at the Grand Hyatt Hotel facility to which all Green Bay ESS voting machines were connected on election night. He simultaneously had physical access to ballots and machines and made the determination that late-arriving ballots should be counted.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The WEC Is a Member of the ERIC System — Gateway Pundit
- Gableman Report on Wisconsin Elections (page 14) — Gableman Report
- Election Security Report - Sauk County — Sauk County WI
Dominion iButtons - Hardware Authentication Tokens Retained Exclusively by Vendor, Never Transferred to County (AZ)
Maricopa County did not possess the administrative iButtons - hardware authentication tokens required to configure, validate, and independently access the Dominion tabulation systems it deployed in the 2020 election. These tokens were retained exclusively by Dominion Voting Systems throughout the election cycle. As a consequence, Maricopa County election officials had no independent ability to configure, validate, or verify the operational status of the voting systems they were legally responsible for administering. The Cyber Ninjas audit team confirmed: "Maricopa County does not control the administrative iButtons." When investigators attempted to obtain technical explanation from Dominion, the vendor refused - acting under direction from the County. A private company retaining exclusive hardware authentication authority over critical government election infrastructure is constitutionally and legally incompatible with the principle that elections are a governmental function.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County Forensic Audit Volume III: Results Details — Cyber Ninjas Audit Report
- Ben Cotton Testimony July 15 2021 — Rev.com
- EAC De Minimis Changes NOC 19-01 — EAC.gov
EAC security rigor insufficient to secure election systems as critical infrastructure (US)
On December 7, 2025, the Chair of the Election Assistance Commission, Donald Palmer, issued a statement designed to give a false sense of security that our electronic voting systems are secure. The Election Crime Bureau responded with a report supported by evidence that asserts that the security safeguards in place for election systems are not sufficient to satisfy the security needs of "critical infrastructure". Certified systems have contained unlisted tools and insecure configurations; trusted builds have destroyed required audit records; documented database manipulations and logging practices have rendered key contests non-verifiable; systemic cyber weaknesses persist across the election infrastructure subsector; and federal authorities have been slow to act on urgent, expert warnings. The Chair’s statements do not grapple with these realities and therefore cannot be treated as an adequate or complete description of the true security posture and governance of U.S. voting systems.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Voting System’s Encryption Keys Provided to Counties Unprotected in Plain Text (GA)
Encryption is used to protect the voting system configuration files, programming, election results, and functions. With the cryptographic encryption keys, the programming, results, and functions can be easily manipulated without detection.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
RestoreDatabase API Found – Able to Overwrite Voter Database at Runtime (MI)
Binary analysis of EPBHostService.exe — the poll book host service deployed to all 44 Livonia precincts on Election Day 2020 — reveals a RestoreDatabase API endpoint capable of overwriting the entire active voter database (EPB.accdb, 79 MB) at runtime. Calling this endpoint during an election would replace all voter check-in records accumulated since polls opened — erasing voting-status data and potentially allowing already checked-in voters to re-appear as unchecked-in. No access controls, authentication requirements, or API call logs for this endpoint were produced in any FOIA or subpoena response. The security perimeter of this API on Election Day 2020 is therefore unknown.
📍 Jurisdiction: Livonia, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Livonia 2020 Election Precinct Anomalies Report
- Anomaly 23 Detailed Report, 2020 Livonia Election Analysis
- The RestoreDatabase API is, by its architecture, a self-erasing capability. The examination of its binary code reveals that the full API surface exposed by EPBHostService.exe includes: api/voters/BackupDatabase/ — creates a backup, api/voters/RestoreDatabase/ — overwrites the active database, and api/voters/CloseDatabaseConnection/ — closes the connection. None of these three administrative endpoints appear in any logging path. Calling RestoreDatabase at runtime would replace EPB.accdb wholesale — overwriting every voter check-in record, every ACTIONHISTORY entry, every VOTINGSTATUS record — and leave no trace of the call itself anywhere in the system. If it was called on Election Day 2020, no record of that call survives in any system accessible through FOIA. The only potential forensic path is the encrypted EPB.accdb itself — if decrypted, a gap in ACTIONHISTORY timestamps or an anomalous reset of VOTINGSTATUS entries mid-election would be circumstantial evidence of a Restore call having occurred.
Voter ID Tied to Ballot ID Eliminates Secret Ballot and Party ID Increases Risk of Vote Shift Algorithm (MI)
Livonia Electronic Poll Books connected to 79 MB Microsoft Access database containing numerous fields including VoterID, PartyID, Timestamps, BallotNumber, and BallotStyle. When coupled with CVR (which includes RecordID and vote data), this information can reveal how an individual voter cast their votes thereby eliminating the secret ballot which is a guaranteed right in the Michigan Constitution. An additional consideration worth noting pertains to the inclusion of the PartyID field in the EPB database. Michigan does not have party registration which begs the question why such a data field would be present in support of general election operations. It is difficult to understand any benign explanation for the use of this field in support of election operations. The field would be very useful, however, in support of a party-affiliation based vote-flip script.
📍 Jurisdiction: Livonia, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Livonia 2020 Election Precinct Anomalies Report
- Anomaly 25 Detailed Report, 2020 Livonia Election Analysis
- The City of Livonia deployed Electronic Poll Books (EPBs) running on a Microsoft Access database (EPB.accdb, 79 MB, timestamped December 29, 2020). Forensic analysis of the EPB binary files confirmed the database schema contains fields including VoterID, PartyID, BallotNumber, BallotStyleID, and check-in timestamps recorded at ballot issuance. When combined with a Cast Vote Record (CVR) export from the Dominion Democracy Suite Election Management System — which contains a RecordId field, TabulatorId, BatchId, and vote selections for each scanned ballot — this data combination creates a pathway to identify how individual voters cast their ballots, in direct violation of the right to a secret ballot guaranteed by Michigan Constitution Article II, § 4(1) ("the right, once registered, to vote a secret ballot in all elections") and the legislative mandate under Article II, § 4(2) that the Legislature "preserve the secrecy of the ballot." The specific technical mechanism enabling this breach was publicly disclosed on August 23, 2022, when Professor J. Alex Halderman of the University of Michigan wrote directly to Dominion CEO John Poulos identifying a "serious privacy flaw" in the ImageCast Precinct (ICP) and ImageCast Evolution (ICE) tabulators, the specific models deployed in Michigan. Halderman and co-author Braden L. Crimmins found that Dominion tabulators generate RecordIds using a fixed, predictable mathematical sequence — a linear congruential generator with output obfuscated by a simple substitution cipher — such that anyone possessing the algorithm (which the researchers derived using only public information) can reconstruct the precise order in which ballots were scanned within any batch. The letter states: "In many cases, this would allow attackers to determine how identifiable individuals voted." Halderman further documented that the flaw "can be discovered and exploited by members of the public without any access to equipment or breach of controls," and that "all publicly available ICP and ICE ballot images and CVRs that we have examined suffer from this flaw" — a statement covering all current versions of both devices. Dominion's own documentation had previously claimed CVR exports entail "[n]o compromise to voter privacy," a representation the disclosure letter directly contradicted. The scanning order recovered via the RecordId algorithm, when correlated against EPB check-in timestamps linking voters to specific ballot issuance times, creates a probabilistic — and in low-traffic precincts, near-certain — bridge between voter identity and vote content. In small precincts such as those among Livonia's 44 precincts, this correlation strengthens substantially.
- An additional concern arises from the presence of a PartyID field within the EPB database, populated with values drawn from the Michigan Qualified Voter File (QVF). Michigan law is unambiguous: "Michigan voters do not register by party affiliation," as confirmed by the Michigan Secretary of State, the U.S. Election Assistance Commission, and the City of Portage's official elections FAQ citing Michigan Election Law. There is no party registration field on the Michigan voter registration form, and no party affiliation field exists in the standard QVF data dictionary. The sole lawful source of any party-associated data in Michigan voter records is the history of primary ballot selections — specifically, the party's primary ballot a voter requested in prior elections — which Michigan law at MCL 168.615c requires voters to indicate in writing only for Presidential Primary elections, and which MCL 168.495a — enacted in response to "public outrage" over perceived violations of ballot secrecy — expressly prohibits from disclosure under FOIA. Michigan previously operated a closed primary system requiring party declaration, but abandoned it by 1995 specifically because voters objected that recording party preference "is an intrusion on their right to a secret ballot." The presence of a PartyID field in a general election EPB database — where no partisan primary split exists and no ballot style distinction by party is required — has no apparent operational justification. The field would, however, provide the precise targeting selector required by a party- affiliation-based vote manipulation script executing a SQL UPDATE against BALLOTREGISTER records: WHERE PartyID = [target party], SET BallotStyleID = [alternate style]
Federal Government Contracted with Center for “Internet” Security to Secure Election Systems (US)
The federal government contracted with an organization whose name is the Center for Internet Security to protect election infrastructure from internet-based threats — while simultaneously maintaining the official public position that the very election systems being protected are not connected to the internet. The logical tension this creates is not merely rhetorical. If election systems were genuinely air-gapped and offline, the engagement of an organization whose entire institutional identity and mission is organized around internet security would be, at minimum, unnecessary. The contractor's name implicitly concedes what official denials explicitly rejected: that internet connectivity is a live and present concern in election infrastructure. Federal officials testified under oath before Congress that election systems are protected in part by being "non-Internet connected," while simultaneously funding an organization called the Center for Internet Security — receiving at its peak $27 million per fiscal year in federal funds — to provide 24/7 internet threat monitoring, incident response, and intrusion detection services to those same systems.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
WEC Administrator Wolfe Falsely Denied API Access to WisVote Before Legislative Committee (WI)
WEC Administrator Meagan Wolfe made at least three demonstrably false statements to the Wisconsin Assembly Committee on Campaigns and Elections, including expressly denying the existence of any API into the WisVote or BadgerBooks systems. Documentary evidence - including grant agreements, city-provided records, and direct admissions from city officials - established that at least one Zuckerberg 5 city had provided real-time API access to WisVote and BadgerBooks to private CTCL-affiliated organizations. Real-time API access to a statewide certified voter registration system by uncredentialed private parties constitutes both a certification integrity failure and an unlawful disclosure of protected voter data. Wolfe's false denial before the committee may constitute perjury under Wis. Stat. § 946.31 if made under oath, and misconduct in public office under Wis. Stat. § 946.12 in any event.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just The News; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
- THIS IS BIG: Wisconsin Committee on Campaigns and Elections Demands Answers from Wisconsin Elections Commission on Access to Voter Rolls — The Gateway Pundit
- 2023 ASSEMBLY RESOLUTION 18 Impeachment of Meagan Wolfe — Wisconsin Legislature
Unauthorized Remote Transmissions to External IP Addresses - Air-Gap Configuration Breached (PA)
Forensic imaging of the Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5 server utilized in Fulton County, Pennsylvania recovered definitive evidence of remote transmissions to external IP addresses during the election period. EAC certification of the Democracy Suite 5.5 series requires the system to operate in a strictly air-gapped configuration - meaning zero connectivity to any external network before, during, or after tabulation. This requirement is not aspirational; it is a hard certification condition because any external network connection creates a pathway through which ballots records, vote tallies, or configuration data can be exfiltrated, and through which unauthorized commands or database modifications can be introduced from outside the physical election environment. The documented existence of remote transmissions to external IPs is direct, forensic evidence that the Fulton County (PA) Dominion deployment was not operating in its certified air-gapped configuration. The identities of the external IP addresses - and their geographic or organizational attribution - have not been publicly disclosed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County Emergency Application for Stay — Pennsylvania Supreme Court Filing
- Fulton County v. Dominion Complaint — Just the News (Court Complaint)
- Pennsylvania high court taps special master
ES&S Voting Machines Deployed with Factory-Installed 4G Wireless Modems Capable of Internet Connectivity (WI)
The OSC Gableman Report documented that ES&S voting machines deployed in Wisconsin municipalities were manufactured with 4G wireless modems installed at the factory level. These modems enabled the machines to connect to the internet through Wi-Fi hotspots, directly contravening the configuration requirements of Wis. Stat. § 5.91 and the federal VVSG framework, both of which mandate absolute network isolation for certified voting systems. A 4G modem is not a passive hardware component - it is an active radio transceiver capable of transmitting and receiving data over any available cellular network. The presence of factory-installed 4G modems in tabulation hardware that is required by law to be air-gapped means that the fundamental security premise of Wisconsin's certified voting system configuration was false from the point of manufacture. Whether any of the factory-installed modems were active during the 2020 election - and whether any data was transmitted through them - is an open forensic question that has not been resolved, because Wisconsin's voting machines were subsequently subjected to software updates that erased configuration-relevant records before forensic imaging was completed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Remote Access of Absentee Ballot Processing Computer - Data Deleted During Live Election (GA)
On October 23, 2020, a poll worker at the North Fulton Government Service Center reported that one of the computers used for absentee ballot processing was remotely accessed from an unknown location, with the remote party taking control of the computer and deleting information. This incident was documented in an email chain initiated by Frances Watson, Chief Investigator of the Secretary of State's Investigations Division. The laptop was confirmed to be connected to the internet via Wi-Fi at the time of the unauthorized access. No public criminal referral, arrest, or prosecution regarding this incident has been documented in any available record, despite its unambiguous character as a Computer Fraud and Abuse Act violation occurring during live election operations.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Frances Watson email chain (Chief Investigator, SOS Investigations Division) documenting Oct. 23, 2020 report of remote access and data deletion at North Fulton Government Service Center
- Fulton County 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- Fulton County 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
Detroit AVCB Computers Connected to Internet During Absentee Ballot Tabulation (MI)
[Established Fact - Colbeck's sworn testimony] Former Michigan State Senator Patrick Colbeck, an aerospace engineer, certified Microsoft Small Business Specialist, and credentialed observer at the TCF Center, provided sworn affidavit testimony that tabulation workstations and adjudication workstations at the Detroit central count facility were connected to the internet during the tabulation of over 172,000 absentee ballots. Judge Timothy Kenny's ruling in Costantino v. City of Detroit dismissed this claim without discovery or evidentiary hearing, while simultaneously acknowledging that "essential tables had computer connectivity" - a logical distinction the court did not explain. The court's own admission of partial internet connectivity, combined with refusal to permit network log discovery, left the factual record unresolved.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Colbeck Affidavit — Scribd; see also Costantino v Detroit, https://www.greatlakesjc.org/cases/costantino_v_detroit/
- Detroit Elections: Smoke and Mirrors — LetsFixStuff.org
- MI Senate 2020 Election Report: #BigLie vs #BigTruth — LetsFixStuff.org
EMS and Adjudication Workstations Connected to Internet During Absentee Ballot Tabulation (MI)
[Disputed Fact - Extent of connectivity unresolved by court] Former Michigan State Senator Patrick Colbeck, an aerospace engineer, certified Microsoft Small Business Specialist, and credentialed observer at the TCF Center, provided sworn affidavit testimony that tabulation workstations and adjudication workstations at the Detroit central count facility were connected to the internet during the tabulation of over 172,000 absentee ballots. Judge Timothy Kenny's ruling in Costantino v. City of Detroit dismissed this claim without discovery or evidentiary hearing, while simultaneously acknowledging that "essential tables had computer connectivity" - a logical distinction the court did not explain. The court's own admission of partial internet connectivity, combined with refusal to permit network log discovery, left the factual record unresolved. ASOG's forensic report independently found that Dominion systems had 68.05% error and warning rates in tabulator logs, consistent with system anomalies.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Patrick Colbeck Affidavit — Scribd; see also RE Microsoft Kole House Data Elements and Sample Files.msg (series), available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Vnw7BA7JfthGG91CISTEmdLMI2nfKrad/view
- Detroit Elections: Smoke and Mirrors — LetsFixStuff.org
- King v. Whitmer Amended Complaint — Court Filing; see also Costantino v Detroit, https://www.greatlakesjc.org/cases/costantino_v_detroit/
EMS CyFir Analysis Finds Foreign IP Addresses in Unallocated Device Storage - Taiwan Ministry of Education and German Cloud Provider (MI)
CyTech/CyFir forensic examination of a Dominion ICX device from Antrim County found, in the unallocated storage space of the device, data contextually proximate to a TCP/IP communication session resolving to IP address 120.125.201.101 - the Ministry of Education Computer Center in Taipei, Taiwan. A second IP address resolving to a cloud provider in Germany was found in proximity to the Taiwanese address. Dominion publicly denied internet connectivity in sworn legislative testimony. The presence of foreign IP data in unallocated space is consistent with internet communications that occurred during the device's operational lifespan and were subsequently deleted but not fully overwritten. This finding has never been subject to federal forensic verification.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- CyTech CyFir #1 [Taiwan Germany] Report — Scribd; see also RE Microsoft Kole House Data Elements and Sample Files.msg (series), available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Vnw7BA7JfthGG91CISTEmdLMI2nfKrad/view
- Affidavit of Benjamin R. Cotton (June 8, 2021) — Cause of America
- Antrim County MI Findings — Election Crime Bureau
ESS DS200 Voting Machines Contained Active 4G Wireless Modems - Connected to Internet on Election Night (MI)
During forensic examination of an ES&S DS200 ballot tabulator, analysts found a Telit LE910-SV1 wireless 4G LTE modem card installed internally within the enclosure of the machine (Figure 5 in the document). This was not an external peripheral — it was a built-in, internal component of the DS200 unit itself. The card is described in the document as physically present and photographed within the ES&S machine's circuit board assembly.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
EMS Server Internet History & Enabled Remote Services (AZ)
Forensic analysis of the Maricopa County EMS server and client workstations revealed 59 open ports at boot, active IPv6, and enabled Terminal Services and Remote Access features. Unallocated hard drive space yielded artifacts of internet connections to public URLs and foreign entities on devices officials represented as strictly air-gapped. The audit team found the Windows security event log was configured to auto-overwrite, with the earliest retained log dated February 5, 2021 - meaning no Election Day 2020 logs were preserved.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
SQL Server Port Open to Global Connections (CO)
Forensic examination of Dominion Democracy Suite EMS in Mesa County documented that SQL Server port 1433 was configured to accept connections from any IP address worldwide - enabling any actor with credentials to directly query and modify election databases outside the certified application layer. Investigators demonstrated this empirically: a non-Dominion workstation and even an iPhone SQL client were used to directly modify election databases in the live EMS environment.
📍 Jurisdiction: Mesa County, Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Mesa County Forensic Report No. 2 — Scribd
- Mesa County Forensic Report #3 — LetsFixStuff.org
ICX BMD Critical Vulnerabilities - QR Code Manipulation and Remote Malware Install (GA)
Prof. J. Alex Halderman (Univ. of Michigan), as expert in Curling v. Raffensperger, documented through hands-on forensic testing that Georgia's Dominion ImageCast X (ICX) BMDs contain critical vulnerabilities enabling attackers to: (1) alter ballot QR codes (the actual counted data); (2) install malicious software remotely from the EMS; and (3) subvert audit log entries. CISA was notified September 2021 but suppressed public disclosure for 22 months, finally acknowledging nine vulnerabilities in a June 2022 advisory - while Georgia conducted additional elections on the same platform.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Security Analysis of the Dominion ImageCast X — CITP Blog (Univ. of Michigan Prof. Halderman)
- Halderman Report Released in Georgia Confirms Votes Can Be Unsealed — The Gateway Pundit
Anonymous Remote Logins to EMS During Tabulation (MI)
Forensic examination of the Antrim County EMS server (Allied Security Operations Group, court- authorized in Bailey v. Antrim County) documented two successful remote logins by an "Anonymous" user with escalated administrative privileges on November 5 and November 17, 2020 - during critical tabulation and post-election periods. The logins originated from external addresses and the supposedly isolated system was accessed by untraceable actors. The same server subsequently showed all 2020 adjudication logs missing while prior years' logs remained intact.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Affidavit of Benjamin R. Cotton (June 8, 2021) — DePerno Law (Bailey v. Antrim County filing)
- On the Five-Year Anniversary of 2020 Election, Michigan Court Moves the Goalposts — The Gateway Pundit
MI Bureau of Elections Director Admits to Remote Access to Election Systems (MI)
MI Bureau of Elections Director Jonathan Brater admitted during his testimony against Attorney Sidney Powell during a that there were active VPN connections during the 2020 election at the TCF Center (i.e. remote access via internet connections).
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dominion Contract Expressly Provides for Internet Connectivity (MI)
Michigan state contract 071B7700117 with Dominion Voting Systems explicitly contemplates internet connectivity for precinct-level tabulation: the contract describes wireless/cellular results transmission, specifies precinct tabulators require an external wireless modem and active GSM SIM card, and identifies the "ImageCast Listener" as a "turnkey solution for internet-based results transmission." Canton Township records include Dominion invoice DVS134375 for annual cellular modem billing - confirming active modem service during the 2020 cycle - while officials and the vendor publicly denied internet connectivity.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Dominion Voting Systems Contract 071B7700117
- 7700117 - DOMINION VOTING SYSTEMS, INC. Contract Change Notice — State of Michigan DTMB (“Internet” explicitly mentioned 14 times in contract)
VNC/RDP External Routing - Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5 (PA)
Independent forensic examination of Fulton County's Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5 server found: (a) open external network interfaces; (b) actively enabled remote-desktop protocols (VNC and RDP); and (c) data routing to foreign networks including a Canadian IP address - nullifying the required air gap. The Pennsylvania Secretary of the Commonwealth subsequently decertified Fulton County's machines - not for the forensic violations found, but purportedly because Fulton County had permitted an independent audit. Fulton County sued, characterizing the decertification as unlawful retaliation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
ESS Tabulators with 4G Modems; Hidden Wi-Fi at Central Count (WI)
The Wisconsin OSC (Gableman) Special Counsel Report documented that ESS voting tabulators deployed statewide were equipped with active 4G wireless modems enabling internet connectivity. In Green Bay, all ESS voting machines were connected to a secret, hidden Wi-Fi access point located at the Grand Hyatt hotel - the central count facility - controlled not by any government employee but by Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein, a private CTCL operative. At 9:29 PM on November 3, Spitzer- Rubenstein emailed Green Bay City Attorney Chavez regarding delayed ballot deliveries and unilaterally decided they should be counted without legal challenge.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
ESS pcAnywhere Remote Access Software Installed on EMS Systems (US)
Election Systems & Software (ESS) admitted in a 2018 letter to Sen. Ron Wyden that it had installed pcAnywhere remote access software on election management systems sold to customers between 2000 and 2006, directly contradicting its prior public representations that it had never done so. ESS refused to disclose which states and counties received affected systems.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ES&S Letter to Sen. Wyden — DocumentCloud
- Voting machine vendor says it installed remote software connections on some systems — CyberScoop
- A Voting-Machine Manufacturer Installed Remote-Access Software — Pacific Standard
Albert Sensors / CIS Endpoint Access - Federal Monitoring of Election Infrastructure (US)
The Center for Internet Security (CIS), recognized by DHS as the MS-ISAC and EI-ISAC, deployed Albert Sensors into local election networks nationwide under the guise of threat monitoring. These sensors actively monitor and transmit election network traffic to centralized cloud servers (AWS), introducing internet-based monitoring that bypasses local air gaps. A June 23, 2022, MOU between Wayne County, MI and CIS grants endpoint security services access to county election infrastructure - raising the question of whether analogous access existed during and around the November 2020 election.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Albert Sensors: Front Door to Sensitive Election Data? — LetsFixStuff.org
- EXCLUSIVE: Was CIS Using \"Albert Censors\" to Steal States' Data ... — The Gateway Pundit
ESS Concealed pcAnywhere Remote-Access Software Installation - Installed During Period of Source Code Theft (PA)
Election Systems & Software (ESS), which operates the largest installed base of voting machines in the United States, admitted in a 2018 letter to Senator Ron Wyden that between 2000 and 2006, it installed pcAnywhere remote-access software on election management systems sold to customers - directly contradicting prior public representations. Critically, Symantec's pcAnywhere source code was stolen by hackers in 2006 and publicly disclosed as compromised in 2012, meaning that any ESS system with pcAnywhere installed during this window was potentially accessible to anyone possessing the stolen source code - including sophisticated foreign state actors. ESS refused to disclose to Congress which specific states and counties received systems with the software installed and refused to seek Colorado certification when that state required vulnerability testing results be made public. Pennsylvania deployed ESS systems in multiple counties, and ESS refused to identify which Pennsylvania jurisdictions received affected systems, preventing state-level security assessment.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ES&S Letter to Sen. Wyden — DocumentCloud
- Voting machine vendor says it installed remote software connections on some systems — CyberScoop
- A Voting-Machine Manufacturer Installed Remote-Access Software — Pacific Standard
- Pennsylvania decertifies county's voting system after 'audit' — WHYY
- Pennsylvania decertifies county's voting machines after 2020 audit — Reuters
- County of Fulton, et al. v. Sec. of Com. — Justia
DS200 Components that Enabled Hidden Remote Access Are Funded by China (US)
President and CEO of Election Systems & Software — testified under oath. When asked about supply chain components from China or Russia, Burt stated: "We do have a limited number of components that come from China... the potential for a backdoor threat really doesn't pertain to inert items like a piece of plastic or a piece of metal. What we really should be concerned about are the programmable logic devices." The DS200 tabulator features several components made overseas including a wireless 4G card that enables hidden remote access. The manufacturer of the wireless 4G card used in the ES&S DS200 is a company named Telit — an Internet of Things company that has recently taken major investment from a Chinese investment fund that has ties to the Chinese Communist Party, according to UK media reporting. While the company's website states that "zero" of its voting tabulators are connected to the internet, ES&S told NBC News 14,000 of their DS200 tabulators with online modems are currently in use around the country. Critics also argue ES&S misled jurisdictions into thinking their DS200 tabulators with modems are certified by the U.S. Election Assistance Commission.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
October 23, 2020, Remote Takeover and Deletion of Absentee Ballot Processing Computer - No Criminal Referral (GA)
On October 23, 2020 - 11 days before Election Day - a poll worker at the North Fulton Government Service Center reported that one of the computers used for Absentee Ballot Processing had been remotely accessed from somewhere else, with the remote party taking control of the computer and deleting information. This incident was known to Frances Watson, Chief Investigator of the Georgia Secretary of State's Investigations Division, who initiated the email chain documenting the report. The computer was confirmed to be connected to the internet via Wi-Fi. The critical established facts are: (1) a computer in the absentee ballot processing chain was confirmed to have been remotely accessed and manipulated; (2) data was deleted from that computer during an active election period; (3) the incident was reported to the Secretary of State's Investigations Division; and (4) no public criminal referral or prosecution has been documented as resulting from this incident. Whether the remote access originated from a domestic or foreign actor is unknown - no forensic investigation has been publicly disclosed. A computer used in absentee ballot processing that was remotely accessed with data deletion during the pre-election period presents a direct pathway for election interference, regardless of the perpetrator's national origin.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Investigative Report: Information Integrity and Allegations of Technology-Mediated Election Interference
- Fulton County 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- 18 U.S.C. § 1030 (CFAA — unauthorized computer access and intentional data deletion during live election period).
ESS DS400 Tabulators Equipped with Active Verizon Cellular Modems Configured to Transmit Results to Private Network IP Address (MI)
Forensic examination of ESS DS400 tabulator thumb drives confirmed that each DS400 was equipped with a Verizon cellular wireless communications card that was active on power-up. Both devices were configured to transmit election results to IP address 10.48.51.1 - a private network address accessible remotely only through the public internet or a VPN. This finding directly contradicts ESS's public representations that its tabulators do not have internet connectivity. A cellular modem that activates on power-up and transmits results to a network-accessible private IP establishes a functional, built-in data transmission pathway of unknown destination.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Affidavit of Benjamin R. Cotton — DePerno Law
- Affidavit of Benjamin R. Cotton — DePerno Law
- Antrim County Technology Expert Witness Comparisons — LetsFixStuff.org
Dominion Executive Confirms Remote Access to Election Systems (US)
In 2022, Dr. Coomer’s testimony was characterized by categorical denials of remote access and internet connectivity. By 2026, he admitted to the existence of Virtual Private Network (VPN) configurations, Remote Access Servers (RAS), and secure FTP infrastructure used to transmit live tally data. Furthermore, while Dr. Coomer identified as a "Chief Software Architect" in 2022, he explicitly denied writing code or designing systems in 2026. These discrepancies represent a material departure from the narrative provided to the grand jury investigating election interference.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
CISA TLP-AMBER Report: 319 Critical Vulnerabilities - 47% Active Exploitation Rate - Iranian APT Obtained U.S. Voter Registration Data - "Most Secure" Declaration Contradicts Classified Data (US)
CISA's own classified TLP-AMBER Election Infrastructure Subsector Cyber Risk Summary - produced but not publicly released in a voter-accessible form - documented: (1) 319 Critical-severity and 1,820 High-severity vulnerabilities in election infrastructure during the 12 months preceding Election Day; and (2) approximately 47% of election infrastructure entities with Critical vulnerabilities experienced active exploitation events during 2020. On the same day the election was held - November 3, 2020 - CISA issued Alert AA20-304A documenting that Iranian APT actors obtained U.S. voter registration data. On October 9, 2020, CISA issued Alert AA20-283A documenting APT actors targeting state, local, tribal, and territorial government networks containing election infrastructure. Notwithstanding this classified and public documentation of active foreign exploitation of election infrastructure, CISA Director Christopher Krebs signed the November 13, 2020 joint statement declaring the election "the most secure in American history." This declaration - issued 10 days after CISA's own alert documenting Iranian APT success in obtaining voter data - creates a direct and legally significant contradiction between CISA's public statement and its own classified and unclassified risk data. CISA additionally sought to suppress the Halderman vulnerability report for 22 months after it was disclosed in September 2021. These 22 months encompassed Georgia's January 5, 2021 Senate runoff elections - conducted on the same vulnerable BMD platform - during which voters received no warning of the documented vulnerabilities.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- EXCLUSIVE: Former CISA Chief Chris Krebs LIED Under Oath — The Gateway Pundit
- Iranian Advanced Persistent Threat Actor Identified Obtaining Voter Registration Data — CISA/FBI Advisory
Election Machines Accessed the Internet (AZ)
In the Sept. 24 hearing, CyFIR revealed and showed that not only can these ballot machines access the internet, but in Maricopa County they did access the internet. In the hearing, CyFIR provided the time & date stamps to prove it as well as the IP addresses of the computers they connected to.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Insecure SERVE Program Assets Re-Purposed In Support of Elections (PA)
The technology described in the patent was developed as part of the Secure Electronic Registration and Voting Experiment (SERVE), a $22 million program designed to allow military personnel and overseas citizens (UOCAVA) to vote online. Accenture’s partners on the project included VeriSign, Hart InterCivic, Hewlett-Packard, Avendale, and election.com (acquired by Accenture in 2003). SERVE was halted before the 2004 election following a report by independent security experts. The report concluded the system was fundamentally insecure and vulnerable to: Vote alteration, Denial-of-service attacks, Man-in-the-middle attacks. Despite the public cancellation of SERVE in 2004, the patent filings in 2003 and 2005, along with continued DOD-FVAP contract orders, suggest the development of the technology continued or was repurposed. A-3Election Results Certification Integrity
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Bogasky, J. J., & Almond, C. (2009). Dynamic Auditing of Electronic Elections (U.S. Patent No. 7,549,049B2). U.S. Patent and Trademark Office
Livonia Tabulator Tested for Different Ballot Styles from Those Used in Deployed Precincts (MI)
The pre-election logic and accuracy testing tabulator configurations were not consistent with how the tabulators were actually deployed in support of election operations. Logic and accuracy testing was conducted for precinct tabulators, however, the zero tapes for tabulators show that tabulators were deployed in support of ballot styles and precincts for which they were never tested. Livonia, Wayne County, Michigan
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
📝 Election Results Certification 78
Certification Despite Protocol Non-Compliance and Post-Certification Board Obstruction (AZ)
The Maricopa County Board of Supervisors certified the county's 2020 general election results despite documented, forensically confirmed non-compliance with critical election security protocols. The Cyber Ninjas forensic audit documented that the Dominion Democracy Suite EMS software was materially altered from its certified "golden image" configuration, that all user accounts on all election systems shared a single password in violation of the Arizona Election Procedures Manual, and that election management system logs had been systematically overwritten prior to the audit - eliminating the forensic record that would have been required to verify tabulation integrity. Post-certification, the Board refused to produce administrative passwords, defied legislative subpoenas for EMS servers and routers, and directed its vendors (including Dominion Voting Systems) not to cooperate with the Arizona State Senate's legislatively authorized forensic audit. A resolution was subsequently introduced by State Representative Mark Finchem to decertify the results as irredeemably compromised. The legal basis for certification - that the Board had reviewed the underlying records and found them sufficient - was facially undermined by the Board's simultaneous assertion that the election's records were protected from audit.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Second Declaration of Benjamin R. Cotton — Court Filing; see also Affidavits- Reports Spreadsheet (Election Integrity Sandbox)
- Cyber Ninjas Response to Maricopa County Analysis of Senate Report, § 1.9.4.2.
- Fann Letter, Sept. 24, 2021 ('The audit found that Maricopa County overwrote the entire activity log in its Election Management System')
- HCR 2033 — Arizona Legislature, 55th Leg., 2d Reg. Sess. (2022)
Canvass Board Knew of EMS Software Deviation from Certified Configuration at Time of Board Canvass (AZ)
[Disputed Fact - As to Board knowledge at time of certification] The forensic analysis conducted by Ben Cotton of CyFIR documented that the Maricopa County EMS contained an unauthorized compiler capable of creating and executing files during the active voting period - a capability not present in the EAC-certified Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5B configuration. The Cotton analysis, presented to the Arizona Senate, further documented that neither the operating system nor antivirus software had been patched since August 2019, and that a single, shared password was used for all user accounts across all EMS systems - in direct violation of the Arizona Election Procedures Manual. Certification of results produced by an EMS operating outside its certified configuration without disclosure of that deviation to the canvassing board constitutes a certification of results whose provenance cannot be verified. Whether the Board members or their legal counsel possessed information about the software configuration deviation at the time of certification is a disputed but critical factual question.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Second Declaration of Benjamin R. Cotton — Court Filing; see also Affidavits- Reports Spreadsheet (Election Integrity Sandbox)
- Cyber Ninjas Response to Maricopa County Analysis of Senate Report, § 1.9.4.2.
- Fann Letter, Sept. 24, 2021 ('The audit found that Maricopa County overwrote the entire activity log in its Election Management System')
- HCR 2033 — Arizona Legislature, 55th Leg., 2d Reg. Sess. (2022)
EMS Software Deviation from Certified Configuration at Time of Board Canvass (AZ)
[Established Fact - As to software configuration] The forensic analysis conducted by Ben Cotton of CyFIR documented that the Maricopa County EMS contained an unauthorized compiler capable of creating and executing files during the active voting period - a capability not present in the EAC-certified Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5B configuration. The Cotton analysis, presented to the Arizona Senate, further documented that neither the operating system nor antivirus software had been patched since August 2019, and that a single, shared password was used for all user accounts across all EMS systems - in direct violation of the Arizona Election Procedures Manual. Certification of results produced by an EMS operating outside its certified configuration without disclosure of that deviation to the canvassing board constitutes a certification of results whose provenance cannot be verified.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
Board Member Formally Votes Against Certification Due to Total Absence of Signature Verification on 148,000+ Absentee Ballots (GA)
Fulton County Board of Registration and Elections member Mark Wingate formally and explicitly voted against certifying the 2020 general election results. In a sworn affidavit, Wingate stated that he refused certification because the Board was specifically informed - before the certification vote - that the county had performed no signature verification on over 147,000 absentee-by-mail ballots. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-386(a)(1)(B) requires that absentee ballots be accepted only after the registrar "compare[s] the signature or mark of the elector on the envelope with the signature or mark of the elector on the absentee ballot application." The complete absence of signature verification on 147,000 ballots is not a documentation gap or administrative irregularity - it is a wholesale failure to perform a mandatory statutory function. Wingate additionally questioned the fundamental accuracy of the active/inactive voter rolls as a basis for his refusal. The certification proceeded over his dissent.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County Board of Registration and Elections Approved Minutes November 13, 2020 — [Fulton County Government]
148 Advance Voting Tabulator Returns Were Never Certified - Certification Proceeded Anyway (GA)
Fulton County conceded in SEB2022-015 proceedings that all 148 advance voting tabulator official returns representing approximately 316,000-320,000 ballots were never formally certified by the county canvassing authority prior to the county submitting those results to the Secretary of State for statewide certification. The State Election Board voted to refer this matter to the Georgia Attorney General. The certification of a statewide election on the basis of county returns that themselves incorporated uncertified tabulator data violates the foundational requirement of O.C.G.A. §21-2-498 that returns be certified before they form the basis for statewide certification. The 316,000-ballot figure is more than 25 times the certified margin of victory. Additionally, the EOG Report documented that only 9 zero tapes existed for the 148 advance voting tabulators, and that all 138 closing tapes for those tabulators were fraudulent, invalid, and did not bear the serial numbers of the machines actually used.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Black Trunk Document Substitution and Unlisted List (MI)
[Established Fact - Document delivery, Brater direction, and Baxter denial documented under oath] One day before the November 17, 2020 Wayne County Board of Canvassers certification meeting, Canvassers Palmer and Hartmann observed a black trunk being delivered containing a new, revised Statement of Votes for the absentee counting boards - a substitution of official documentation thirteen days after the election and one day before the certification vote. Bureau of Elections Director Jonathan Brater directed Palmer to resolve precinct imbalances by consulting Detroit AVCB Director Daniel Baxter, who possessed an "unlisted list" of voters - a list exclusive to Detroit, with no counterpart in Wayne County's other 42 municipalities. During the November 23, 2020 State Board of Canvassers certification meeting, Board member Norman Shinkle directly asked Director Baxter whether he had provided revised poll lists to the Wayne County Board. Baxter answered: "No. I'm not aware of that." This sworn denial is directly contradicted by Brater's documented direction to Palmer and by the physical delivery of the black trunk. If Baxter's denial was knowingly false, it constitutes perjury under MCL §750.423 or a false official statement under 18 U.S.C. §1001 if made in connection with a federal proceeding. The origins, compilation, and chain of custody of the "unlisted list" have never been disclosed by the Secretary of State's office.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit — MC4EI
- Monica Palmer Affidavit
- State Board of Canvassers Nov. 23, 2020 certification meeting transcript (Norman Shinkle questioning Baxter); transcript filed in Texas v. Pennsylvania
Coerced Certification Followed by Sworn Rescission - Wayne County Results Never Lawfully Certified (MI)
On November 17, 2020, Wayne County Board of Canvassers Republican members Monica Palmer and William Hartmann initially voted against certifying the county's election results because 71% of Detroit's Absentee Voter Counting Board (AVCB) precincts were documented as out of balance - meaning the number of ballots counted at those precincts did not reconcile with the number of voters who signed in. During the public comment period that followed, elected officials and university administrators conducted a coordinated public campaign of intimidation: State Representative Ibrahim Aiyash publicly identified Palmer's home municipality and referenced her children on camera. Wayne State University Vice President Ned Staebler made similar statements. Statements by both officials were subsequently deleted from the publicly available recording of the meeting. Following these public statements, Palmer and Hartmann conditionally changed their votes to "yes" on the express, documented condition that a comprehensive audit would be conducted. Fellow canvasser Jonathon Kinloch personally promised the audit. Within hours, Secretary of State Benson publicly stated the audit promise was not binding on her office. The next day, Palmer and Hartmann each signed sworn affidavits rescinding their conditional certification votes.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Monica Palmer Affidavit
- November 17, 2020 Wayne County Canvassing Board Minutes
- GOP members of Wayne County Board of Canvassers Bullied to Rescind — Just the News; see also “What Happens in MI When County Canvassers Refuse to Certify an Election?”, https://x.com/pjcolbeck/article/1829261055685448095
Wayne County was never lawfully certified (MI)
Official certification paperwork for Wayne County did not satisfy certification requirements under MCL 168.24e. Statute requires at least one signature from representatives of both political parties. Neither of the Republican canvassers signed the official certification paperwork. MCL 168.822(4) stipulates that Certification requires a "signed, written statement". Both Republican canvassers provided signed affidavits in support of their no vote on certification. These affidavits were ignored by the State Board of Canvassers.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Official Wayne County 2020 Election Certification paperwork
- Monica Palmer Affidavit
- GOP members of Wayne County Board of Canvassers Bullied to Rescind — Just the News; see also “What Happens in MI When County Canvassers Refuse to Certify an Election?”, https://x.com/pjcolbeck/article/1829261055685448095
Intentional Inducement of Quasi-Judicial Certification Vote - Audit Promise Made and Immediately Repudiated (MI)
[Reasonable Inference - Fraudulent inducement theory requires further evidentiary development] The specific mechanism by which Palmer and Hartmann's conditional certification votes were obtained - a promise by fellow canvasser Jonathon Kinloch that a comprehensive audit would be conducted, followed within hours by Secretary of State Benson's public statement that the promise was not binding - constitutes a potential case of fraudulent inducement of a quasi-judicial act. Palmer and Hartmann's affidavits make explicit that their conditional votes were cast solely in reliance on the audit promise; without that promise, they would not have changed their votes. The repudiation of the promise immediately after the conditional votes were recorded establishes that the promise either was known to be false when made or was made by someone without authority to bind the Secretary of State. Either characterization supports a finding of fraud in the procurement of a governmental certification. The subsequent refusal of both canvassers to sign the official certification paperwork establishes that, under their own assessment of their legal obligations, they never provided valid consent to certification.
📍 Jurisdiction: 563,564,565.566 Wayne County, Michigan, United States
Inducement of Quasi-Judicial Certification Vote - Audit Promise Made and Immediately Repudiated (MI)
[Established Fact - As to promise, reliance, repudiation, and affidavit rescissions] The specific mechanism by which Palmer and Hartmann's conditional certification votes were obtained - a promise by fellow canvasser Jonathon Kinloch that a comprehensive audit would be conducted, followed within hours by Secretary of State Benson's public statement that the promise was not binding - constitutes a potential case of fraudulent inducement of a quasi-judicial act. Palmer and Hartmann's affidavits make explicit that their conditional votes were cast solely in reliance on the audit promise; without that promise, they would not have changed their votes. The repudiation of the promise immediately after the conditional votes were recorded establishes that the promise either was known to be false when made or was made by someone without authority to bind the Secretary of State. Either characterization supports a finding of fraud in the procurement of a governmental certification. The subsequent refusal of both canvassers to sign the official certification paperwork establishes that, under their own assessment of their legal obligations, they never provided valid consent to certification.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Monica Palmer Affidavit
- November 17, 2020 Wayne County Canvassing Board Minutes
- GOP members of Wayne County Board of Canvassers Bullied to Rescind — Just the News; see also “What Happens in MI When County Canvassers Refuse to Certify an Election?”, https://x.com/pjcolbeck/article/1829261055685448095
- Official Wayne County 2020 Election Certification paperwork
Black Trunk Document Substitution and Unlisted List – Fraudulent Intent (MI)
[Disputed Fact - Cause and intent - requires confrontation of Baxter with documentary evidence] One day before the November 17, 2020 Wayne County Board of Canvassers certification meeting, Canvassers Palmer and Hartmann observed a black trunk being delivered containing a new, revised Statement of Votes for the absentee counting boards - a substitution of official documentation thirteen days after the election and one day before the certification vote. Bureau of Elections Director Jonathan Brater directed Palmer to resolve precinct imbalances by consulting Detroit AVCB Director Daniel Baxter, who possessed an "unlisted list" of voters - a list exclusive to Detroit, with no counterpart in Wayne County's other 42 municipalities. During the November 23, 2020 State Board of Canvassers certification meeting, Board member Norman Shinkle directly asked Director Baxter whether he had provided revised poll lists to the Wayne County Board. Baxter answered: "No. I'm not aware of that." This sworn denial is directly contradicted by Brater's documented direction to Palmer and by the physical delivery of the black trunk. If Baxter's denial was knowingly false, it constitutes perjury under MCL §750.423 or a false official statement under 18 U.S.C. §1001 if made in connection with a federal proceeding. The origins, compilation, and chain of custody of the "unlisted list" have never been disclosed by the Secretary of State's office.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit — MC4EI
- Monica Palmer Affidavit
- State Board of Canvassers Nov. 23, 2020 certification meeting transcript (Norman Shinkle questioning Baxter); transcript filed in Texas v. Pennsylvania
Canvassing Board Voted Unanimously Not to Certify 2022 Election On Basis of 2020 Election Findings (NM)
In June 2022, the three‑member Otero County Commission, acting as the county canvassing board, voted unanimously not to certify the June 7 primary election results.Commissioners cited “distrust of Dominion vote‑tallying machines” and dissatisfaction with the state’s prior audit of the 2020 results as their basis. Underscores need for transparency in the conduct of elections in order to promote trust in our election systems.
📍 Jurisdiction: Otero County, New Mexico, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Delaware County Certified with 244 of 428 Precincts Missing Required Documentation (PA)
Delaware County, Pennsylvania certified its 2020 general election results despite the absence of complete foundational documentation for the majority of its precincts. In response to a Right-to- Know Law request, Delaware County's own records revealed that 244 of its 428 precincts - 57% - were missing valid return sheets at the time of certification: 15 return sheets were entirely absent from county records, 16 were blank, and 213 were incomplete. A return sheet is the primary precinct-level record that reconciles the number of ballots cast with the number of voters who signed in - it is the document that makes a precinct's results auditable. Certification in the absence of complete return sheets means that the Delaware County Board of Elections certified results for which it possessed no complete foundational documentary basis - it certified totals that could not be verified from the underlying records in the county's own possession. This is not a post-hoc records gap; it is a certification gap that existed at the time the certification was signed. The return sheet records were subsequently reportedly destroyed, compounding the legal violation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Moton, Hoopes & Stenstrom v. Boockvar, CV-2022-000032 (Del. Cty. CCP, Jan. 1, 2022), ¶¶ 128–135 citing RTKL Response June 28, 2021 — the breakdown: 15 no Return Sheets + 16 blank + 213 missing info = 244 of 428 precincts
- Same complaint ¶¶ 128–135 — poll worker coordinator admissions on missing yellow books, scanner-to-book discrepancies, JOE refusals.
- Gregory Stenstrom, Sworn Declaration, Nov. 9, 2020 (DOJ-filed) — firsthand chain-of-custody account
- Hoopes & Stenstrom SCOTUS Cert. Petition No. 22-503, App. p.3 (Mar. 14, 2023) — "220 of 428 return sheet records not returned or missing" (narrower definition, for context)
- Stunning Election Fraud Found In Delaware County, PA — Skagit Republicans
- Appendix - Supreme Court of the United States — U.S. Supreme Court
Intentional Record Destruction - Delaware County Certified with 244 of 428 Precincts Missing Required Documentation
[Disputed Fact - Record destruction - named-witness testimony, not yet adjudicated] Delaware County certified the November 3, 2020 election on or about November 24, 2020, contributing data to Secretary Boockvar's statewide certification. Delaware County's own Right to Know Law (RTKL) response, dated June 28, 2021, established that: 15 precincts had no Return Sheets at all; 16 precincts had blank Return Sheets; and 213 precincts were missing required information on their Return Sheets - totaling 244 of 428 precincts (more than half) with missing or incomplete documentation legally required for certification. Additionally, Delaware County was missing: 125 of 428 tally tapes for Scanner 1; 137 of 428 ballot-count tapes for Scanner 1; 255 of 428 open-poll tapes; and 233 of 428 zero-report tapes - the machine-generated records establishing that machines registered zero before counting began. The absence of zero-report tapes means there is no documentary basis to confirm that machines were not pre-loaded with votes before the election began. Named witness Regina Miller states she subsequently witnessed individuals physically tear election data and place it in the trash, with one official stating the data "had no audit value because it wouldn't match the election results" - an admission, if true, that the physical record did not match what was certified.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Moton, Hoopes & Stenstrom v. Boockvar, CV-2022-000032 (Del. Cty. CCP, Jan. 1, 2022), ¶¶ 128–135 citing RTKL Response June 28, 2021 — the breakdown: 15 no Return Sheets + 16 blank + 213 missing info = 244 of 428 precincts
- Same complaint ¶¶ 128–135 — poll worker coordinator admissions on missing yellow books, scanner-to-book discrepancies, JOE refusals.
- Gregory Stenstrom, Sworn Declaration, Nov. 9, 2020 (DOJ-filed) — firsthand chain-of-custody account
- Hoopes & Stenstrom SCOTUS Cert. Petition No. 22-503, App. p.3 (Mar. 14, 2023) — "220 of 428 return sheet records not returned or missing" (narrower definition, for context)
- Stunning Election Fraud Found In Delaware County, PA — Skagit Republicans
- Appendix - Supreme Court of the United States — U.S. Supreme Court
Database Purge the Day Before Audit/Recount - Destruction of Digital Baseline (AZ)
Forensic analysis conducted during the Arizona Senate-ordered Cyber Ninjas audit revealed that the Maricopa County Recorder's office deleted the entire 2020 General Election database from the Election Management System (EMS) - including all activity logs - in the days following a court order directing Maricopa County to produce election materials to the Arizona State Senate. Specifically, more than 37,000 identical queries were run on the EMS server in rapid sequence, effectively overwriting the activity log. The audit contractor documented that 284,412 ballot images were corrupt or missing when the system was restored, and that all data in the EMS database related to the 2020 General Election had been fully cleared. This destruction of the digital baseline - accomplished after litigation was pending and a subpoena was outstanding - eliminated the primary mechanism by which any independent recount or audit could have verified whether reported vote totals matched the underlying ballot corpus. The digital record that would have enabled a valid independent recount was rendered irrecoverable. Senate Audit Liaison Ken Bennett separately confirmed that the required chain-of-custody documentation under A.R.S. §16-621(E) was never produced.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Cyber Ninjas Forensic Audit Volume I Executive Summary, p. 1, "Logs appeared to be intentionally rolled over, and all the data in the database related to the 2020 General Election had been fully cleared."
- BREAKING: Maricopa County Elections Officials DELETED ENTIRE DATABASE DIRECTORY from Voting Machines — The Gateway Pundit
- 9/27/21 High-Level Review of the September 24, 2021 AZ Senate Audit Report
- HCR 2033
- Ken Bennett Confirmed Chain-of-Custody Documentation Under A.R.S. § 16-621(E) Was Never Produced, Arizona Senate Hearing on the 2020 Election Audit, July 15, 2021, Ken Bennett testimony at 07:14 and 08:48
Maricopa County Refused to Cooperate with Senate Audit (AZ)
Arizona Senate President Karen Fann documented in her September 24, 2021 letter to Attorney General Mark Brnovich that Maricopa County and its vendors - including Dominion Voting Systems – did not cooperate with the Senate-authorized audit and recount. This constitutes an affirmative act of obstruction against a lawfully authorized legislative oversight function. Because the audit was the only independent quantitative verification of the 2020 vote count available outside official county processes, obstruction of the audit is functionally indistinguishable from obstruction of the recount. Maricopa County's simultaneous refusal to produce chain-of-custody documentation, the missing ballot images, and the vendor non-cooperation directive collectively eliminated any independent basis for verifying the accuracy of the certified results. Fann's letter further noted that Maricopa County failed to provide documentation sufficient to reconcile duplicated ballots to corresponding original ballots.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County and Dominion refuse to comply with subpoenas — CBS News
- County supervisors plan response to Senate's election audit concerns — Arizona Republic
- Senate President Karen Fann's public statement on August 2, 2021 named both the Board and Dominion together, "It is unfortunate the noncompliance by the County and Dominion continues to delay the results and breeds distrust."
Machine Recount Conducted with 3,930 Double-Scanned Ballots and Injected Test Ballots (GA)
During the candidate-requested machine recount of the 2020 General Election in Fulton County, the Election Oversight Group (EOG), LLC, conducting forensic analysis pursuant to court-ordered document production in Curling v. Raffensperger, documented that 3,930 ballots were systematically double-scanned and double-counted. The mechanism was deliberate and multi-step: ballots that had already been scanned and assigned to existing batches (batches 17, 18, and 19) were extracted from those batches, consolidated into a new batch, and scanned a second time on a different tabulator (tabulator 794), resulting in each ballot being counted twice. EOG documented that this process required affirmative, sequential human action - it is not attributable to operator error. Additionally, hundreds - and likely thousands - of test ballots produced during Logic and Accuracy testing were improperly included in the official recount totals, despite not having been part of the original count. The machine recount was certified and publicly used to "confirm" the accuracy of the original election results, despite having incorporated these fabricated and double-counted totals. The certified recount result was then transmitted to Georgia state officials and publicly represented as an independent verification of the original count.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
17,852 Ballot Images Missing from Official Recount - Recount Mathematically Unauditable (GA)
The official machine recount of the 2020 General Election in Fulton County was certified despite the documented absence of 17,852 ballot images. This finding was confirmed by two independent expert declarations filed in Curling v. Raffensperger: (1) Professor Philip B. Stark, a member of the Board of Advisors of the U.S. Election Assistance Commission and inventor of risk-limiting audits, stated that "for the second machine count, Fulton County's production included images of ballots and printout cards for 510,073 of the 527,925 cast vote records - 17,852 image files are missing"; and (2) Professor Duncan Buell independently confirmed that approximately 17,800 images and the same number of .sha files are missing from the presidential count. Professor Stark further stated that the electronic records of the election are "not intact" and that Fulton County's lack of basic accounting controls makes it "impossible to determine who really won in 2020." EOG further documented that thousands of ballots are unique to each count - present in the original count and absent from the recount, or vice versa - a result that is "not possible by natural means or mistake," indicating the ballot corpus itself was not stable between counts. The recount was nevertheless certified and publicly used to corroborate the original results.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Hand-Count "Audit" Used as Recount Surrogate Contained 4.52% False Ballot Rate (GA)
[Established Fact - False ballot rate, batch discrepancies, SEB referral] Georgia's mandatory hand- count audit - conducted in lieu of a traditional recount as the first-tier verification mechanism - was subsequently documented by the Governor's own SEB complaint (SEB2021-181) to contain a false- ballot rate of approximately 4.52% among absentee ballots audited. EOG calculated, by extrapolating this error rate across the statewide proportion of absentee ballots, a potential impact of approximately 49,718 false Biden votes and 9,066 false Trump votes. The certified Biden margin in Georgia was 12,670 votes - a figure smaller than a single county's identified error pool. The hand- count also produced 36 batch tally sheet inconsistencies, adding 6,691 fictitious votes to the reported totals, of which 5,618 benefited Biden and 1,025 benefited Trump. Fulton County was aware of these discrepancies at the time and is alleged to have concealed them for two years during SEB2021-181 investigation. Despite all of this adverse information, the hand-count result was certified and transmitted to the Secretary of State as the basis for final certification, without any disclosure of the known error rate or batch tally discrepancies.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County, GA 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- Georgia investigation finds errors in Fulton audit of 2020 election — Atlanta Journal-Constitution
- Email Shows Top Fulton County Election Officials KNEW About Discrepancies — The Gateway Pundit
Deceptive Hand-Count "Audit" Used as Recount Surrogate Contained 4.52% False Ballot Rate (GA)
[Reasonable Inference - Statewide extrapolation and concealment characterization require further evidentiary development] Georgia's mandatory hand-count audit - conducted in lieu of a traditional recount as the first-tier verification mechanism - was subsequently documented by the Governor's own SEB complaint (SEB2021-181) to contain a false-ballot rate of approximately 4.52% among absentee ballots audited. EOG calculated, by extrapolating this error rate across the statewide proportion of absentee ballots, a potential impact of approximately 49,718 false Biden votes and 9,066 false Trump votes. The certified Biden margin in Georgia was 12,670 votes - a figure smaller than a single county's identified error pool. The hand-count also produced 36 batch tally sheet inconsistencies, adding 6,691 fictitious votes to the reported totals, of which 5,618 benefited Biden and 1,025 benefited Trump. Fulton County was aware of these discrepancies at the time and is alleged to have concealed them for two years during SEB2021-181 investigation. Despite all of this adverse information, the hand-count result was certified and transmitted to the Secretary of State as the basis for final certification, without any disclosure of the known error rate or batch tally discrepancies.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County, GA 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- Georgia investigation finds errors in Fulton audit of 2020 election — Atlanta Journal-Constitution
- Email Shows Top Fulton County Election Officials KNEW About Discrepancies — The Gateway Pundit
Statutory Loophole Shielded 71% of Detroit's AVCB Precincts from Hand Recount (MI)
[Established Fact - 71% imbalance rate, statutory mechanism, and recount disqualification are documented in official canvassing records] Michigan law, MCL §168.871, provides that when a precinct is "out of balance" - meaning the number of voters credited in the poll book does not match the number of ballots counted - that precinct is legally ineligible for a statutory hand recount. In Detroit, 71% of Absentee Voter Counting Board (AVCB) precincts were out of balance at the time of the recount. The statutory consequence: the vast majority of Detroit's absentee votes were disqualified from rigorous hand-recount verification by operation of law. This disqualification served as an effective shield - the most suspect precincts, those with documented imbalances between voters and ballots, were precisely the precincts excluded from the only independent quantitative verification mechanism available. The imbalance rate - 71% of Detroit's AVCB precincts, more than all other 82 Michigan counties combined - is an established fact drawn from the official canvassing record. The use of this statutory loophole to insulate Detroit's absentee votes from hand recount verification, whether deliberate or incidental, meant that the "recount" of Wayne County's most problematic votes was never conducted.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Election Officials Manual Chapter 18: Recounts — Michigan Bureau of Elections
- Audits of the November 3, 2020 General Election — Michigan Bureau of Elections
- Putting Detroit's vote count errors in context — Outlier Media
Statutory Loophole Exploited to Shield 71% of Detroit's AVCB Precincts from Hand Recount (MI)
[Reasonable Inference - Characterization of the loophole as "exploited" rather than incidental requires further evidence of intent] Michigan law, MCL §168.871, provides that when a precinct is "out of balance" - meaning the number of voters credited in the poll book does not match the number of ballots counted - that precinct is legally ineligible for a statutory hand recount. In Detroit, 71% of Absentee Voter Counting Board (AVCB) precincts were out of balance at the time of the recount. The statutory consequence: the vast majority of Detroit's absentee votes were disqualified from rigorous hand-recount verification by operation of law. This disqualification served as an effective shield - the most suspect precincts, those with documented imbalances between voters and ballots, were precisely the precincts excluded from the only independent quantitative verification mechanism available. The imbalance rate - 71% of Detroit's AVCB precincts, more than all other 82 Michigan counties combined - is an established fact drawn from the official canvassing record. The use of this statutory loophole to insulate Detroit's absentee votes from hand recount verification, whether deliberate or incidental, meant that the "recount" of Wayne County's most problematic votes was never conducted.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Election Officials Manual Chapter 18: Recounts — Michigan Bureau of Elections
- Audits of the November 3, 2020 General Election — Michigan Bureau of Elections
- Putting Detroit's vote count errors in context — Outlier Media
Machine Recount of a Compromised Tabulator System - 68.05% Error Rate (MI)
[Established Fact - ASOG error rate, log anomalies, project file alteration, image deletion] Antrim County's tabulation system - Dominion Voting Systems Democracy Suite 5.5 - was documented by the Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG) forensic report to have a 68.05% error rate in tabulator logs, grossly exceeding the maximum allowable 1-per-125,000 error rate under Voluntary Voting Systems Guidelines (VVSG) §4.1.1. Of 15,676 total log events, 10,667 were critical errors or warnings. The election project file on the EMS was altered on October 23, 2020, replacing the original project built on September 25, 2020. Despite these documented system-level anomalies - which fundamentally called into question the reliability of the tabulator outputs - Michigan certified Antrim County's results without a full forensic accounting of why the certified results differed so dramatically from initial returns. Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson subsequently ordered the deletion of ballot images from Antrim County and other counties - destroying the physical evidentiary basis that would have enabled independent recount verification - before independent forensic analysis was complete. Expert Jeffrey Lenberg documented a vote-shift algorithm that appeared to redistribute votes between candidates. The machine recount effectively re-ran a compromised system's output without independent forensic resolution.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Allied Security Operations Group Antrim Michigan Forensics Report — U.S. Department of Justice
- BREAKING: Antrim Co. Forensic Report BOMBSHELL Reveals Dominion Machines Were Set At 68.05% Error Rate — The Gateway Pundit
- Antrim County: The Thread That Unravels 2020 Election Theft — LetsFixStuff.org
Machine Recount of a Compromised Tabulator System – Vote Shift Algorithm Identified (MI)
[Disputed Fact - Vote-shift algorithm characterization - supported by Lenberg analysis, contested by Secretary of State] Antrim County's tabulation system - Dominion Voting Systems Democracy Suite 5.5 - was documented by the Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG) forensic report to have a 68.05% error rate in tabulator logs, grossly exceeding the maximum allowable 1-per-125,000 error rate under Voluntary Voting Systems Guidelines (VVSG) §4.1.1. Of 15,676 total log events, 10,667 were critical errors or warnings. The election project file on the EMS was altered on October 23, 2020, replacing the original project built on September 25, 2020. Despite these documented system- level anomalies - which fundamentally called into question the reliability of the tabulator outputs - Michigan certified Antrim County's results without a full forensic accounting of why the certified results differed so dramatically from initial returns. Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson subsequently ordered the deletion of ballot images from Antrim County and other counties - destroying the physical evidentiary basis that would have enabled independent recount verification - before independent forensic analysis was complete. Expert Jeffrey Lenberg documented a vote-shift algorithm that appeared to redistribute votes between candidates. The machine recount effectively re-ran a compromised system's output without independent forensic resolution.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Allied Security Operations Group Antrim Michigan Forensics Report — U.S. Department of Justice
- BREAKING: Antrim Co. Forensic Report BOMBSHELL Reveals Dominion Machines Were Set At 68.05% Error Rate — The Gateway Pundit
- Antrim County: The Thread That Unravels 2020 Election Theft — LetsFixStuff.org
- Bailey v Antrim County, Lenberg Exhibit 09, Vote Shifting in Antrim County, MI
- Bailey v Antrim County, Lenberg Exhibit 11, Vote Shifting in Barry County, MI
Physical Destruction of Machine Tapes and V-Drives Prevent Recount Discrepancy Discovery (PA)
[Disputed Fact - Named-witness testimony not yet adjudicated; Ziegelhoffer statement is powerful but requires corroboration and authentication] Named-witness testimony from a person present at a Delaware County election facility establishes that county officials - identified as Attorney Thomas Gallagher and James Ziegelhoffer - physically tore election data into pieces, with Ziegelhoffer stating the data "had no audit value because it wouldn't match the election results." This statement, if credited by a factfinder, is a direct acknowledgment that the physical record did not reconcile with the certified results - meaning any recount conducted from those records would have revealed a discrepancy with the official count. The destruction of these records - which included machine tapes and V-drives - was accomplished after the election was certified, after litigation was initiated, and after Right to Know Law requests were filed. Delaware County's own RTKL response had already established that 244 of 428 precincts were missing required Return Sheet documentation. The destruction of the V-drives and machine tapes eliminated the last mechanism by which those missing records might have been reconstructed. Any recount conducted in Delaware County after this destruction would have been conducted in the absence of the foundational documentation required by 25 P.S. §3154.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Moton, Hoopes & Stenstrom v. Boockvar, CV-2022-000032 (Del. Cty. CCP, Jan. 1, 2022), ¶¶ 128–135 citing RTKL Response June 28, 2021 — the breakdown: 15 no Return Sheets + 16 blank + 213 missing info = 244 of 428 precincts
- Same complaint ¶¶ 128–135 — poll worker coordinator admissions on missing yellow books, scanner-to-book discrepancies, JOE refusals.
- Gregory Stenstrom, Sworn Declaration, Nov. 9, 2020 (DOJ-filed) — firsthand chain-of-custody account
- Hoopes & Stenstrom SCOTUS Cert. Petition No. 22-503, App. p.3 (Mar. 14, 2023) — "220 of 428 return sheet records not returned or missing" (narrower definition, for context)
- 'It's a Felony:' A New Lawsuit, with Video Evidence, Alleges Delaware County, Pennsylvania Election Officials Destroyed Voting Records — Tennessee Star
- New Lawsuit, Videos Allege Delco Election Officials Destroyed Election Results — Delaware Valley Journal
Intentional Physical Destruction of Machine Tapes and V-Drives to Prevent Recount Discrepancy Discovery (PA)
[Reasonable Inference - Timing and Ziegelhoffer's statement are consistent with intentional destruction to prevent recount discrepancy detection] Named-witness testimony from a person present at a Delaware County election facility establishes that county officials - identified as Attorney Thomas Gallagher and James Ziegelhoffer - physically tore election data into pieces, with Ziegelhoffer stating the data "had no audit value because it wouldn't match the election results." This statement, if credited by a factfinder, is a direct acknowledgment that the physical record did not reconcile with the certified results - meaning any recount conducted from those records would have revealed a discrepancy with the official count. The destruction of these records - which included machine tapes and V-drives - was accomplished after the election was certified, after litigation was initiated, and after Right to Know Law requests were filed. Delaware County's own RTKL response had already established that 244 of 428 precincts were missing required Return Sheet documentation. The destruction of the V-drives and machine tapes eliminated the last mechanism by which those missing records might have been reconstructed. Any recount conducted in Delaware County after this destruction would have been conducted in the absence of the foundational documentation required by 25 P.S. §3154.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Moton v. Boockvar et al., Court of Common Pleas, Delaware County, PA, filed November 18, 2021 (Plaintiffs: Ruth Moton, Leah Hoopes, Gregory Stenstrom), available at Scribd doc. 540801092.,”"Attorney Thomas Gallagher and James Ziegglehoffer conspired to destroy November 3, 2020 election data, and materials. The pair set up a long table full of November 3, 2020, election data, and selectively destroyed the machines/proof tapes along with other November 3, 2020 records by tearing it into pieces and placing into the trash stating they will have a campfire to burn the data."
- Gregory Stenstrom, Sworn Declaration, Nov. 9, 2020 (DOJ-filed) — firsthand chain-of-custody account
- Hoopes & Stenstrom SCOTUS Cert. Petition No. 22-503, App. p.3 (Mar. 14, 2023) — "220 of 428 return sheet records not returned or missing" (narrower definition, for context)
- 'It's a Felony:' A New Lawsuit, with Video Evidence, Alleges Delaware County, Pennsylvania Election Officials Destroyed Voting Records — Tennessee Star
- New Lawsuit, Videos Allege Delco Election Officials Destroyed Election Results — Delaware Valley Journal
440,781 "Unknown" Mail Ballots and 155,053 Voter Deficit - No Recount Could Resolve the Foundational Discrepancy (PA)
The Public Interest Legal Foundation (PILF), analyzing EAC post-election survey data, documented that 440,781 Pennsylvania mail ballots were classified as "unknown" - meaning election officials had no record of what happened to them. This figure exceeded the certified presidential margin of victory (81,660) by a ratio of more than 5:1. Separately, Representative Francis Ryan's December 2020 report identified that Secretary Boockvar certified 6,915,283 votes for presidential candidates against only 6,760,230 voters recorded in the SURE system as having voted - a deficit of 155,053 votes over voters. No recount mechanism was triggered or designed to reconcile this voter-to-vote discrepancy. Pennsylvania's recount statutes govern the manual re-tallying of ballots; they do not require reconciliation of the SURE system voter record against certified totals. This structural gap means that a recount, even if perfectly conducted, would have re-tallied the same inflated ballot total without examining whether those ballots corresponded to actual voter participation records. The recount process was thus structurally incapable of detecting or correcting the most significant documented discrepancy in Pennsylvania's results.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 440K Mail Ballots Went Missing or Undeliverable amid 81K Vote Margin of Victory in PA 2020 Presidential — PILF
- REPORT: 440K Mail Ballots Went Missing or Undeliverable amid 81K Vote Margin of Victory in PA 2020 Presidential — PILF
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2020 Comprehensive Report
- Testimony of Frank Ryan December 16, 2020 The mail in-ballots ... — US Senate Homeland Security Committee; see also Francis X. Ryan (R-Lebanon), PA 2020 Election Issues Summary / Citizen's Audit, December 20, 2020 (interim report), later transmitted to the U.S. Senate and submitted to DOJ. The 12/20/2020 interim report is reproduced in a DOJ communications PDF released September 2022 and separately in a Scribd presentation (PA Citizen's Audit of 2020 election). https://www.justice.gov/d9/pages/attachments/2022/09/19/09.13.22._-_comms_doj_and_congressional_state_officials_-_response.pdf
Recount Certification Signed Unilaterally by WEC Chair - Bipartisan Commission Vote Bypassed (WI)
On November 30, 2020, Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) Chairperson Ann Jacobs unilaterally signed the formal determination of the 2020 presidential election recount - and the determination of the presidential contest - without holding a full vote of the Wisconsin Elections Commission. This bypassed the bipartisan deliberative structure that Wisconsin statutes require. Wis. Stat. §5.05 establishes the WEC as a body that acts by majority vote of its six members - three from each major party - specifically to ensure that no single official can unilaterally determine the outcome of a contested election. By signing the recount determination without a full Commission vote, Chair Jacobs unilaterally transformed a bipartisan verification mechanism into a single-administrator act. The recount itself had been requested by the Trump campaign for Milwaukee and Dane Counties, covering approximately 800,000 ballots, at a cost of $3 million paid by the campaign. The unilateral certification of the recount determination prevented any dissenting commissioner from formally registering objections or demanding additional examination before the result was locked in. Special Counsel Michael Gableman, in his report on the administration of the 2020 Wisconsin election commissioned by the Wisconsin State Assembly, identified this unilateral act as a material procedural irregularity.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just The News
- Wisconsin confirms Joe Biden as winner following recount — PBS News
- Trump v. Evers WEC Response — Court Filing
- Testimony of Frank Ryan December 16, 2020 The mail in-ballots ... — US Senate Homeland Security Committee; see also Francis X. Ryan (R-Lebanon), PA 2020 Election Issues Summary / Citizen's Audit, December 20, 2020 (interim report), later
Recount Confirmed Results Incorporating Votes Cast Under Subsequently Invalidated Drop-Box Guidance (WI)
The Wisconsin Elections Commission issued administrative guidance memoranda in spring 2020 and on August 19, 2020, authorizing unstaffed ballot drop boxes as a permissible method of absentee ballot return. These memoranda were subsequently held by the Wisconsin Supreme Court in Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, 2022 WI 64, No. 2022AP91 (Wis. July 8, 2022), to be legally invalid on the ground that ballot drop boxes are illegal under Wisconsin statutes — specifically, that only two lawful methods of absentee ballot return exist under Wis. Stat. §6.87(4)(b)1. and an inanimate drop box satisfies neither. The court declined to address whether the guidance documents constituted unpromulgated administrative rules, resting its holding on statutory illegality alone; the circuit court below had additionally declared the memos invalid as unpromulgated rules under Chapter 227. The 2020 presidential recount — conducted in Milwaukee and Dane Counties only — confirmed and locked in vote totals that included ballots returned through these unlawfully authorized drop boxes. Wisconsin Stat. §6.84(2) provides in mandatory terms that "ballots counted in contravention of the procedures specified in [absentee ballot statutes] may not be included in the certified result of any election." The recount, by re-confirming results that included these ballots, incorporated totals that a subsequent court ruling established were cast in a manner having no statutory authorization. Justice Rebecca Grassl Bradley, joined by two other justices in the relevant portion of the Teigen opinion, wrote that Trump v. Biden, 394 Wis. 2d 629 (2020 WI 91), had allowed notions of equity to override mandatory statutory language — specifically, that the Trump v. Biden majority had refused to invalidate ballots cast through unlawfully authorized procedures by invoking laches rather than enforcing §6.84(2)'s mandatory terms. The recount process had no mechanism to exclude or identify drop-box ballots from the totals it was re-confirming, as ballot anonymity makes it impossible to trace a counted ballot to its method of return once separated from its envelope. transmitted to the U.S. Senate and submitted to DOJ. The 12/20/2020 interim report is reproduced in a DOJ communications PDF released September 2022 and separately in a Scribd presentation (PA Citizen's Audit of 2020 election). https://www.justice.gov/d9/pages/attachments/2022/09/19/09.13.22._- _comms_doj_and_congressional_state_officials_-_response.pdf
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission
- WEC Absentee Ballot Drop Box Information August 19, 2020 — Wisconsin Elections Commission
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just the News
Spoliation of Evidence Prior to Senate Forensic Audit (AZ)
The Maricopa County Recorder's office deleted the entire 2020 General Election database from the Dominion EMS server and purged SQL logs the day before the Arizona Senate's Cyber Ninjas forensic audit began, permanently eliminating native election-period system logs. When a backup was later restored, approximately 263,139 ballot images were corrupt and unreadable and about 21,273 ballot images were missing from the restored dataset, blinding auditors to the full digital chain of custody.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona Senate President Fann Letter on Deleted Databases — The Gateway Pundit
- 9/27/21 High-Level Review of the September 24, 2021 AZ Senate Audit Report
- Maricopa County Forensic Audit Volume III: Results Details — Cyber Ninjas Audit Report
Falsification of RLA Data to Substantiate Initial Count (GA)
During Georgia's post-election Risk Limiting Audit (RLA), Fulton County auditors reported batch tally sheets that were "wildly inconsistent" with the underlying ballots. The Governor's office verified 36 specific batch discrepancies, resulting in 6,691 fictitious votes being effectively padded into the RLA results to make the audit appear to confirm the original machine count.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Governor Kemp Letter to State Election Board (Nov 17, 2021) — US Supreme Court Filing
- Georgia investigation finds errors in Fulton audit — Atlanta Journal-Constitution
- Fulton County, GA 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
Fabricated Post-Election Voting Machine "Audit" (GA)
Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger publicly announced that Pro V&V had conducted a forensic audit of Dominion voting machines and found "no sign of foul play." Open records responses from the counties named in his announcement showed no records of any such audit activity; Pro V&V was not accredited for forensic security audits, and the work actually performed was limited to a software hash check, not a substantive tamper or configuration review.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Secretary Raffensperger Announces Completion of Voting Machine Audit Using Forensic Techniques — GA Sec of State
- GA Sec. of State says 'no sign of foul play' after completing voting machine audit — NewsChannel 9
- Smoke and Mirrors: New Evidence Suggests That NO Audit was Performed... — The Gateway Pundit
- Amicus Document (Pro V&V Audit Non-Existent) — US Supreme Court
Erasure of Adjudication Logs to Prevent Meaningful Audit (MI)
A court-ordered forensic examination in Antrim County documented a 68.05% tabulation error rate that routed large numbers of ballots to electronic adjudication. When auditors accessed the Dominion EMS, all 2020 adjudication log entries were missing, while adjudication logs for prior election years on the same system remained intact, making it impossible to reconstruct how contested ballots were altered or assigned during post-election review.
📍 Jurisdiction: Antrim County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ASOG Forensic Audit Report — DOJ FOIA
- Antrim County: The Thread That Unravels 2020 Election Theft — LetsFixStuff.org
- Judge orders release of report showing Dominion Voting Systems had 68% error rate — Just The News
- "Antrim County does not use the adjudication software application in question, and does not have compatible systems. The ASOG report also claims impropriety due to a lack of adjudication forensic logs. However, because, as noted above, Antrim County does not use the [adjudication software], [missing logs are] a red herring."
RLA Invalidated by Statutory Loopholes and Non-Compliance (MI)
Michigan's statewide Risk Limiting Audit was structurally compromised: under MCL 168.871, "out-of- balance" precincts are legally ineligible for hand recounts, and this rule was used to exclude roughly 71% of Detroit absentee counting boards from meaningful post-election scrutiny. Additionally, 21 county clerks simply failed to complete the required RLA, rendering the statutory "risk limit" mathematically uncomputable and forcing state officials to concede that the RLA functioned only as an "exercise."
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
Retaliatory Decertification of Machines to Obstruct Legislative Audits (PA)
After Fulton County permitted an independent forensic examination of its Dominion equipment at the request of the Pennsylvania Senate, the Secretary of the Commonwealth decertified the county's voting machines on that basis. At the same time, the Governor, Attorney General, and Dominion Voting Systems engaged in coordinated litigation to block the Senate's contractor (Envoy Sage) from conducting a broader forensic audit, citing proprietary and privacy claims.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Letter to Fulton County Officials from Acting Secretary of State — [PA Department of State]
- Fulton County vs. Dominion Complaint — [Fulton County Court Filing]
- Pennsylvania punishes county that allowed audit of vote counting machines — [Just The News]
Coordinated Evasion of Special Counsel Subpoenas (WI)
During the Wisconsin Legislature's investigation led by Special Counsel Michael Gableman, the Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC), the State Attorney General, and voting-machine vendors (Dominion and ES&S) refused to comply with legislative subpoenas seeking voting system data and logs. Local clerks asserted that providing secure copies of machine data to the legislature would "compromise election integrity," effectively blocking meaningful technical audits of the systems used to produce certified results.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fake Forensic Audit of ES&S System (MI)
In the wake of the 2020 election, incoming Macomb County Clerk Anthony Forlini contracted with Pro V&V to conduct what he referred to as a “forensic” audit of the ES&S. Cybersecurity expert Ben Cotton of CyFir was invited to observe the conduct of the audit but was not allowed to examine the equipment in any substantive manner. He concluded that the audit was not a forensic audit as advertised because Pro V&V failed to protect the original hard drives from modification. United States, Michigan, Macomb County
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Pre-Meditated FOIA Obstruction Intended to Prevent Access to Machine Audit Detailed Technical Report (MI)
The office of Macomb County Clerk Anthony Forlini engaged in pre-meditated FOIA obstruction when they reached out to the office of MI Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson and ES&S representatives for guidance on how to prevent disclosure of the audit records. Macomb County subsequently denied FOIA requests for such records using the rationale provided by ES&S as the basis for their denial. United States, Michigan, Macomb County
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
AP Arizona Early Call on Election Night
[Disputed Fact - Premature call] The Associated Press called Arizona for Joe Biden on election night of November 3, 2020, before multiple other major outlets and before official canvass was complete. Fox News also called Arizona early. This premature media call established an unofficial "result" that was treated by state officials and the public as settled before the legal canvass process concluded. Arizona's canvassing process subsequently faced pressure to conform results to the projected outcome. The early call was not retracted despite narrowing vote margins, and the existence of a publicly declared "winner" prior to canvass completion created an institutional expectation of finality that directly shortened the effective window for thorough precertification review.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- AP Explains Calling Arizona For Biden Early — NPR
- EXPLAINER: Why AP called Arizona for Biden — Tucson.com (AP)
- State Election Canvassing Timeframes — NASS
AP Arizona Early Call on Election Night - Pressure on Canvassing Board (AZ)
[Reasonable Inference - Causal link to shortened review window] The Associated Press called Arizona for Joe Biden on election night of November 3, 2020, before multiple other major outlets and before official canvass was complete. Fox News also called Arizona early. This premature media call established an unofficial "result" that was treated by state officials and the public as settled before the legal canvass process concluded. Arizona's canvassing process subsequently faced pressure to conform results to the projected outcome. The early call was not retracted despite narrowing vote margins, and the existence of a publicly declared "winner" prior to canvass completion created an institutional expectation of finality that directly shortened the effective window for thorough precertification review.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- AP Explains Calling Arizona For Biden Early — NPR
- EXPLAINER: Why AP called Arizona for Biden — Tucson.com (AP)
- State Election Canvassing Timeframes — NASS
- Board of Supervisors Certifies Maricopa County Election Results — Maricopa County
Media Dismissal of Sworn Affidavits to Protect Unofficial Results - TCF Center (MI)
Media outlets across Michigan and nationally used unofficial election-night results to establish an expectation of decisive victory, then systematically characterized hundreds of sworn, notarized affidavits from TCF Center poll workers and observers as "baseless," "unsubstantiated," or already "debunked." These affidavits detailed election administration chaos including the boarding of windows to prevent lawful observation, unlawful ballot adjudication, and the delivery of ballot containers after reporting deadlines. This media campaign - characterizing sworn testimony as unworthy of factual investigation - provided direct institutional cover for the certification of Wayne County despite 71% of Absentee Voter Counting Board (AVCB) precincts being mathematically out of balance. When Republican canvassers Monica Palmer and William Hartmann cited these record anomalies and initially refused certification on November 17, 2020, they were publicly identified, threatened, and accused of racism in a media-amplified intimidation campaign. The coordinated characterization of legitimate, documented concerns as "baseless" directly compressed the time available for factual investigation prior to the certification deadline.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Appendix of Sworn Affidavits from TCF Center Poll Challengers — US Supreme Court Filing; see also TCF Center Timeline Report 2020 Detroit General Election, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1JNanmLaJjK89Sxsbb8fjPQ30rsG4HK1S/view
- Fact-Checking the Phony Fact-Checkers: Gateway Pundit TCF Reporting — The Gateway Pundit
- Monica Palmer Affidavit
- ClickOnDetroit / WDIV Local 4 (Nov. 12, 2020): Characterized allegations as claims "without evidence" and "unfounded"; described affidavit claims as "dismissed as hearsay."
Media Amplification of False Ballot Count Data Without Correction - Philadelphia County Vote Dump (PA)
On November 4, 2020, Pennsylvania Republican legislators — including State Rep. Frank Ryan, a certified public accountant — reported in sworn testimony before the U.S. Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee that Pennsylvania's Department of State vote- reporting portal showed an updated Philadelphia County mail-in ballot count of 508,112 at 11:30 AM, despite their data showing only 432,873 ballots having been issued to Philadelphia County voters. The legislators reported that the figure was reduced later that same day. Ryan's testimony questioned "who had the authority to add and subtract votes on the ballot counts reported to the Department of State," and stated that "[e]ven if this was simply a data entry error, the lack of internal controls over such reporting necessitates a review of the numbers, the process and system access." No Pennsylvania state official produced a public incident report identifying who held portal access, why the figure appeared, or whether any downstream certification process was affected. Despite the anomaly having been raised in sworn federal testimony and in a formal letter to Congress signed by multiple Pennsylvania legislators, no major news outlet investigated or reported on the specific discrepancy; the episode received no coverage in contemporaneous Pennsylvania or national press commensurate with its potential significance, and no public accounting of the episode has appeared in the record since.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Intentional Media Dismissive of Election Integrity Concerns in Reporting on Election Results (PA)
Beginning on Election Day and continuing through certification, major national and Pennsylvania news outlets adopted a consistent framing that characterized election integrity claims raised by Republican legislators and the Trump campaign as "baseless," "debunked," or "without evidence" — often in headlines and opening paragraphs, and before any independent investigation of the underlying factual claims had been conducted or disclosed. The Associated Press published multiple fact-checks on Pennsylvania-specific claims — including the phantom-ballot count claim and the alleged vote-machine manipulation in Northampton County — uniformly labeling them false or unsupported, and the AP's broader post-election investigation across six contested states identified fewer than 475 possible fraud instances out of more than 25 million ballots cast, a finding it presented as dispositive of the broader fraud claim. The Philadelphia Inquirer, Pennsylvania's newspaper of record, published a comprehensive fact-check on December 6, 2020, characterizing Trump's Pennsylvania claims as "completely disconnected from reality" and stating that his campaign had not alleged in court that "even one vote in Pennsylvania was deliberately cast illegally" — a technically accurate observation as to the legal filings, but one that did not address the separate legislative-record concerns raised in Ryan's testimony and the Perry letter twelve days later. PolitiFact similarly published a December 6, 2020 Pennsylvania fact-check that catalogued and rejected specific statistical claims but did not examine or reference the DOS portal reporting anomaly subsequently described in sworn Senate testimony. The pattern across outlets was structurally consistent: claims were evaluated against the legal record and court outcomes, not against the documentary and testimonial record compiled independently by state legislators and claims that were unaddressed in court — including the portal figure anomaly raised by Ryan — received no independent press investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Testimony of Frank Ryan — US Senate Homeland Security Committee
- Philadelphia Inquirer (Dec. 6, 2020): "Trump's relentless and false attacks on the results in Pennsylvania…are completely disconnected from reality.; see also PolitiFact (Dec. 6, 2020): Comprehensive Pennsylvania fact-check labeling specific claims false — does not address the Ryan/Perry portal figure.; see also AP (Nov. 30, 2020): Phantom-ballot claim labeled false; AP notes Giuliani conflated primary and general election data.
Edison Research Data Feed Anomalies - Compromised Unofficial Results as Pressure Mechanism (US)
The unofficial results broadcast by every major media outlet on and after election night 2020 were powered by data feeds from Edison Research - a commercial elections data provider contracted by the major networks to supply real-time vote tabulation data. Multiple independent analysts documented live vote flips and mathematically anomalous vote-count dumps within these Edison Research data feeds during election night. If these anomalies reflect actual manipulation of the underlying data source rather than reporting sequencing artifacts, the unofficial results that created the public expectation of a decisive Biden victory - and that state officials subsequently cited as contextual justification for expedited certification - were themselves based on mathematically compromised data. This possibility remains unresolved because no public authority has conducted a forensic audit of Edison Research's election-night servers, data pipelines, or API transmission logs.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Certification of Compromised Results Despite Margin-of-Error Exceeding Margin of Victory (AZ)
Arizona state officials certified the 2020 general election on November 30, 2020 — signed by Secretary of State Katie Hobbs, Governor Doug Ducey, and Attorney General Mark Brnovich — despite documented discrepancies and missing chain-of-custody records that legislators and audit contractors subsequently identified as unresolved at the time of certification.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 9/27/21 High-Level Review of the September 24, 2021 AZ Senate Audit Report
- Arizona Certificate of Ascertainment 2020 — National Archives (Official Govt Doc)
- The 2021 Maricopa Audit Proved After Three Days that the 2020... — The Gateway Pundit
Secretary of State Katie Hobbs Certified Results Despite Active Litigation and Audit Request (AZ)
On November 30, 2020, Secretary of State Katie Hobbs signed the official canvass certifying Arizona's 2020 general election results alongside Governor Doug Ducey and Attorney General Mark Brnovich — the same day Arizona Republican Party Chair Kelli Ward had a pending court action requesting examination of signatures on early ballot envelopes. The certification proceeded despite at least one active legal challenge and despite a formal request from Arizona Senate Republicans for an audit of Maricopa County ballots that would not be commissioned until March 2021. No forensic review of ballot chain-of-custody records had been completed at the time of certification. HCR 2033, introduced the following legislative session, characterized the November 30 certification as having occurred "even while a hearing was underway revealing election discrepancies and fraud" — language that, whatever its legal weight, reflects the contemporaneous legislative record that certification was not preceded by resolution of pending integrity challenges.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona Certificate of Ascertainment 2020 — [National Archives](https://www.archives.gov/files/electoral-college/2020/ascertainment-arizona.pdf)
- Ward court action filed same day: Arizona Republic, Nov. 30, 2020
- HCR 2033 "hearing underway" language: HCR 2033, p. 7
Conflict of Interest - Secretary of State Katie Hobbs Certified Results Despite Active Litigation and Audit Request (AZ)
On November 30, 2020, Arizona Secretary of State Katie Hobbs signed the official canvass certifying the state's 2020 general election results — a certification she executed as the sitting respondent in active post-election litigation challenging those same results. At least one legal action, filed by Arizona Republican Party Chair Kelli Ward, was pending on the day of certification, seeking examination of early ballot signatures. Hobbs was named as a defendant in subsequent decertification litigation filed in 2022 specifically challenging the authority of the officials who signed the November 30, 2020 canvass. No Arizona statute required her recusal, and the certification was co-signed by Republican Governor Doug Ducey and Republican Attorney General Mark Brnovich. Nevertheless, the structural posture — in which the official responsible for certification was simultaneously a named party in litigation contesting the results she was certifying — has been cited by legislators as a basis for questioning the independence of the certification process.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- C-SPAN Arizona 2020 Election Certification — C-SPAN
- Maricopa County Subpoena Compliance — Maricopa County
- Ward v. Hobbs Election Challenge — Arizona Courts
Certification Despite 460,000 Drop-Box Ballots with No Chain-of- Custody Documentation (GA)
Georgia's State Election Board Rule 183-1-14-0.8-.14 required drop-box collection teams to "complete and sign a ballot transfer form . . . which shall include the date, time, location and number of ballots.” The Georgia Senate Judiciary Subcommittee's Chairman's Report (December of-Custody Documentation (GA) 3, 2020) found a "systematic failure to maintain appropriate records of the chain of custody for these ballots, both prior to and after voting and throughout the recount." True the Vote estimated that approximately 460,000 ballots were deposited in Georgia drop boxes during the 2020 general election — a figure not independently confirmed by any government body or validated by any court. Secretary of State Raffensperger certified the results on November 20, 2020, thirteen days before the Subcommittee issued its findings, with a certified Biden margin of 12,670 votes. The final official vote margin was 11,779 yielding further support for the assertion that the initial certification was premature.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The 460,000 figure originates with True the Vote and affiliated election integrity groups who analyzed drop box surveillance video footage in Georgia. It was prominently cited in the film 2000 Mules (2022) and in related affidavits. The figure circulated widely but has not been verified by any government body or court.
- SEB Rule 183-1-14-0.8-.14
- GA Senate Judiciary Subcommittee Chairman's Report, Dec. 3, 2020
- CNN, Nov. 20, 2020
- Kemp formalization press release, Nov. 23, 2020
False Statements to Congress in Raffensperger's January 6, 2021, Congressional Letter (GA)
On January 6, 2021, Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger transmitted a ten-page letter to the U.S. Congress, including then-Vice President Pence, in which he stated that the results reported by Georgia's voting systems "were accurate" and that "there is nowhere close to sufficient evidence to put in doubt the results of the presidential contest in Georgia." A subsequent analysis by VoterGA identified 42 false or misleading statements within the letter. Most critically: (a) the letter made no reference to the Georgia Senate Judiciary Subcommittee's finding — transmitted to Secretary Raffensperger and the executive branch on December 17, 2020 — that "the 2020 Georgia General Election was so compromised by systemic irregularities and voter fraud that it should not be certified"; when Senator Ligon was later asked what Raffensperger did with the Subcommittee's evidence, he stated: "the Secretary did nothing";(b) the letter omitted the existence of over 250 open election investigations which Raffensperger's own office had publicly acknowledged just fifteen days earlier, in a December 22, 2020 press release stating that the Secretary "has already launched over 250 investigations into credible elections concerns"; and (c) the letter asserted that Pro V&V had "conducted an audit of a random sample of Dominion Voting Systems voting machines throughout the state using forensic techniques," when Open Records Request responses from five of the six counties named in the letter confirmed that no Pro V&V audit had taken place in their counties, and no county received a copy of the Pro V&V Field Report or results. Senior U.S. District Judge Amy Totenberg, in Curling v. Raffensperger, No. 1:17-cv-02989 (N.D. Ga. 2019), had previously found that the Secretary's office was "not credible" and had "previously minimized, erased, or dodged the issues underlying this case.”
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Refutation of Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger’s False Election Claims — VoterGA; see also https://www.ajc.com/politics/georgia-elections-chief-refutes-election-claims-in-letter-to-congress/RBZJQSTUOJECTO4EMSAXGXJSK4/
- GA Senate Judiciary Subcommittee Chairman's Report, Dec. 3, 2020
- December 22, 2020 SOS press release, quoted verbatim in Supreme Court amicus brief (May 31, 2024): "The Office of the Secretary of State has already launched over 250 investigations into credible elections concerns this year and begun a signature audit in Cobb County."
- Supreme Court amicus brief (May 31, 2024): "Through the Georgia Open Records Request ('ORR') process, we obtained replies from the six counties in which Secretary Raffensperger stated the audit was conducted. Election Officials from five of the counties replied that the Pro V&V audit did not take place in their county . . . no documentation exists with the six counties that supports that statement." See also VoterGA Refutation Report (Point 17): "Cobb and Paulding counties indicated that no such audit was ever done in their counties."; see also Curling v. Raffensperger, No. 1:17-cv-02989, Doc. 579 (N.D. Ga. 2019), quoted in Supreme Court amicus brief (May 31, 2024)
Michigan State Board of Canvassers Certified Statewide Election Despite Explicit Notice That Wayne County Certification Was Legally Defective (MI)
On November 23, 2020, the Michigan Board of State Canvassers certified the 2020 general election via a 3-0 vote, with Republican member Norman Shinkle abstaining. The certification proceeded despite Shinkle having been explicitly notified - and having raised on the record - that the underlying Wayne County certification was legally invalid, lacking the statutorily required minimum of three canvasser signatures to be effective under MCL §168.24e. This was not an abstract procedural defect: Wayne County contains the City of Detroit, whose Absentee Voter Counting Board precincts were 71% out of balance at the time of certification - more out-of- balance precincts than all other 82 Michigan counties combined. The official vote totals for Wayne County included 174,384 votes attributed to zero registered voters - an anomaly the Secretary of State attributed to "formatting conventions" but which Canvasser Palmer found inadequately documented under any statutory standard. The State Board certified Wayne County's returns without conducting any independent inquiry into the imbalances, without demanding a Republican signature, and without investigating the delivery of revised vote documentation one day prior to certification. State Board members Aaron Van Langevelde, Jeannette Bradshaw, and Julie Matuzak voted yes to certify with knowledge of these deficiencies on the record.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Coordinated Pattern of Certification Over Acknowledged Deficiencies - Systemic Finality Weaponization (US)
[Reasonable Inference - Coordination and systemic characterization] Across all five major battleground states, the documentary record establishes a consistent pattern: state certifying officials were in possession of material adverse information - including documented record deficiencies, unresolved statutory violations, active litigation, and in multiple instances formal legislative or audit findings - at the time they certified their respective elections. [AZ: audit findings; GA: 460,000 undocumented ballots, 6,691 fictitious votes, Senate Subcommittee non- certification finding; MI: 71% counting boards out of balance in Wayne County, invalid county certification, missing Republican signature; PA: 244 precincts missing Return Sheets, 155,053 voter deficit, unconstitutional mail-voting framework; WI: illegally authorized drop boxes, procedurally defective recount determination.] In no case was the fact of these deficiencies noted in the official certification instrument. In no case was the certification conditioned or qualified. In every case, the certification was executed as though the record was complete, compliant, and legally sufficient. The legal effect of this uniform pattern was to generate finality - congressional acceptance, media closure, litigation mootness - from legally deficient state acts, transforming institutional momentum into a de facto substitute for demonstrated legal compliance. The Time Magazine "secret campaign" article of February 4, 2021, openly acknowledged a coordinated pre- planned network of actors who managed the post-election environment specifically to ensure rapid certification closure and suppress challenge.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fraudulent WEC Certification Incorporated Votes Cast Under Unlawful Procedures - Drop Boxes, Nursing Home Absentee Violations, and "Indefinitely Confined" Abuse (WI)
[Disputed Fact — As to whether legal uncertainty at time of certification is an independent certification defect] The Wisconsin 2020 presidential election certification incorporated votes cast under at least four categories of procedures subsequently found unlawful: (1) absentee ballot drop boxes, ruled illegal by Waukesha County Circuit Court in Teigen v. WEC (affirmed, 2022 WI 64) — a ruling later overruled on different statutory grounds by the Wisconsin Supreme Court's reconstituted majority in Priorities USA v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, 2024 WI 32; (2) absentee ballots collected from nursing home residents without Special Voting Deputies (SVDs) as required by Wis. Stat. § 6.875, producing documented 100% registered-voter turnout rates at multiple nursing homes in Milwaukee, Racine, and Dane counties — figures reported in the Office of the Special Counsel's Second Interim Investigative Report (March 2022) and contested in methodology by the WEC;(3) absentee ballots cast by voters claiming "indefinitely confined" status under Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2), a pool that grew from approximately 66,611 in 2016 to more than 265,979 in 2020, following guidance from the Dane County and Milwaukee County clerks that the Wisconsin Supreme Court subsequently held was "erroneous" — the court finding that COVID-19 and related emergency orders did not render voters indefinitely confined within the meaning of the statute; and (4) ballots cast by wards under guardianship who were legally ineligible under Wis. Stat. § 6.03(1)(a), which disqualifies from voting any person under guardianship unless a court has specifically determined that the person is competent to exercise the right to vote — a protection the Office of the Special Counsel found was left unchecked because WEC failed to record guardianship adjudications in the WisVote voter database. WEC's certification did not note, qualify, or flag any of these categories. WEC Chairperson Ann Jacobs signed the determination of the recount and the presidential contest on November 30, 2020, incorporating votes cast through mechanisms that a court of competent jurisdiction later determined were unlawful — a certification based on procedures whose legality was at minimum unresolved at the time.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, 2022 WI 64 (July 8, 2022) — Wisconsin Supreme Court held drop boxes have "no statutory authorization" and "WEC's authorization of ballot drop boxes was unlawful." Justia; WILL case page. NOTE: Overruled by Priorities USA v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, 2024 WI 32 (July 5, 2024).
- Gableman Report on Wisconsin Elections (page 14) — Gableman Report
- Trump v. Biden — Wisconsin Supreme Court
Premature Statewide Presidential Certification While SURE System Showed 155,053-Vote Irreconcilable Discrepancy (PA)
Pennsylvania Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar certified the 2020 presidential election on November 24, 2020, despite an irreconcilable discrepancy between the certified vote total and the Commonwealth's own official voter record. Pennsylvania's SURE system is, by statute, the official voter record of the Commonwealth. A December 20, 2020 interim analysis of SURE data across 64 counties identified approximately 205,122 more votes counted than voters of record. A December 28, 2020 analysis by Pennsylvania House Republicans identified a gross discrepancy of approximately 202,377, with a net unexplained discrepancy of approximately 170,830 votes after accounting for over- and under-votes — more than double Biden's certified margin of 80,555 votes. Representative Frank Ryan testified before the U.S. Senate on December 16, 2020, that "the results of the 2020 presidential election in Pennsylvania cannot be conclusively determined." The House Republican analysis characterized the certification as "absolutely premature, unconfirmed, and in error." The contemporaneous record states plainly: "If SURE data was correct, the election could not be certified due to the discrepancies. If SURE data was incorrect, the election could not be certified due to discrepancies." The Pennsylvania Department of State attributed the gap to counties that had not yet completed uploading vote histories to SURE at the time of certification, characterizing the analysis as based on "incomplete data."
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- PA Lawmakers: Numbers Don't Add Up, Certification of Presidential Results Premature and In Error — PA House GOP
- "On December 29, 2020, Secretary Boockvar noted that four counties had not finished uploading voter histories in the SURE System. Yet, she had certified the election on November 24, 2020 despite a significant voter deficit." The last county did not close the election in SURE until February 1, 2021 — the same day Boockvar announced her resignation
- Testimony of Frank Ryan December 16, 2020 The mail in-ballots ... — US Senate Homeland Security Committee; see also Francis X. Ryan (R-Lebanon), PA 2020 Election Issues Summary / Citizen's Audit, December 20, 2020 (interim report), later transmitted to the U.S. Senate and submitted to DOJ. The 12/20/2020 interim report is reproduced in a DOJ communications PDF released September 2022 and separately in a
Pennsylvania Supreme Court and Secretary Boockvar Unilaterally Altered Four Core Mail Ballot Provisions Without Legislative Authorization
In the weeks preceding the November 2020 general election, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court and Secretary of the Commonwealth Kathy Boockvar altered four core provisions of Pennsylvania's mail ballot law — Act 77 of 2019 — without action by the General Assembly. First, Act 77 unambiguously required all mailed ballots to be received by 8:00 p.m. on Election Day. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court, by a 4-3 vote, extended that deadline by three days, accepting ballots received as late as 5:00 p.m. on November 6, 2020, acknowledging that the statutory deadline was "constitutional on its face" and that its ruling was not an interpretation of the statute but an exercise of remedial authority it claimed under the state constitution's Free and Equal Elections Clause. Three Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court stated that this "squarely alters an important statutory provision enacted by the Pennsylvania Legislature pursuant to its authority under the Constitution of the United States," expressing "a strong likelihood that the [Pennsylvania] Supreme Court decision violates the Federal Constitution." Second, the court authorized the use of unmanned ballot drop boxes across the Commonwealth, a mechanism not authorized by statute, on the basis that Act 77's language permitting personal delivery to "the county board of election" encompassed locations other than the board's office. Third, Secretary Boockvar issued guidance on September 11, 2020 directing all county boards of elections to accept mail-in ballots without conducting signature verification — a practice that had previously been employed in at least some counties — effectively eliminating a verification mechanism without legislative sanction; the Pennsylvania Supreme Court subsequently ratified this guidance in a unanimous October 23, 2020 ruling. Fourth, on the eve of Election Day, Secretary Boockvar issued guidance authorizing counties to share information with political parties about mail ballots with deficiencies so that voters could be contacted and allowed to cure their ballots by casting provisional ballots in person — a "ballot Scribd presentation (PA Citizen's Audit of 2020 election). https://www.justice.gov/d9/pages/attachments/2022/09/19/09.13.22._- _comms_doj_and_congressional_state_officials_-_response.pdf curing" process not authorized by the Election Code and challenged as executive overreach in federal court.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Act 77, § 11 provides that if any provision of the Act is found unconstitutional, the remaining provisions — including the entire mail-in voting authorization — are likewise void. The Commonwealth Court's January 28, 2022 holding that Act 77 is "void ab initio" means, under the Act's own nonseverability clause, that the entire mail-in voting authorization was void from enactment — which would encompass the 2020 election.
- Trump v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-00966-NR, Doc. 574 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020) (discussing Boockvar guidance on ballot curing as challenged executive overreach) —
- Federalist Society State Court Docket Watch analysis —
Pennsylvania Supreme Court and Secretary Boockvar Unilaterally Altered Four Core Mail Ballot Provisions Without Legislative Authorization - Certification Rests on Legally Altered Foundation (PA)
[Disputed Fact - As to ultimate legal effect on certification validity] The Pennsylvania Election Code, as enacted by the General Assembly in Act 77 of 2019, specified four specific mail ballot requirements: (1) all ballots received after 8:00 p.m. on Election Day shall not be counted; (2) all mail-in ballots must include a postmark; (3) signatures on ballot envelopes must be authenticated; and (4) defective ballots shall not be counted. All four provisions were altered without legislative authorization before or during the election: the Pennsylvania Supreme Court extended the receipt deadline to November 6 (three days post-election) and eliminated the postmark requirement; the court later eliminated signature verification; and Secretary Boockvar issued selective ballot-curing guidance on November 2, 2020, allowing defective ballot remediation in some counties but not others. On January 28, 2022, the Commonwealth Court of Pennsylvania struck down Act 77 as unconstitutional - confirming that all 2.48 million mail ballots in 2020 were cast under a system subsequently found constitutionally invalid by the court with primary state election law jurisdiction. Certification of results incorporating 2.48 million ballots issued under a statutory framework later ruled unconstitutional, and further incorporating court-modified procedural requirements not authorized by the legislature, rests on a legal foundation of documented constitutional infirmity.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Act 77, § 11 provides that if any provision of the Act is found unconstitutional, the remaining provisions — including the entire mail-in voting authorization — are likewise void. The Commonwealth Court's January 28, 2022 holding that Act 77 is "void ab initio" means, under the Act's own nonseverability clause, that the entire mail-in voting authorization was void from enactment — which would encompass the 2020 election.
- Trump v. Boockvar, No. 2:20-cv-00966-NR, Doc. 574 (W.D. Pa. Oct. 10, 2020) (discussing Boockvar guidance on ballot curing as challenged executive overreach) —
- Federalist Society State Court Docket Watch analysis —
Premature Executive Certification Precluding SURE System Reconciliation - 155,053 Voter Deficit Codified (PA)
Secretary of the Commonwealth Kathy Boockvar unilaterally and prematurely certified the statewide presidential election results on November 24, 2020, before Philadelphia County and Allegheny County had completed uploading their voter histories to Pennsylvania's Statewide Uniform Registry of Electors (SURE system). The consequence of this premature certification is mathematically irreconcilable: Representative Francis Ryan's December 2020 report, comparing certified vote totals against the SURE system record of voters who cast ballots, identified that Boockvar certified 6,915,283 votes for presidential candidates against only 6,760,230 voters recorded in SURE as having voted - a deficit of 155,053. The certified election results include more votes than voters. Additional voter-roll anomalies documented in official legislative correspondence include: 1,532 mail ballots cast by voters listed as over 100 years old; 41 Allegheny County ballots mailed to persons with a date of birth of January 1, 1800; 245 mail votes cast by voters with no date of birth in the system; 58,221 ballots returned on or before the date they were mailed; and 9,005 ballots with no mailed date recorded. Each of these categories was present in the certified totals. Boockvar certified these results knowing that Delaware County - which contributed data to the statewide total - had 244 of its 428 precincts with missing or incomplete Return Sheet documentation (an established fact drawn from Delaware County's own RTKL response). Pennsylvania's own Attorney General Josh Shapiro publicly stated that "certification of false results is fraud" under Pennsylvania law.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Pennsylvania certifies its presidential election results, officially declaring Joe Biden the winner — Philadelphia Inquirer
- PA Lawmakers: Numbers Don't Add Up, Certification of Presidential Results Premature and In Error — PA House GOP
- PA 2020 Election Issues Overview — Citizen Audit Report
WEC Chairperson Ann Jacobs Unilaterally Certified Presidential Contest Without Full Commission Vote - Minutes Before Governor's Certificate of Ascertainment (WI)
On November 30, 2020, Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) Chairperson Ann Jacobs unilaterally signed the "determination of the recount and the presidential contest" without conducting a full vote of the Wisconsin Elections Commission or obtaining recorded approval from the broader Commission membership. This action was taken in the final hours before Governor Tony Evers signed Wisconsin's Certificate of Ascertainment - a timing that created maximum institutional momentum and minimum opportunity for deliberative review. Another WEC Commissioner, bypassed in the process, publicly called for Jacobs' resignation in direct response to the unilateral action. The OSC Gableman Report documented that WEC regularly conducted official business - including its drop box guidance of August 19, 2020, and its decisions regarding nursing home absentee voting procedures - without proper majority votes at publicly noticed meetings. Wis. Stat. § 5.05(1e) and § 5.05(5s)(a) require Commission action by majority vote at a publicly noticed meeting. Actions taken without this procedural predicate may be void ab initio under Wisconsin administrative law.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin State Canvass — Official State Document; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
- Gableman Report — Legislative Report
WEC Certification Incorporated Votes Cast Under Unlawful Procedures - Drop Boxes, Nursing Home Absentee Violations, and "Indefinitely Confined" Abuse (WI)
[Established Fact - As to subsequent court rulings] The Wisconsin 2020 presidential election certification incorporated votes cast under at least four categories of procedures subsequently found unlawful: (1) absentee ballot drop boxes, ruled illegal by Waukesha County Circuit Court in Teigen v. WEC (affirmed, 2022 WI 64); (2) absentee ballots collected from nursing home residents without Special Voting Deputies (SVDs) as required by Wis. Stat. § 6.875, producing documented 100% turnout rates among residents in cognitive-impairment facilities; (3) 220,404 "indefinitely confined" ballots cast by voters who did not meet the statutory eligibility criteria under Wis. Stat. § 6.86(2), following instructions from partisan county clerks advising any voter to claim that status; and (4) ballots cast by wards under guardianship who were legally ineligible under Wis. Stat. § 6.03(1)(a). WEC's certification did not note, qualify, or flag any of these categories. WEC Chairperson Jacobs certified results that incorporated votes cast through mechanisms that a court of competent jurisdiction later determined were illegal - a certification based on procedures whose legality was at minimum unresolved at the time of certification.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission (2022 WI 64) — Wisconsin Supreme Court; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
- Jefferson v. Dane County (2020 WI 90) — Wisconsin Supreme Court
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Wisconsin State Assembly
Indictment of Alternate Electors Despite Active Legislative Decertification Dispute (AZ)
Following the 2020 election, alternate Republican electors convened to cast a provisional slate preserving constitutionally authorized remedies for Congress to exercise. Concurrently, state legislators introduced HCR 2033 to formally decertify Arizona's election results. Years after Congress accepted the certification, Attorney General Kris Mayes initiated a grand jury proceeding and indicted 18 individuals associated with the alternate slate. The source document notes that Mayes privately admitted the election was "challengeable," creating a credible basis to characterize the prosecution as a retroactive lawfare effort to criminalize a historically established constitutional contingency process rather than a good-faith election law enforcement action. The prosecution therefore had the effect - regardless of ultimate legal resolution - of deterring future use of the constitutional alternate-elector mechanism.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- HCR 2033 Arizona Legislature — Arizona Legislature
- 2020 Presidential Election Unofficial Certificates — National Archives
- Arizona prosecution of fake electors — Wikipedia
Arizona Senate Decertification Resolution and Maricopa County Non- Compliance Concealed from Congress (AZ)
The Arizona State Legislature introduced HCR 2033 as a formal effort to decertify the state's presidential electors, citing documented irregularities including deleted EMS files, overwritten security logs, and the Cyber Ninjas audit's finding that election files were deleted from scanner machines. This legislative dispute was active during the transmission of Arizona's Certificate of Ascertainment to Congress and the National Archives. Congress received no notification from Arizona executive officials that its own legislature had formally challenged the validity of the certification. The Cyber Ninjas audit finding that the EMS server's Windows security log contained no entries predating February 5, 2021 - meaning no Election Day logs were preserved - was not disclosed to Congress in any executive communication.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- HCR 2033 — Arizona Legislature
- Arizona Senate Letter on Deleted EMS Files — Washington Examiner
Materially False and Omitted Statements to Congress - Raffensperger January 6 Letter (GA)
On January 6, 2021, Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger transmitted a ten-page letter to Congress and Vice President Pence representing that no fraud or irregularities occurred in Georgia. The letter was not made public for several months after its transmission. A subsequent analysis by VoterGA identified what researchers characterized as 42 false or misleading statements within the letter. Critically, the letter omitted: (a) the Georgia Senate Subcommittee on Elections' December 17, 2020, conclusion that the election was "so compromised by systemic irregularities and voter fraud that it should not be certified"; (b) the Governor's referral of 6,691 fictitious ballots to the State Election Board (SEB2021-181); (c) the Secretary's own December 22, 2020 press release acknowledging over 250 open election investigations - just 15 days before the Congressional letter claimed no fraud had occurred; and (d) the fact that 148 advance voting tabulator returns in Fulton County had never been certified, as Fulton County later conceded in SEB2022-015. Congress was presented with an affirmative representation of election integrity while each of these material facts was contemporaneously known to the transmitting official.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Georgia elections chief refutes election claims in letter to Congress — The Hill
- VoterGA Refutes Raffensperger's Letter to Members of Congress — Times Examiner
- True the Vote Files Affidavit in Trump Georgia Case — The Gateway Pundit
Certification Over Known Material Audit Defects - Uncertified Tabulator Returns and False Batch Tallies (GA)
Georgia Governor Brian Kemp certified the presidential election result with a margin of 12,670 votes despite the following known, unresolved conditions at the time of certification: (a) Fulton County's hand-count audit contained 6,691 fictitious votes (5,618 for Biden, 1,025 for Trump) as identified by the Governor's own referral in SEB2021-181; (b) 148 advance voting tabulator official returns in Fulton County were never certified, representing approximately 316,000-320,000 ballots, a defect Fulton County later conceded before the SEB; (c) Logic Accuracy testing had not been completed on advance voting equipment; and (d) the Georgia Senate Subcommittee had publicly issued its non- certification finding. Certification over these known conditions transmitted a facially defective state electoral result to Congress as a valid basis for the national certification.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Governor Kemp Formalizes Election Certification
- Georgia again certifies election results showing Biden won — AP News
- Report of the Election Law Study Subcommittee of the Standing Senate Judiciary Committee — Cause of America (archived official report); see also RE Microsoft Kole House Data Elements and Sample Files.msg (series), available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Vnw7BA7JfthGG91CISTEmdLMI2nfKrad/view
Suppression of Georgia Senate Subcommittee Report from Congressional Notification (GA)
The Georgia Senate Subcommittee on Elections, chaired by Senator William Ligon, issued a formal nine-finding report on December 17, 2020 - three weeks before the joint session - concluding the election "should not be certified." Senator Ligon confirmed the Secretary of State "did nothing" in response to these findings. This report was not referenced or transmitted to Congress as part of Secretary Raffensperger's January 6, 2021, communication. Congressional actors objecting to Georgia's electoral slate were thereby denied access to an official state legislative finding of non- certifiability that was directly relevant to their constitutional deliberation. The suppression of this finding from Congress - by the official responsible for transmitting the election narrative - is among the most significant informational failures documented in the national certification record.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Report of the Election Law Study Subcommittee of the Standing Senate Judiciary Committee — Cause of America (archived official report); see also RE Microsoft Kole House Data Elements and Sample Files.msg (series), available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Vnw7BA7JfthGG91CISTEmdLMI2nfKrad/view
- DOJ Draft Letter Referencing Ligon Report — U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee
Executive Transmission of Disputed Certification to Congress While Active Litigation and Special Master Demands Were Pending (MI)
Michigan's executive branch transmitted its Certificate of Ascertainment to the National Archives and Congress while lawful certification in Wayne County remained actively disputed: (a) Republican canvassers Monica Palmer and William Hartmann had initially refused to certify, citing 71 unbalanced absentee vote counting boards; (b) both canvassers subsequently executed affidavits claiming their ultimate signatures were obtained under duress; (c) multiple lawsuits demanding a Special Master review and enjoining transmission of the certification were pending in Michigan courts. Congress received Michigan's electoral certification without any executive disclosure of the legal disputes, the canvasser affidavits of duress, or the 71 unbalanced counting boards underlying the original refusal to certify - any one of which would have materially informed Congress's deliberation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Monica Palmer Affidavit
- Wayne County Canvassers Rescind Votes Affidavit — ClickOnDetroit
- King v. Whitmer Amended Complaint — Court Filing; see also Costantino v Detroit, https://www.greatlakesjc.org/cases/costantino_v_detroit/
Post-Certification Felony Indictment of 16 Alternate Republican Electors (MI)
Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel indicted 16 alternate Republican electors on felony forgery and conspiracy charges arising from their assembly on December 14, 2020, to cast a provisional electoral slate preserving constitutional options for Congress. The alternate elector mechanism has historical precedent - including in 1960 in Hawaii, where a similar provisional slate was used - and was utilized in coordination with pending federal litigation challenging Michigan's certification. The prosecutions were initiated years after the events, following the national political transition. Whether the prosecutions constitute legitimate election law enforcement or a retroactive criminalization of constitutional contingency procedures - functioning as a deterrent against future deployment of this remedy - requires independent evaluation of prosecutorial intent and coordination.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Premature Unilateral Certification Transmitted to Congress While Legislature Formally Disputed Electors (PA)
Pennsylvania Secretary of the Commonwealth Kathy Boockvar, acting unilaterally, certified the Commonwealth's presidential electors to the National Archives and Congress on November 24, 2020 — while active election litigation remained pending, including a Third Circuit appeal of the federal court dismissal in Trump for President v. Boockvar and Kelly v. Commonwealth (No. 620 MD 2020), a state suit filed three days earlier expressly seeking to halt certification, which obtained a temporary injunction in Commonwealth Court the very next day. The certification preceded any opportunity for the General Assembly to exercise its constitutional authority, and the legislature's formal response was unambiguous: House Resolution 1094 (introduced November 30, 2020), adopted by 41 members, declared the certification "unilateral and premature," formally condemned the "infringement on the General Assembly's authority pursuant to the Constitution of the United States to regulate elections," and urged the United States Congress to "declare the selection of presidential electors in this Commonwealth to be in dispute." The certified result was therefore transmitted to Congress over the formal written objection of the legislature whose constitutional authority it purported to represent. The evidentiary foundation of the certification was itself subject to legal challenge. On October 23, 2020, on petition filed by Secretary Boockvar herself, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court issued a declaratory order directing county boards of elections "not to reject absentee or mail-in ballots for counting, computing, and tallying based on signature comparisons" — a ruling HR 1094 characterized as eliminating "a critical safeguard against potential election crime." (In Re: November 3, 2020 General Election, No. 149 MM 2020 [J-113-2020].) Separately, on January 28, 2022, an en banc panel of the Pennsylvania Commonwealth Court held in McLinko v. Commonwealth (No. 244 M.D. 2021) that Act 77 — the 2019 statute under which all no-excuse mail-in ballots in the 2020 election were cast — violated Article VII, Section 1 of the Pennsylvania Constitution, temporarily establishing that the statutory framework governing the certified ballots was constitutionally infirm. That ruling was subsequently reversed by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court on August 2, 2022.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- PA Lawmakers: Numbers Don't Add Up, Certification of Presidential Results Premature and In Error — [PA House GOP](https://www.pahousegop.com/News/18754/Latest-News/PA-Lawmakers-Numbers-Don%E2%80%99t-Add-Up,-Certification-of-Presidential-Results-Premature-and-In-Error)
- Pennsylvania Certificate of Ascertainment, National Archives — dated November 24, 2020; signed by Governor Tom Wolf; attested by Secretary Boockvar. Certifies 3,458,229 votes per Biden elector; 20 electors named
Attorney General Barr's Direction to Suppress Federal Election Fraud Communications in Pennsylvania During Certification Window (PA)
[Established Fact - Letter exists and content documented] Former U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania William M. McSwain, in a documented letter, attests that Attorney General William Barr instructed him on Election Day 2020 not to make public statements or issue press releases regarding election irregularities, and directed him to pass all reports to Pennsylvania AG Josh Shapiro - who had pre-election publicly declared that Trump "could not win" Pennsylvania and could not be treated as a neutral party. This instruction prevented the senior federal law enforcement officer in Pennsylvania from publicly addressing election fraud allegations at the precise moment Pennsylvania's results were determinative of the national outcome. The net effect was that Congress received neither a federal law enforcement assessment of Pennsylvania irregularities nor any public documentation of the specific substantive allegations that U.S. Attorney McSwain had been positioned to evaluate.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Attorney General Barr's Responsible for Suppression of Federal Election Fraud Investigations in Pennsylvania During Certification Window (PA)
[Disputed Fact - Legal characterization of Barr's authority] Former U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania William M. McSwain, in a documented letter, attests that Attorney General William Barr instructed him on Election Day 2020 not to make public statements or issue press releases regarding election irregularities, and directed him to pass all reports to Pennsylvania AG Josh Shapiro - who had pre-election publicly declared that Trump "could not win" Pennsylvania and could not be treated as a neutral party. This instruction prevented the senior federal law enforcement officer in Pennsylvania from publicly addressing election fraud allegations at the precise moment Pennsylvania's results were determinative of the national outcome. The net effect was that Congress received neither a federal law enforcement assessment of Pennsylvania irregularities nor any public documentation of the specific substantive allegations that U.S. Attorney McSwain had been positioned to evaluate.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Certified Result Built on Procedures Ruled Unconstitutional by Pennsylvania Court (PA)
Pennsylvania's certified presidential results were transmitted to Congress on a procedural foundation that included: (a) extended ballot receipt deadlines ordered by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court over explicit statutory text; (b) elimination of signature verification for mail-in ballots; and (c) Act 77 of 2019's universal mail-in ballot provisions, which the Pennsylvania Commonwealth Court subsequently held unconstitutional on January 28, 2022, in McLinko v. Department of State. The national certification thus rested on a Pennsylvania state certification that was built on procedures subsequently adjudicated unconstitutional. While courts declined to provide relief in 2020 on procedural grounds, the subsequent constitutional invalidation of the underlying procedures is an established fact that retroactively confirms the certification's procedural infirmity.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Republican Party of Pennsylvania v. Boockvar Statement — US Supreme Court
- Pennsylvania Certificate of Ascertainment 2020 — National Archives
- McLinko v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Department of State, No. 244 M.D. 2021 (consolidated with No. 293 M.D. 2021), Pa. Commonwealth Court, Jan. 28, 2022. Opinion by Judge Leavitt.
Acceptance of Certification Based on Drop Boxes Subsequently Ruled Illegal by Wisconsin Supreme Court (WI)
Wisconsin's presidential certification - accepted by Congress on January 7, 2021 - was built in part on ballots cast through drop boxes authorized only by unpromulgated Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) administrative memoranda issued in March and August 2020. The Wisconsin Supreme Court, in Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, No. 2022AP91 (July 8, 2022), subsequently held those memoranda to be legally invalid administrative guidance without the force of law, and that ballot drop boxes are "illegal under Wisconsin statutes." Wisconsin Stat. §6.842 mandates that ballots cast in contravention of specified absentee procedures "may not be included in the certified result of any election." The Special Counsel's investigation confirmed the Wisconsin Legislature retained plenary authority under Article II to decertify the election. The certification Congress accepted therefore included a legally determined quantity of ballots cast under procedures ruled unlawful by the state's own Supreme Court.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission — Wisconsin Supreme Court
- Second Interim Investigative Report on the Wisconsin Elections System — Wisconsin Assembly Special Counsel
Civil Lawfare Against Alternate Electors (WI)
[Established Fact - Proceedings occurred] Wisconsin's alternate Republican electors who convened on December 14, 2020, to provide Congress with a disputed electoral option were subsequently subjected to intense civil litigation and public proceedings that ultimately resulted in a "struggle session" in which the alternate electors were compelled to publicly disavow their constitutional actions. Special Counsel Gableman reported that common law principles establish that fraud vitiates election results, and that the Wisconsin Legislature retained plenary power under Article II to decertify - findings that validate, rather than undermine, the constitutional basis of the alternate- elector mechanism. The compelled public disavowal - obtained through civil coercion rather than criminal adjudication on the merits - effectively foreclosed future deployment of this constitutional remedy.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Trump Electors Forced through Struggle Session and Public Apology for Challenging 2020 Election — [The Gateway Pundit](https://www.thegatewaypundit.com/2023/12/wisconsin-trump-electors-forced-through-struggle-session-public/)
- Dane County Circuit Court Complaint]
Civil Lawfare Against Alternate Electors and Forced Disavowal of Constitutional Contingency Procedure (WI)
[Disputed Fact - Constitutional characterization] Wisconsin's alternate Republican electors who convened on December 14, 2020, to provide Congress with a disputed electoral option were subsequently subjected to intense civil litigation and public proceedings that ultimately resulted in a "struggle session" in which the alternate electors were compelled to publicly disavow their constitutional actions. Special Counsel Gableman reported that common law principles establish that fraud vitiates election results, and that the Wisconsin Legislature retained plenary power under Article II to decertify - findings that validate, rather than undermine, the constitutional basis of the alternate-elector mechanism. The compelled public disavowal - obtained through civil coercion rather than criminal adjudication on the merits - effectively foreclosed future deployment of this constitutional remedy.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
CISA "Most Secure Election" Declaration Contradicted by Simultaneous Classified Vulnerability Assessment (US)
On November 13, 2020, CISA Director Christopher Krebs issued a joint statement, signed by election security officials, declaring the November 3 election "the most secure in American history." This statement was widely cited by congressional actors during the January 6, 2021, joint session to dismiss objections. Yet CISA's own classified TLP-AMBER Election Infrastructure Cyber Risk Assessment - covering the 12 months preceding Election Day - documented 319 critical-severity vulnerabilities and 1,820 high-severity vulnerabilities in election infrastructure, with approximately 47% of entities with critical vulnerabilities experiencing active exploitation during 2020. The public declaration of security thus directly contradicted a simultaneous classified assessment of widespread critical exploitation - meaning that Congress's dependence on this declaration as a basis for dismissing objections rested on a public statement that CISA's own classified record renders factually unsupportable.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Resignation of DOJ Election Crimes Branch Director on Day of Barr Irregularities Memorandum (US)
Richard Pilger, Director of the DOJ Election Crimes Branch, resigned on November 9, 2020 - the same day AG Barr issued a memorandum authorizing U.S. Attorneys to investigate "substantial allegations of voting and vote tabulation irregularities prior to certification." Fifteen District Election Officers subsequently wrote AG Barr urging rescission of the memorandum. The combined effect of Pilger's immediate resignation, the coordinated DEO letter, and AG Barr's subsequent channeling of Pennsylvania fraud reports to a conflicted partisan state AG (see PA.ERC.NC-002) was that no effective federal DOJ investigation of election irregularities was conducted before the national certification was finalized. Congress received no substantive DOJ election crimes assessment before January 6, 2021.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Report Released on Illegal Election Activity Across Battleground States (US)
[Established Fact - Transmission] Peter Navarro, Assistant to the President and Director of the Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy, compiled a three-volume analytical report documenting alleged categories of potentially illegal ballot activity that, in his analysis, exceeded the certified margin of victory in Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. The categories included: outright fraud, ballot mishandling, process violations, Equal Protection violations, voting machine irregularities, and statistical anomalies. The Report was transmitted to Congress and to the Vice President in advance of the January 6, 2021, joint session. While specific numerical claims in the Report are disputed and were not accepted by courts that reviewed related claims - primarily on procedural grounds rather than merits - the Report's existence and transmission to Congress constitutes documentary evidence that executive branch officials provided Congress with a detailed contemporaneous assessment of certification deficiencies that Congress did not subject to evidentiary hearing before proceeding.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The Navarro Report Volumes I-III — The Thinking Conservative
- House Report on Navarro Contempt — U.S. House of Representatives
- Washington Examiner Article on Navarro Report — Washington Examiner
Report Released on Illegal Election Activity Proves That Certification Deficiencies Exceed Margins of Victory in Six States (US)
[Disputed Fact - Underlying numerical claims] Peter Navarro, Assistant to the President and Director of the Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy, compiled a three-volume analytical report documenting alleged categories of potentially illegal ballot activity that, in his analysis, exceeded the certified margin of victory in Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. The categories included: outright fraud, ballot mishandling, process violations, Equal Protection violations, voting machine irregularities, and statistical anomalies. The Report was transmitted to Congress and to the Vice President in advance of the January 6, 2021, joint session. While specific numerical claims in the Report are disputed and were not accepted by courts that reviewed related claims - primarily on procedural grounds rather than merits - the Report's existence and transmission to Congress constitutes documentary evidence that executive branch officials provided Congress with a detailed contemporaneous assessment of certification deficiencies that Congress did not subject to evidentiary hearing before proceeding.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The Navarro Report Vol I-II-III — The Thinking Conservative
- Peter Navarro releases 36-page report alleging election fraud — Washington Examiner
- House Report on Navarro Subpoena — U.S. House of Representatives
January 6 Capitol Security Intelligence Failure Created Chaotic Conditions That Disrupted Objection Process (US)
[Established Fact - Failure documented] The U.S. Capitol Police Intelligence and Interagency Coordination Division (IICD) possessed specific intelligence about plans to target the Capitol on January 6 but failed to incorporate that intelligence into formal security assessments - rating the likelihood of civil disobedience as "Remote" or "Improbable" in reports issued January 4-6, 2021. The resulting security breakdown cut short the objection proceedings before all state objections had been fully deliberated and provided the political context for subsequent prosecutions of the President and others that further foreclosed the legal debate. Whether the intelligence failures were the result of institutional negligence or deliberate suppression of threat assessments that, if acted upon, would have prevented the security breach and preserved the full objection proceeding, is a material unresolved question.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Examining the U.S. Capitol Attack — Senate Report
- Initial Findings of the Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government — House Administration Report
January 6 Capitol Security Intelligence Failure Intentionally Created Chaotic Conditions That Disrupted Objection Process (US)
[Reasonable Inference - Intentionality unresolved] The U.S. Capitol Police Intelligence and Interagency Coordination Division (IICD) possessed specific intelligence about plans to target the Capitol on January 6 but failed to incorporate that intelligence into formal security assessments - rating the likelihood of civil disobedience as "Remote" or "Improbable" in reports issued January 4-6, 2021. The resulting security breakdown cut short the objection proceedings before all state objections had been fully deliberated and provided the political context for subsequent prosecutions of the President and others that further foreclosed the legal debate. Whether the intelligence failures were the result of institutional negligence or deliberate suppression of threat assessments that, if acted upon, would have prevented the security breach and preserved the full objection proceeding, is a material unresolved question. A-4Judicial Malfeasance
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Examining the U.S. Capitol Attack: Executive Summary — U.S. Senate HSGAC Report
- Probe confirms Capitol Police, feds had intel on Jan. 6 threat but failed to adapt security — Just the News (citing GAO) Judicial Malfeasance
⚖️ Judicial Malfeasance 80
Bowyer v. Ducey, No. 2:20-cv-02321-DJH (D. Ariz.) - Dismissed for Standing (AZ)
[Established Fact - Dismissal] A federal lawsuit alleging large-scale election fraud and seeking to decertify Arizona's election results was dismissed for lack of legal standing. The presiding judge described the claims as "sorely wanting of relevant or reliable evidence" and noted entertaining the suit "would cause extreme and unprecedented harm" at that late date. Critically, the "lack of evidence" characterization was made in the context of a standing dismissal - prior to discovery - meaning the court assessed the sufficiency of pleadings without permitting development of the evidentiary record that plaintiffs sought. The Bost v. Illinois ruling, discussed infra, subsequently removed the principal standing barrier that barred plaintiffs in this class of cases.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Bowyer v. Ducey Dismissal Order (Doc. 84) — Court Filing
- Unsuccessful Suit to Overturn Arizona's 2020 Presidential Election Results — Federal Judicial Center
- Unsuccessful Suit to Overturn Arizona's 2020 Presidential Election Results — Federal Judicial Center
- Bost v. Illinois State Board of Elections, No. 24-568, 607 U.S. _ (Jan. 14, 2026). Chief Justice Roberts delivered the opinion for a 7–2 Court (5-justice majority + Barrett/Kagan concurring in judgment; Jackson/Sotomayor dissenting). The Supreme Court opinion reversed the Seventh Circuit (114 F.4th 634 (2024)), which had affirmed the N.D. Illinois dismissal for lack of standing (684 F. Supp. 3d 720 (N.D. Ill. 2023)).
Bowyer v. Ducey, No. 2:20-cv-02321-DJH (D. Ariz.) - Dismissed for Standing; Claims Mischaracterized as Evidence Failure (AZ)
[Reasonable Inference - Characterization as evidence dismissal is misleading] A federal lawsuit alleging large-scale election fraud and seeking to decertify Arizona's election results was dismissed for lack of legal standing. The presiding judge described the claims as "sorely wanting of relevant or reliable evidence" and noted entertaining the suit "would cause extreme and unprecedented harm" at that late date. Critically, the "lack of evidence" characterization was made in the context of a standing dismissal - prior to discovery - meaning the court assessed the sufficiency of pleadings without permitting development of the evidentiary record that plaintiffs sought. The Bost v. Illinois ruling, discussed infra, subsequently removed the principal standing barrier that barred plaintiffs in this class of cases.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Bowyer v. Ducey Dismissal Order (Doc. 84) — US District Court District of Arizona
- Federal Judicial Center Summary — Federal Judicial Center
Ward v. Jackson, No. CV2020-015285 (Ariz. S. Ct.) – Comingling & Representations by Government Counsel That Contradict Physical Record (AZ)
[Established Fact - Representation was made; commingling was documented post-litigation] The Arizona Supreme Court adjudicated a challenge to the 2020 election results in which the Secretary of State's counsel represented that original and duplicate ballots "are, by statute, segregated and preserved." The Cyber Ninjas audit subsequently established that ballot boxes delivered for audit contained commingled original and duplicate ballots, with batch manifests inconsistent with physical contents. If the SOS's representation was materially false, the court's reliance upon it constituted a resolution of the case on a factual premise that was incorrect - not a merits adjudication in the meaningful sense. No finding of judicial misconduct is made; the specific concern is attorney conduct before the court.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona Supreme Court Decision Order, CV-20-0343-AP/EL — Arizona Judicial Branch
- Ward v. Jackson Superior Court Minute Entry/Order — Wikisource
- US Supreme Court Appendix (Trial Court & AZ SCt Docs) — US Supreme Court
Ward v. Jackson, No. CV2020-015285 (Ariz. S. Ct.) – Decision Rested on Proven Falsehood (AZ)
[Reasonable Inference - Court decision rested on incorrect factual predicate] In Ward v. Jackson, No. CV-20-0343-AP/EL (Ariz. Dec. 8, 2020), the Arizona Supreme Court rejected a challenge to the 2020 presidential election results in which the central dispute concerned the accuracy of ballot duplication — a process in which damaged or defective ballots are reproduced by election workers, with the duplicate substituted for the original in tabulation. A.R.S. § 16-621(A). The court's denial of relief rested on a sample review of 1,626 out of 27,869 duplicate ballots — approximately 5.8% of the duplicate ballot universe — which produced nine identified errors and an error rate of 0.37%–0.55%. The petitioner's request for expanded inspection of 2,500 additional ballots was denied. The court used its own qualifying language — "fraud, if present" — without having examined the full population.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona Supreme Court Decision Order, CV-20-0343-AP/EL — US Supreme Court
- Arizona Judicial Branch Case Summary — Arizona Judicial Branch
- Arizona Audit Report Summary, “The hand count done by Maricopa County was such a small sample size that its margin of error was more than twice the amount of the margin of victory. It is extremely misleading to suggest this is equivalent or just as accurate as a full hand count. The hand count only counted 5,200 of the 2,089,563 ballots. This
Systemic Speed of Post-Election Dismissals Precluded Forensic Evidence Presentation - Statewide (AZ)
[Established Fact - Timing of dismissals vs. completion of audits] Multiple Arizona post-election challenges were dismissed in December 2020 - within weeks of election certification - on standing, mootness, or procedural grounds. The Cyber Ninjas audit was not completed until September 2021, and forensic analyses by Ben Cotton (CyFIR) and Jovan Pulitzer were not complete until 2021. Accordingly, the forensic evidence that most directly bore on the merits of the fraud allegations was not in existence, let alone available for presentation, when these cases were dismissed. Courts' "no evidence" characterizations were made before the primary forensic investigation had occurred.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wikipedia — Post-election lawsuits from Arizona; Arizona AG Indictment Case Court Dismissal Date Grounds Ward v. Jackson, CV2020-015285 Maricopa County Superior Court Dec. 4, 2020 (affirmed AZ Supreme Court Dec. 8) Merits — evidentiary hearing held; court found "no misconduct, no fraud, and no effect on the outcome" Bowyer v. Ducey, No. 2:20-cv-02321 U.S. District Court (D. Ariz.) Dec. 9, 2020 Primarily standing — court also touched merits, finding allegations "sorely wanting of relevant or reliable evidence" and "largely based on anonymous witnesses, hearsay, and irrelevant analysis" Burk v. Ducey, CV2020-01869 Pinal County Superior Court Dec. 15, 2020 (affirmed AZ Supreme Court Jan. 5, 2021) Procedural — plaintiff not a registered voter; lacked standing; untimely Stevenson v. Ducey, CV2020-096490 Maricopa County Superior Court Dec. 7, 2020 Voluntarily dismissed by plaintiff Aguilera v. Fontes, CV2020-014562 Maricopa County Superior Court Nov. 29, 2020 Failure to state a claim
DoJ Lawsuits To Obtain State Election Records Required to Determine HAVA and NVRA Compliance Dismissed (US)
Courts have dismissed DoJ lawsuits demanding access to records needed to verify HAVA and NVRA compliance. Michigan, Georgia, Oregon and California cases were dismissed. Other suits are pending. These lawsuits cite HAVA and the NVRA as legal authority, but federal courts have so far equates to roughly 1/4 th of a percentage point of the total ballots. With this small sample size there would be a 1.357% margin of error to achieve a 95% confidence in the election results. This means that if the ballots were truly chosen randomly, then this hand count could be off by over 28,000 ballots. If the ballots were not chosen randomly then the counts could be off by even more”: https://lvtp.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/AZ-Audit-Summary-09.27.21.pdf Cyber Ninjas Response to Maricopa County: https://www.scribd.com/document/534037094/Cyber-Ninjas-Response-Maricopa-County-Analysis-of-Senate-Report-2 | Scribd rejected the argument that either statute compels states to hand over SSNs and license numbers to the DOJ on demand.
📍 Jurisdiction: Unted States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan dismissed — United States v. Benson, Feb. 10, 2026, Judge Jarbou (Trump appointee)
- Georgia dismissed — Jan. 23, 2026
- Oregon dismissed — United States v. Read, Feb. 5, 2026, Judge Kasubhai
- California dismissed — United States v. Weber, Jan. 15, 2026, Judge Carter
- https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-sues-six-additional-states-failure-provide-voter-registration-rolls
- https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-sues-six-states-failure-provide-voter-registration-rolls
- https://www.democracydocket.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/2026-01-15-Order.pdf
- https://usafacts.org/articles/voter-lists-what-are-they-and-why-is-the-doj-asking-for-them/
Wood v. Raffensperger, No. 1:20-cv-04651-SDG (N.D. Ga.), aff'd 11th Cir. - Standing and Laches; Affirmed as Moot Post-Certification (GA)
A lawsuit challenging absentee ballot signature verification procedures and seeking to prohibit certification was dismissed by the District Court for lack of standing and laches, then affirmed by the Eleventh Circuit on the additional ground that the case had become moot once results were certified. The plaintiffs alleged that Georgia's failure to enforce signature-verification requirements diluted lawful votes, a classic vote-dilution theory recognized under Equal Protection doctrine. The Eleventh Circuit's mootness ruling created the logical endpoint of a pre/post-certification catch-22: challenges filed before certification were premature; once certified, they were moot. Judge Steven Grimberg denied a motion for preliminary injunction to enjoin Georgia's certification without conducting a full evidentiary hearing or permitting expert cross-examination, despite extensive documentary and statistical evidence submitted by plaintiffs. The Eleventh Circuit affirmed on procedural grounds; certiorari was denied by the Supreme Court. No court in this chain ruled on the factual merits of the underlying claims.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wood v. Raffensperger, No. 1:20-cv-04651-SDG (N.D. Ga. Nov. 20, 2020)
- Wood v. Raffensperger, No. 20-14418 (11th Cir. Dec. 5, 2020) — Court Filing
- Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse Summary — Court Filing
- Wood v. Raffensperger, 501 F. Supp. 3d 1310 (N.D. Ga. 2020) — Court Filing
- Eleventh Circuit Opinion — Court Filing
Circular "Ripeness / Mootness" Trap - Pre-Election Claims Premature; Post-Certification Claims Moot (GA)
[Established Fact - Dismissals before and after election on procedural grounds] Georgia courts dismissed pre-election challenges to expanded absentee and drop-box procedures as "not yet ripe" because the challenged election had not yet occurred. After the election, courts dismissed the same or analogous challenges on mootness grounds because certification had occurred. This bidirectional procedural barrier - deployed at opposite ends of the election timeline - had the combined effect of Certification ensuring no Georgia court ever adjudicated the constitutionality of these election procedures on the merits. Justice Rebecca Grassl Bradley of the Wisconsin Supreme Court - whose concurrent state applied identical reasoning - described this pattern in her Teigen concurrence as allowing "equity" to override mandatory statutory requirements.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wood v. Raffensperger 11th Cir. Opinion — 11th Circuit Court of Appeals
- U.S. Appeals Court rejects bid to block Georgia win for Biden — Reuters
System Rigged Against Election Fraud Claims - Circular "Ripeness / Mootness" Trap - Pre-Election Claims Premature; Post-Certification Claims Moot (GA)
[Reasonable Inference - Pattern was structurally self-reinforcing] Georgia courts dismissed pre- election challenges to expanded absentee and drop-box procedures as "not yet ripe" because the challenged election had not yet occurred. After the election, courts dismissed the same or analogous challenges on mootness grounds because certification had occurred. This bidirectional procedural barrier - deployed at opposite ends of the election timeline - had the combined effect of ensuring no Georgia court ever adjudicated the constitutionality of these election procedures on the merits. Justice Rebecca Grassl Bradley of the Wisconsin Supreme Court - whose concurrent state applied identical reasoning - described this pattern in her Teigen concurrence as allowing "equity" to override mandatory statutory requirements.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Defendants' Response to Court's Request on Ripeness, Curling v. Raffensperger — N.D. Ga. Court Filing
- Wood v. Raffensperger — 11th Cir. Court Filing
- Black Voters Matter Fund v. Raffensperger Order — N.D. Ga. Court Filing
King v. Whitmer, No. 20-13134 (E.D. Mich.) - Dismissed on Five Compounded Procedural Grounds; "Speculation and Conjecture" Language Absent Discovery (MI)
A federal lawsuit seeking to decertify Michigan's election based on widespread fraud allegations and Dominion machine vulnerabilities was dismissed on five simultaneous procedural grounds: Eleventh Amendment immunity, laches, lack of standing, mootness, and abstention doctrines. The judge additionally characterized the claims as based on "nothing but speculation and conjecture" - language subsequently cited broadly as a "merits" finding. However, the dismissal was procedural, and the "no evidence" observation was made without granting plaintiffs access to discovery, forensic machine logs, network access records, or any of the primary data underlying the forensic claims. The ASOG forensic report (filed as an exhibit) was not subjected to the adversarial discovery process that would ordinarily test expert claims.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- King v. Whitmer Opinion and Order Denying Injunctive Relief (ECF No. 62) — Eastern District of Michigan
- King v. Whitmer Sanctions Opinion — Eastern District of Michigan
Costantino v. Detroit, No. 20-014780-AW (Wayne Co. Cir. Ct.) - Dismissal – Court Basis for Dismissal Disputed (MI)
[Disputed Fact - As to court's factual conclusion] A Michigan circuit court dismissed election challenges related to Detroit ballot-counting procedures at the TCF Center - including systemic exclusion of Republican poll challengers - without permitting the factual record to be developed through discovery. Judge Timothy Kenny specifically declined to admit evidence from certified IT specialist Patrick Colbeck that tabulators at TCF Center were connected to the internet. Multiple independent analysts subsequently disputed, as factually incorrect, the court's basis for rejecting that evidence.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit — MC4EI
- Costantino v. Detroit Case Details — Stanford Healthy Elections Project
- Costantino v. City of Detroit — Michigan Courts (Supreme Court Order)
Costantino v. Detroit, No. 20-014780-AW (Wayne Co. Cir. Ct.) - Dismissal Without Admission of TCF Center Internet Connectivity Evidence
[Established Fact - Evidence was excluded and witnesses not permitted] A Michigan circuit court dismissed election challenges related to Detroit ballot-counting procedures at the TCF Center - including systemic exclusion of Republican poll challengers - without permitting the factual record to be developed through discovery. Judge Timothy Kenny specifically declined to admit evidence that tabulators at TCF Center were connected to the internet. Forensic expert Patrick Colbeck stated he was prepared to substantiate that claim with documentary evidence; it was excluded. Multiple independent analysts subsequently disputed, as factually incorrect, the court's basis for rejecting that evidence.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit — MC4EI
- Costantino v. Detroit Case Details — Stanford Healthy Elections Project
- Costantino v. City of Detroit — Michigan Courts (Supreme Court Order)
Kelly v. Commonwealth, No. 620 MD 2020 (Pa. S. Ct.) - Act 77 Challenge Dismissed on Laches Despite Meritorious Constitutional Question (PA)
The Pennsylvania Supreme Court dismissed with prejudice a challenge to the constitutionality of Act 77 (which authorized universal no-excuse mail-in voting) on the doctrine of laches, ruling that petitioners had waited over a year after the law's enactment, and until after the election, to file their facial constitutional challenge. However, Pennsylvania courts had previously held pre-election challenges to Act 77 to be premature, creating the identical ripeness/mootness squeeze documented in Georgia. The constitutional question - whether Act 77 violated Article VII, Section 14 of the Pennsylvania Constitution, which authorized absentee voting only for defined categories - was never adjudicated on its merits by any Pennsylvania court.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Pennsylvania Supreme Court Per Curiam Order, November 28, 2020 — Pa. Supreme Court
- SCOTUS Emergency Application Describing PA Supreme Court Dismissal — U.S. Supreme Court Docket
Trump v. Biden, No. 2020AP2038 (Wis. S. Ct.) - 4-3 Decision Dismissing Three of Four Claims on Laches; Drop Boxes Subsequently Ruled Illegal (WI)
The Wisconsin Supreme Court, in a 4-3 decision, dismissed three of four claims in the Trump post- recount challenge under the doctrine of laches, ruling the campaign's delay in bringing the challenges was "unreasonable in the extreme." The challenged conduct included the WEC's drop-box authorization, altered certification envelopes, and "Democracy in the Park" pre-canvassing ballot collection events. Waukesha County Circuit Court, in Teigen v. WEC (2022), subsequently ruled that absentee ballot drop boxes were illegal under Wisconsin law - confirming that the underlying legal claims in Trump v. Biden had merit. The laches dismissal therefore prevented adjudication of claims that were later substantiated.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Trump v. Biden, 2020 WI 91 (Wis. S. Ct. Dec. 14, 2020) — Wisconsin Supreme Court
- Wisconsin Supreme Court Rejects Trump Election Lawsuit — AP News
Justice Rebecca Bradley's Teigen Concurrence - Judicial Acknowledgment That "Equity" Override of Statute Immunized Unlawful Election Administration (WI)
In Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, Wisconsin Supreme Court Justice Rebecca Grassl Bradley wrote separately to note that the Wisconsin Supreme Court's 2020 Trump v. Biden decision had allowed "equity" concerns - specifically, the disruption that post-election relief would cause - to override mandatory statutory requirements. This is a finding by a sitting state Supreme Court justice that the 2020 ruling effectively immunized unlawful election administration from judicial correction. Justice Bradley further observed that the reasoning created a framework in which unlawful election procedures, if implemented close enough to an election, would always escape judicial review.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, 2022 WI 64
- Trump v. Biden, 2020 WI 91 — Wisconsin Supreme Court
31% of 64 Election Cases Dismissed on Standing - Not on Merits; "No Evidence" Public Narrative Is Materially Inaccurate (US)
[Established Fact - Procedural dismissal percentages from case analysis] Of 64 major post-2020 election cases analyzed, 20 (31%) were dismissed on procedural grounds - predominantly standing. An additional 14 (22%) were voluntarily withdrawn, many under threat of Rule 11 sanctions. Only 30 (47%) proceeded to what was characterized as a merits decision. Source documents assert that of those 30 "merits" cases, the near-universal absence of formal discovery means the characterization of them as merits adjudications is analytically overstated. Separately, source materials assert that of the 30 "merits" cases, 22 were decided favorably for plaintiffs raising election integrity claims - a figure disputed by mainstream media accounts and requiring independent verification, but included here as a disputed fact warranting investigative development.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Lost, Not Stolen Report — Lost Not Stolen
- Politifact Fact Check — PolitiFact
- Bost v. Illinois State Board of Elections, No. 24-568, 607 U.S. _ (Jan. 14, 2026). Chief Justice Roberts delivered the opinion for a 7–2 Court (5-justice majority + Barrett/Kagan concurring in judgment; Jackson/Sotomayor dissenting). The Supreme Court opinion reversed the Seventh Circuit (114 F.4th 634 (2024)), which had affirmed the N.D. Illinois dismissal for lack of standing (684 F. Supp. 3d 720 (N.D. Ill. 2023)).
22 of 30 Cases Decided Upon Merit Favored Plaintiff Arguments (US)
[Disputed Fact - 22/30 favorable to plaintiffs figure requires independent verification] Of 64 major post-2020 election cases analyzed, 20 (31%) were dismissed on procedural grounds - predominantly standing. An additional 14 (22%) were voluntarily withdrawn, many under threat of Rule 11 sanctions. Only 30 (47%) proceeded to what was characterized as a merits decision. Source documents assert that of those 30 "merits" cases, the near-universal absence of formal discovery means the characterization of them as merits adjudications is analytically overstated. Separately, source materials assert that of the 30 "merits" cases, 22 were decided favorably for plaintiffs raising election integrity claims - a figure disputed by mainstream media accounts and requiring independent verification but included here as a disputed fact warranting investigative development.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- https://election-integrity.info/2020_Election_Cases.htm
- Bost v. Illinois State Board of Elections, No. 24-568, 607 U.S. _ (Jan. 14, 2026). Chief Justice Roberts delivered the opinion for a 7–2 Court (5-justice majority + Barrett/Kagan concurring in judgment; Jackson/Sotomayor dissenting). The Supreme Court opinion reversed the Seventh Circuit (114 F.4th 634 (2024)), which had affirmed the N.D. Illinois dismissal for lack of standing (684 F. Supp. 3d 720 (N.D. Ill. 2023)).
- Lost, Not Stolen Report — Lost Not Stolen.
Denial of Leave to Amend and Premature Dismissal in Trump v. Boockvar (PA)
The U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Pennsylvania dismissed the Trump campaign's lawsuit on the pleadings-criticizing the campaign for "speculative accusations unsupported by evidence"-while simultaneously denying the campaign the opportunity to conduct any discovery to obtain such evidence and explicitly blocking a second amendment of the complaint. The Third Circuit affirmed, stating an amendment "would be pointless." The court's demand for evidence it simultaneously prevented the plaintiffs from gathering represents a fundamental logical inconsistency incompatible with due process norms in high-stakes civil litigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Memorandum Opinion — U.S. District Court Middle District of Pennsylvania
- Docket Entry 203 Order — U.S. District Court Middle District of Pennsylvania
- In blistering ruling, judge throws out Trump suit in Pa.
Pattern of Procedural Dismissals Without Merits Adjudication (PA)
Multiple post-election cases in Pennsylvania courts-including challenges to envelope defects, observer access, and signature verification-were dismissed on standing, laches, mootness, and failure-to-state-a-claim grounds without any merits review. A November 16, 2020, internal DOJ memorandum prepared by OASG attorneys Freeman and Murray confirmed that the Trump campaign's Pennsylvania legal actions were "primarily procedural and non-fraud claims," which validates that the formal legal process did not adjudicate most election-integrity claims on their merits.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, No. 20-3371 (3d Cir. Nov. 27, 2020) — Third Circuit Court of Appeals
- Pennsylvania Supreme Court Election 2020 Cases — PA Courts
- 'Without merit': Judge dismisses Trump campaign lawsuit in Pennsylvania — Washington Examiner
Weaponization of Laches Doctrine to Avoid Merits in Trump v. Biden (WI)
The Wisconsin Supreme Court, in a 4-3 decision, declined to rule on the substantive merits of three of four claims regarding absentee ballot administration, applying the procedural doctrine of laches on the basis that the delay in bringing suit was "unreasonable in the extreme." This application permanently insulated serious allegations regarding unpromulgated election rules-including practices related to indefinitely confined voters and drop boxes-from any evidentiary hearing. The dissent argued the majority's use of laches was unprecedented and constitutionally infirm for claims of this public magnitude.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Trump v. Biden, 2020 WI 91 — Wisconsin Supreme Court via Justia
- Significant Wisconsin court decisions, 2020-22 — Wisconsin Legislative Reference Bureau
31% of All Election Lawsuits Should Have Been Heard Not Dismissed (US)
Of 64 election lawsuits examined in source documents, 20 cases (31%) were dismissed on procedural grounds-principally lack of standing-without merits adjudication. An additional 14 (22%) were voluntarily withdrawn, many under sanctions threats. Only 30 (47%) proceeded to any merits- characterized decision, and in those cases, plaintiffs operated without meaningful discovery access. The Supreme Court's subsequent ruling in Bost v. Illinois is asserted to have removed the principal standing barrier applied in these cases, calling into question whether the standing dismissals constituted proper jurisprudence.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Lost, Not Stolen Report — Lost Not Stolen
- Bost v. Illinois State Board of Elections, No. 24-568, 607 U.S. _ (Jan. 14, 2026). Chief Justice Roberts delivered the opinion for a 7–2 Court (5-justice majority + Barrett/Kagan concurring in judgment; Jackson/Sotomayor dissenting). The Supreme Court opinion reversed the Seventh Circuit (114 F.4th 634 (2024)), which had affirmed the N.D. Illinois dismissal for lack of standing (684 F. Supp. 3d 720 (N.D. Ill. 2023)).
Attorney Grievance Commission refusal to investigate bribery charge (MI)
A complaint was filed with the MI Attorney Grievance Commission against attorney and sitting MI SoS Jocelyn Benson related to assertions of bribery. In its January 28, 2025 response to the complaint, the AGC asserted that Plaintiff’s allegations—specifically, that a political action committee (PAC) donation from Benson to Justice Kyra Harris Bolden’s campaign was a bribe—are insufficient to warrant investigation absent concrete proof, justifying closure under MCR 9.112(C)(1)(a)
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- January 28, 2025 AGC Response to formal complaint filed against Jocelyn Benson
Judicial Tenure Commission refusal to take disciplinary actions (MI)
In a June 30, 2025 response to complaint filed with the Michigan Judicial Tenure Commission against sitting MI Supreme Court Justice Kyra H Bolden, the commission asserted that it had completed an investigation of the judicial misconduct complaint and determined that no disciplinary action was required against Bolden for accepting and $82,500 contribution from MI SoS Jocelyn Benson while she was a defendant in a case before the court. Bolden later wrote the majority opinion in favor of Benson overturning unanimous lower court decisions against Benson.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- June 30, 2025 JTC Response to formal complaint filed against Justice Kyra H Bolden
Michigan Supreme Court refusal to call for investigation into bribery charges of MI SoS and one of the MI Supreme Court Justices (MI)
An appeal of the AGC ruling in favor of MI SoS Benson was filed with the MI Supreme Court. On May 22, 2025, the MI Supreme Court responded "On order of the Court, the complaint for superintending control is considered, and relief is DENIED, because the Court is not persuaded that it should grant the requested relief"
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- May 22, 2025 order on case 168147
Bribery of Maricopa County Superior Court Judges - Harris/Thaler Law Firm Criminal Investigation (AZ)
[Disputed Fact aspect of this finding] An extensive investigation by the Harris/Thaler Law Firm, submitted as a formal brief in Maricopa County Superior Court criminal case CR2021-134056, alleged that public officials - including more than two dozen judges of the Maricopa County Superior Court - accepted bribes to protect racketeering enterprises and to manipulate or shield election-related activities from judicial scrutiny. According to the investigation, the bribe payments were not made in cash but were laundered through two mechanisms: (1) a fraudulent mortgage and real estate transaction scheme through which judges and court officials received above-market real estate consideration as a form of financial reward; and (2) fraudulent Arizona Health Care Cost Containment System (AHCCCS) healthcare lien claims - auto accident treatment fraud - through which financial value was funneled to judicial officers or their associates through the state's Medicaid healthcare billing system. The investigation's theory is that this financial network created a class of compromised judicial officers who, consciously or through institutional loyalty to the bribery network, declined to entertain election-related litigation on its merits, dismissed claims for technical reasons, or ruled in favor of parties connected to the racketeering enterprise. The full scope of the alleged network extends beyond election matters to include protection of financial and political corruption more broadly, with the election cases representing one dimension of a broader corruption structure that these judges protected. The allegations have not resulted in confirmed criminal convictions as of this report, and multiple dimensions of the scheme are disputed by the accused. However, the criminal brief's specificity - including named judges, described mechanisms of payment, and identified financial instruments - warrants federal RICO and Hobbs Act investigation rather than dismissal on credibility grounds alone.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- WATCH: Forensic Investigator John Thaler Joins Brannon Howse Following EXPLOSIVE Claims — The Gateway Pundit
- AZ Senate/House Elections Presenter Claims That Sinaloa Cartel... — The Gateway Pundit
- Jacqueline Breger Full Testimony in Front of Arizona Senate Elections Committee. — Arizona Senate
Alleged RICO Bribery Network Among Maricopa County Superior Court Judges - Harris/Thaler Law Firm Criminal Investigation (AZ)
[Reasonable Inference aspect of this finding] An extensive investigation by the Harris/Thaler Law Firm, submitted as a formal brief in Maricopa County Superior Court criminal case CR2021-134056, alleged that public officials - including more than two dozen judges of the Maricopa County Superior Court - accepted bribes to protect racketeering enterprises and to manipulate or shield election- related activities from judicial scrutiny. According to the investigation, the bribe payments were not made in cash but were laundered through two mechanisms: (1) a fraudulent mortgage and real estate transaction scheme through which judges and court officials received above-market real estate consideration as a form of financial reward; and (2) fraudulent Arizona Health Care Cost Containment System (AHCCCS) healthcare lien claims - auto accident treatment fraud - through which financial value was funneled to judicial officers or their associates through the state's Medicaid healthcare billing system. The investigation's theory is that this financial network created a class of compromised judicial officers who, consciously or through institutional loyalty to the bribery network, declined to entertain election-related litigation on its merits, dismissed claims for technical reasons, or ruled in favor of parties connected to the racketeering enterprise. The full scope of the alleged network extends beyond election matters to include protection of financial and political corruption more broadly, with the election cases representing one dimension of a broader corruption structure that these judges protected. The allegations have not resulted in confirmed criminal convictions as of this report, and multiple dimensions of the scheme are disputed by the accused. However, the criminal brief's specificity - including named judges, described mechanisms of payment, and identified financial instruments - warrants federal RICO and Hobbs Act investigation rather than dismissal on credibility grounds alone.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- WATCH: Forensic Investigator John Thaler Joins Brannon Howse Following EXPLOSIVE Claims — The Gateway Pundit
- AZ Senate/House Elections Presenter Claims That Sinaloa Cartel... — The Gateway Pundit
- Jacqueline Breger Full Testimony in Front of Arizona Senate Elections Committee. — Arizona Senate
Ward v. Jackson - Government Counsel's Representation to Arizona Supreme Court That Ballots Were Segregated; Physical State of Ballot Corpus Inconsistent with Representation (AZ)
In Ward v. Jackson, Arizona Supreme Court Case No. CV2020-015285, the Secretary of State's counsel represented to the court that the challenged ballots had been segregated and preserved in a manner that would permit the relief requested. The Cyber Ninjas audit, completed in September 2021, found that the physical ballot corpus was not consistent with the representations made regarding segregation and preservation. While not constituting direct evidence of judicial bribery, this finding is contextually significant to the bribery subtopic in two respects: (1) if a court accepted a material representation regarding ballot status that was false, the question arises whether any judicial officer had independent knowledge of the falsity; and (2) if the representation was false and the court relied on it to deny relief, the resulting judicial outcome was not the product of neutral adjudication of the true state of facts. The Cyber Ninjas Vol. III finding at page 50 documents the inconsistency between the representation and the physical record. The Arizona source record does not establish direct judicial bribery in connection with this case; the finding is presented as contextual evidence of the broader environment in which financial conflicts, if they existed, would have operated.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Ward v. Jackson, Arizona Supreme Court Case No. CV2020-015285 (Secretary of State counsel's representation regarding ballot segregation and preservation)
- Cyber Ninjas Vol. III, p. 50 (physical ballot corpus inconsistent with segregation representations)
Prosecutorial Financial Conflict of Interest - DA Fani Willis and Special Prosecutor Nathan Wade; Judicial Finding of "Significant Appearance of Impropriety" (GA)
Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis, who led the primary state-level prosecution of individuals challenging the 2020 Georgia election results, was found by Fulton County Superior Court Judge Scott McAfee to have maintained a personal romantic relationship with Special Prosecutor Nathan Wade — whom she hired and paid $653,881 from public prosecution funds. McAfee found the arrangement created a "significant appearance of impropriety" arising from a "regular and loose exchange of money without any exact or verifiable measure of reconciliation" between the DA and the prosecutor whose compensation she controlled. The Georgia Court of Appeals subsequently disqualified Willis and her entire office, holding that the appearance of impropriety was so severe that "no other solution will restore public trust in the integrity of these proceedings." All charges were dismissed after Willis's removal. In the parallel divorce proceeding of Nathan Wade, a Cobb County judge found Wade in "willful contempt" for concealing the income he had received from the prosecution. A Georgia Senate Special Committee investigation into whether the financial relationship constituted an improper use of public funds remained active as of March 2026.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Roman Motion to Disqualify DA Fani Willis, Fulton County Superior Court, January 8, 2024 (invoices and payment records through open records request)
- Order on Motion to Disqualify, Hon. Scott McAfee, Fulton County Superior Court, March 15, 2024
- Georgia Court of Appeals, Willis v. Roman, December 19, 2024
- Reuters, "Trump Wins Dismissal of Georgia 2020 Election Interference Case," November 26, 2025
- Politico, "Georgia Prosecutor Under Scrutiny in Trump Case Was Held in Contempt," January 13, 2024
- Atlanta Journal-Constitution, "Nathan Wade Defends Georgia's Trump Prosecution to Senate Committee," March 13, 2026
Misappropriation of Public Funds by DA Fani Willis and Special Prosecutor Nathan Wade (GA)
[Reasonable Inference - That appearance created non-neutral prosecutorial incentives] Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis, the officer of the court responsible for prosecuting individuals who challenged the 2020 election results in Georgia - including former President Trump and eighteen co-defendants - was found by Fulton County Superior Court Judge Scott McAfee to have maintained a personal financial relationship with Special Prosecutor Nathan Wade, whom she hired and whose professional fees were paid from public prosecution funds. Judge McAfee, in a written ruling, declined to find an "actual" conflict of interest under the applicable Georgia legal standard - but explicitly found that the relationship created a "significant appearance of impropriety." The court's remedy was to require Wade's resignation as a condition of the prosecution's continuation, not full disqualification of the DA's office. The significance of this finding for election integrity investigation extends beyond the prosecution's ethics: (1) Willis's prosecution was positioned as the primary state-level legal accountability mechanism for the 2020 election; (2) the financial relationship between the chief prosecutor and her hired prosecutor - including documented travel and personal benefits funded from the prosecution's budget - created a personal financial incentive for Willis to aggressively pursue and expand the prosecution regardless of the merits, because the prosecution funded benefits flowing to her personal partner; (3) the defense's discovery establishing the financial relationship was resisted by Willis before the court compelled disclosure; and (4) McAfee's "appearance of impropriety" finding is a judicial determination, not an advocacy claim - it is an established legal fact on the record of a court proceeding. The independent question - not yet investigated - is whether any portion of the prosecution funds used to pay Wade's fees were diverted to personal benefit in a manner that would constitute misappropriation of public funds or tax fraud.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Roman Motion to Disqualify DA Fani Willis, Fulton County Superior Court, January 8, 2024 (invoices and payment records through open records request)
- Order on Motion to Disqualify, Hon. Scott McAfee, Fulton County Superior Court, March 15, 2024
- Georgia Court of Appeals, Willis v. Roman, December 19, 2024
- Reuters, "Trump Wins Dismissal of Georgia 2020 Election Interference Case," November 26, 2025
- Politico, "Georgia Prosecutor Under Scrutiny in Trump Case Was Held in Contempt," January 13, 2024
- Atlanta Journal-Constitution, "Nathan Wade Defends Georgia's Trump Prosecution to Senate Committee," March 13, 2026
Michigan Legacy PAC - $82,500 Contribution from Defendant Benson's Political Apparatus to Justice Kyra Harris Bolden's Campaign During Pendency of O'Halloran v. Benson (MI)
[Established Fact - As to the $82,500 contribution, the pending litigation, the August 2024 ruling, and the filing of grievances] Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson's political fundraising entity, "Michigan Legacy PAC," made a $82,500 contribution to the campaign of Michigan Supreme Court Justice Kyra Harris Bolden in April 2024. At the time the contribution was made, Secretary Benson was an active defendant in O'Halloran v. Benson, a case pending before the Michigan Supreme Court in which the central legal question was the validity of Benson's directives to county election inspectors regarding the treatment of election poll challengers. These directives had been the subject of significant controversy, with lower courts issuing rulings both for and against Benson's position at the trial and appellate levels. In August 2024 - approximately four months after the $82,500 contribution was received - Justice Bolden authored the 5-2 majority opinion of the Michigan Supreme Court that overturned those lower court decisions and ruled in favor of Secretary Benson, the defendant who had contributed $82,500 to Justice Bolden's campaign while the case was pending. A formal grievance was filed with the Michigan Attorney Grievance Commission alleging that the contribution constituted a bribe or a severe ethical violation by Secretary Benson. A separate grievance was filed against Justice Bolden for failing to recuse herself from a case in which a party to the litigation had made a substantial financial contribution to her campaign during the pendency of that litigation. The Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Co. standard - under which due process requires recusal when a significant financial contribution from a litigant creates a "serious risk of actual bias" - is directly applicable: the $82,500 contribution, made by an active defendant while the case was under consideration, and followed four months later by a majority opinion authored by the recipient in favor of the contributing defendant, presents precisely the factual pattern the Caperton Court identified as constitutionally problematic. Justice Bolden did not recuse herself.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
MI SoS Jocelyn Benson Bribed MI Supreme Court Justice with Michigan Legacy PAC - $82,500 Contribution from Defendant Benson's Political Apparatus to Justice Kyra Harris Bolden's Campaign During Pendency of O'Halloran v. Benson (MI)
[Reasonable Inference - As to the constitutional impropriety under Caperton] Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson's political fundraising entity, "Michigan Legacy PAC," made a $82,500 contribution to the campaign of Michigan Supreme Court Justice Kyra Harris Bolden in April 2024. At the time the contribution was made, Secretary Benson was an active defendant in O'Halloran v. Benson, a case pending before the Michigan Supreme Court in which the central legal question was the validity of Benson's directives to county election inspectors regarding the treatment of election poll challengers. These directives had been the subject of significant controversy, with lower courts issuing rulings both for and against Benson's position at the trial and appellate levels. In August 2024 - approximately four months after the $82,500 contribution was received - Justice Bolden authored the 5-2 majority opinion of the Michigan Supreme Court that overturned those lower court decisions and ruled in favor of Secretary Benson, the defendant who had contributed $82,500 to Justice Bolden's campaign while the case was pending. A formal grievance was filed with the Michigan Attorney Grievance Commission alleging that the contribution constituted a bribe or a severe ethical violation by Secretary Benson. A separate grievance was filed against Justice Bolden for failing to recuse herself from a case in which a party to the litigation had made a substantial financial contribution to her campaign during the pendency of that litigation. The Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Co. standard - under which due process requires recusal when a significant financial contribution from a litigant creates a "serious risk of actual bias" - is directly applicable: the $82,500 contribution, made by an active defendant while the case was under consideration, and followed four months later by a majority opinion authored by the recipient in favor of the contributing defendant, presents precisely the factual pattern the Caperton Court identified as constitutionally problematic. Justice Bolden did not recuse herself.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Legacy PAC Expenditures — Transparency USA (MI SOS data)
- O'Halloran v. Benson Case Details — Michigan Courts
- Michigan Legacy PAC Media — Michigan Legacy PAC
- Runestad Letter on Bolden Donation
- Buss: Benson funds Dem candidates while running elections — Detroit News
- “Evidence of Election-Related Bribery in MI”, X Article by Patrick Colbeck
Private "Zuckerbucks" CTCL Funding Injected into Specific Counties; Every Legal Challenge to Targeted Funding Dismissed (PA)
[Established Fact - As to CTCL funding and judicial dismissals] While direct bribery of a Pennsylvania judge is not explicitly documented in the source record, the investigative record establishes the following sequence: (1) millions of dollars in private CTCL grants were injected into specific Pennsylvania counties - including Philadelphia, Delaware, and Centre Counties - that were selected by their partisan voter composition, not by their administrative need; (2) the grant conditions required recipient counties to implement specific election administration practices mandated by the private grantor; (3) multiple lawsuits were filed challenging this targeted private funding as unlawful under the Pennsylvania Election Code and state constitutional equal protection provisions; and (4) each of these lawsuits was dismissed. The pattern - private money targeted to Democratic-plurality jurisdictions, conditioning election administration practices, followed by universal judicial dismissal of challenges to that money - creates what the investigative source documents characterize as a "judicially protected private financial apparatus" surrounding election administration. Whether any financial relationship existed between CTCL-affiliated entities and any Pennsylvania judicial officer is an open forensic question that has not been investigated. The documented fact that the funding occurred and that all challenges were dismissed without merits review creates an investigative predicate for examining whether those dismissals were the product of neutral application of law or of a judicial environment that was itself part of the financial ecosystem surrounding the election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Pennsylvania Voters Alliance v. Centre County Memorandum Opinion — US District Court M.D. Pa.
- 10 Facts About CTCL Grants — Center for Tech and Civic Life
- Pennsylvania Voters Alliance v. Centre County Case Summary — Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse
Private "Zuckerbucks" CTCL Funding Injected into Specific Counties; Every Legal Challenge to Targeted Funding Dismissed - Judicial Shielded Bribery Scheme for Privately Financed Election Administration (PA)
[Disputed Fact - As to characterization as judicially shielded bribery scheme] While direct bribery of a Pennsylvania judge is not explicitly documented in the source record, the investigative record establishes the following sequence: (1) millions of dollars in private CTCL grants were injected into specific Pennsylvania counties - including Philadelphia, Delaware, and Centre Counties - that were selected by their partisan voter composition, not by their administrative need; (2) the grant conditions required recipient counties to implement specific election administration practices mandated by the private grantor; (3) multiple lawsuits were filed challenging this targeted private funding as unlawful under the Pennsylvania Election Code and state constitutional equal protection provisions; and (4) each of these lawsuits was dismissed. The pattern - private money targeted to Democratic-plurality jurisdictions, conditioning election administration practices, followed by universal judicial dismissal of challenges to that money - creates what the investigative source documents characterize as a "judicially protected private financial apparatus" surrounding election administration. Whether any financial relationship existed between CTCL-affiliated entities and any Pennsylvania judicial officer is an open forensic question that has not been investigated. The documented fact that the funding occurred and that all challenges were dismissed without merits review creates an investigative predicate for examining whether those dismissals were the product of neutral application of law or of a judicial environment that was itself part of the financial ecosystem surrounding the election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Kelly v. Commonwealth - Pennsylvania Supreme Court Dismissed Mail-In Ballot Constitutional Challenge on Laches Without Addressing Act 77's Constitutionality (PA)
[Established Fact - As to dismissal and its legal effect] In Kelly v. Commonwealth, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court dismissed a facial constitutional challenge to Act 77 of 2019 - the statute authorizing universal no-excuse mail-in voting - on the doctrine of laches, ruling that plaintiffs had waited too long after the law's passage to bring the challenge. The legal significance of this dismissal in the context of the bribery subtopic is this: Act 77 was the legal foundation upon which 2.48 million mail- in ballots were cast in Pennsylvania's 2020 general election. A ruling that Act 77 violated the Pennsylvania Constitution's requirement that no-excuse absentee voting be authorized by constitutional amendment would have required re-examination of those results. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court's laches dismissal foreclosed that constitutional examination permanently without ever reaching the merits. Simultaneously, the court dismissed after the election was certified - meaning the "laches" clock ran while the election was conducted under the challenged statute. The timing - post-certification laches dismissal of a constitutional challenge to the legal foundation of 2.48 million ballots - is, in the context of this investigation, a finding that warrants examination of whether any financial relationship existed between CTCL/Democratic Party-affiliated organizations and any member of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. No such relationship is presently documented; the finding is presented as an investigative predicate requiring financial disclosure audit.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Per Curiam Order, 68 MAP 2020 — Pennsylvania Supreme Court
- Justice Wecht Concurring Statement — Pennsylvania Supreme Court
Financial Incentives Behind Kelly v. Commonwealth - Pennsylvania Supreme Court Dismissal (PA)
[Reasonable Inference - As to investigative need for financial relationship audit] In Kelly v. Commonwealth, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court dismissed a facial constitutional challenge to Act 77 of 2019 - the statute authorizing universal no-excuse mail-in voting - on the doctrine of laches, ruling that plaintiffs had waited too long after the law's passage to bring the challenge. The legal significance of this dismissal in the context of the bribery subtopic is this: Act 77 was the legal foundation upon which 2.48 million mail-in ballots were cast in Pennsylvania's 2020 general election. A ruling that Act 77 violated the Pennsylvania Constitution's requirement that no-excuse absentee voting be authorized by constitutional amendment would have required re-examination of those results. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court's laches dismissal foreclosed that constitutional examination permanently without ever reaching the merits. Simultaneously, the court dismissed after the election was certified - meaning the "laches" clock ran while the election was conducted under the challenged statute. The timing - post-certification laches dismissal of a constitutional challenge to the legal foundation of 2.48 million ballots - is, in the context of this investigation, a finding that warrants examination of whether any financial relationship existed between CTCL/Democratic Party-affiliated organizations and any member of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. No such relationship is presently documented; the finding is presented as an investigative predicate requiring financial disclosure audit.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Supreme Court of Pennsylvania Per Curiam Order, No. 68 MAP 2020 — Pennsylvania Courts
- Kelly v. Commonwealth Petition for Review — Pennsylvania Courts
Election Officials Legal Defense Network (EOLDN) - CEIR-Linked Private Funding of Legal Defense for Subpoenaed Election Officials; Providing "Anything of Value" to Procure Non-Compliance with Legislative Oversight (WI)
[Established Fact - As to EOLDN existence and free counsel provision] The Wisconsin Office of the Special Counsel (OSC), led by former Wisconsin Supreme Court Justice Michael Gableman, documented in its Second Interim Investigative Report that the Election Officials Legal Defense Network (EOLDN) - an organization linked through funding networks to the Center for Election Innovation and Research (CEIR), which itself was funded by Mark Zuckerberg and Priscilla Chan - offered free legal counsel to municipal election officials in Wisconsin whose activities were under active legislative subpoena and investigative scrutiny. The OSC concluded that this arrangement "effectively armed one side of oversight disputes with privately financed counsel" and that providing anything of financial value - including free legal services worth thousands of dollars per official - to public officials as an incentive or reward for the manner in which they exercised (or declined to exercise) their official duties may constitute a violation of Wisconsin's election bribery statute, Wis. Stat. § 12.11, which prohibits giving or receiving "anything of value" to cause an election official to perform their duties. The constitutional and statutory framework of Wisconsin election law makes no distinction between cash payments and equivalent financial value in the form of professional legal services when the services are provided specifically because the official exercised election- administration authority in a manner the grantor wished to reward or encourage. The EOLDN's provision of free legal defense to officials who were simultaneously resisting OSC subpoenas created a financial relationship in which the officials' cooperation or non-cooperation with oversight became financially consequential to them - cooperation would end the free legal services; non-cooperation, funded by the EOLDN, was economically rational.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay; Kenosha; Madison; Milwaukee; Racine, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Quid Pro Quo CEIR-Linked Private Funding of Legal Defense for Subpoenaed Election Officials (WI)
[Reasonable Inference - As to ethics violation and quid pro quo structure] The Wisconsin Office of the Special Counsel (OSC), led by former Wisconsin Supreme Court Justice Michael Gableman, documented in its Second Interim Investigative Report that the Election Officials Legal Defense Network (EOLDN) - an organization linked through funding networks to the Center for Election Innovation and Research (CEIR), which itself was funded by Mark Zuckerberg and Priscilla Chan - offered free legal counsel to municipal election officials in Wisconsin whose activities were under active legislative subpoena and investigative scrutiny. The OSC concluded that this arrangement "effectively armed one side of oversight disputes with privately financed counsel" and that providing anything of financial value - including free legal services worth thousands of dollars per official - to public officials as an incentive or reward for the manner in which they exercised (or declined to exercise) their official duties may constitute a violation of Wisconsin's election bribery statute, Wis. Stat. § 12.11, which prohibits giving or receiving "anything of value" to cause an election official to perform their duties. The constitutional and statutory framework of Wisconsin election law makes no distinction between cash payments and equivalent financial value in the form of professional legal services when the services are provided specifically because the official exercised election- administration authority in a manner the grantor wished to reward or encourage. The EOLDN's provision of free legal defense to officials who were simultaneously resisting OSC subpoenas created a financial relationship in which the officials' cooperation or non-cooperation with oversight became financially consequential to them - cooperation would end the free legal services; non-cooperation, funded by the EOLDN, was economically rational.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay; Kenosha; Madison; Milwaukee; Racine, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Trump v. Biden - Wisconsin Supreme Court 4-3 Dismissal on Laches of Claims re: "Democracy in the Park," Indefinitely Confined Voters, and Altered Certification Envelopes (WI)
[Established Fact - As to 4-3 ruling and dismissal basis] In Trump v. Biden (Wis. Sup. Ct. 2020), the Wisconsin Supreme Court dismissed three of four election challenge claims under the doctrine of laches in a 4-3 decision. The dismissed claims included challenges to (1) the WEC's absentee ballot distribution in "Democracy in the Park" events, which bypassed statutory procedures; (2) the WEC's guidance expanding the "indefinitely confined" voter category in ways that the dissenting justices found to have no statutory basis; and (3) altered certification envelopes that did not comply with Wisconsin absentee ballot requirements. The court's majority held that the campaign's delay in bringing the challenges was "unreasonable in the extreme." In the context of this bribery investigation, the 4-3 split is significant: three justices would have reached the merits. The financial relationships - if any - between CTCL/EOLDN-affiliated organizations and the four justices who voted for procedural dismissal without merits review constitute an open investigative question that the OSC's investigation did not formally reach. The finding is presented as requiring a financial disclosure audit of the four majority justices rather than as an established finding of bribery.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Trump v. Biden, 2020 WI 62 — Wisconsin Supreme Court Opinion
- Trump v. Biden - Wisconsin Supreme Court Decisions — Justia Law Summary
- Wisconsin Supreme Court Rejects Trump Challenge to Election — Breitbart
Financial Audit Needed in Trump v. Biden - Wisconsin Supreme Court 4-3 Dismissal on Laches of Claims re: "Democracy in the Park," Indefinitely Confined Voters, and Altered Certification Envelopes (WI)
[Reasonable Inference - As to financial audit need] In Trump v. Biden (Wis. Sup. Ct. 2020), the Wisconsin Supreme Court dismissed three of four election challenge claims under the doctrine of laches in a 4-3 decision. The dismissed claims included challenges to (1) the WEC's absentee ballot distribution in "Democracy in the Park" events, which bypassed statutory procedures; (2) the WEC's guidance expanding the "indefinitely confined" voter category in ways that the dissenting justices found to have no statutory basis; and (3) altered certification envelopes that did not comply with Wisconsin absentee ballot requirements. The court's majority held that the campaign's delay in bringing the challenges was "unreasonable in the extreme." In the context of this bribery investigation, the 4-3 split is significant: three justices would have reached the merits. The financial relationships - if any - between CTCL/EOLDN-affiliated organizations and the four justices who voted for procedural dismissal without merits review constitute an open investigative question that the OSC's investigation did not formally reach. The finding is presented as requiring a financial disclosure audit of the four majority justices rather than as an established finding of bribery.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Trump v. Biden, 2020 WI 62 — Wisconsin Supreme Court
- Trump v. Biden - Wisconsin Supreme Court Decisions — Justia Law
Conflict of Interest for Former Lead Attorney in Defense of Nicolas Maduro and Current Magistrate Judge Moxila A. Upadhyaya Presiding Over Voting System Proceedings (US)
A disputed appearance-of-conflict issue exists because Magistrate Judge Moxila A. Upadhyaya presided over related Smartmatic/OAN and Dominion/Byrne election-defamation proceedings after previously appearing for the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in litigation involving the Maduro- Guaidó legitimacy dispute, and because her husband, Mark Maneche, is identified in a DOE/FERC Federal Register notice as an Office of Enforcement staff member excepted from non-decisional status in a federal energy-regulatory proceeding. DOE oversees the Idaho National Laboratory which provides technical cybersecurity support for CISA/DHS including testing of electronic voting systems.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The Smartmatic v. Herring Networks recusal order acknowledges that Magistrate Judge Moxila A. Upadhyaya, while at Venable LLP, appeared for the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the Rusoro Mining appeal, where a filing asserted that Nicolás Maduro disputed Juan Guaidó’s claim to the presidency and maintained that Maduro remained Venezuela’s rightful leader.
- OAN moved to recuse Judge Upadhyaya under 28 U.S.C. §§ 455(a), 455(b)(1), and 455(b)(2), arguing that her prior Venezuela representation overlapped with Smartmatic- related allegations concerning Maduro, Venezuelan election irregularities, and Smartmatic’s alleged Venezuelan ties.
- Judge Upadhyaya denied the recusal motion, finding no actual bias, no personal knowledge of disputed facts, and no sufficient overlap between Rusoro Mining and Smartmatic’s defamation claims.
- A Department of Energy/Federal Energy Regulatory Commission notice identifies Mark Maneche among the listed exceptions to a designation of Office of Enforcement staff as non-decisional in a FERC proceeding.
Systematic Attorney Discipline Against Election Litigation Attorneys (US)
Post-2020 election-integrity lawyers were subjected to an unusually broad, coordinated pattern of professional discipline, and suggesting this may function as systemic deterrence (“lawfare”) against election-fraud litigation. Multiple high-profile election-integrity attorneys—Rudy Giuliani, Sidney Powell, John Eastman, Jenna Ellis, and Michigan attorney Matthew DePerno—faced disbarment, suspension, or bar referrals explicitly tied to their post-election litigation work (e.g. King v. Whitmer, Bailey v. Antrim County). This clustering of cases supports the assertion that the discipline regime may reflect not just neutral enforcement of ethics rules but a coordinated strategy to deter or punish election-fraud litigation by threatening attorneys with professional and financial ruin.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Matter of Giuliani (2021-00506) - Supreme Court of the State of New York...
- John Eastman State Bar Court Review Decision
- DOJ urged to investigate 65 Project — Washington Examiner
- People v. Ellis, CO Suspension Order — [Colorado Attorney Regulation](https://www.coloradolegalregulation.com/wp-content/uploads/PDF/2402%20ORDER%20APPROVING%20STIPULATION%20TO%20DISCIPLINE%20UNDER%20C.R.C.P.%20242.19(c).pdf)
- People v. Jenna Lynn Ellis — Colorado Presiding Disciplinary Judge
- Eastman’s Disbarment — CA State Bar Court
Attorney Sanctions Used to Deter Election Integrity Litigation in Arizona Election Cases (AZ)
The Maricopa County Superior Court ordered the Arizona Republican Party and its lawyers to pay opposing counsel’s fees after they sued over Maricopa County’s 2020 election procedures and sought a broader hand‑count audit. In doing so, the court labeled the lawsuit “groundless” and said it was brought for the “improper purpose” of undermining public confidence in election results, rather than focusing on whether the legal claims met the statutory standard for being objectively frivolous. By tying fee‑shifting to the court’s assessment of the attorneys’ supposed subjective motivation (to “undermine confidence”) instead of solely to the claims’ legal merit, the ruling appears to be a viewpoint‑based punishment aimed at discouraging litigation that questions election administration. The episode is part of a broader pattern in which sanctions and fee awards are deployed to raise the professional and financial cost of bringing election‑integrity and election‑procedure challenges in Arizona.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County Superior Court Fee Award Ruling — Court Filing
- Arizona Supreme Court Opinion CV-23-0208-PR (via Gateway Pundit) — News Article
- Arizona GOP wins state high court appeal of sanctions for 2020 election challenge — AP News
- $47K Sanctions for \"Filing ... Election Challenge Without Substantial Justification\" in Arizona — Reason.com Volokh Conspiracy
Malicious Prosecution of Attorneys for Providing Legal Advice Regarding Elections (GA)
Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis used Georgia's RICO statute to indict five lawyers who had provided legal advice to the Trump campaign — Giuliani, Powell, Eastman, Chesebro, and Ellis — charging specific legal-service activities, including the drafting of legal memoranda and the filing of a federal court complaint, as predicate criminal acts.[1] The prosecution was funded through public fees paid to Special Prosecutor Nathan Wade, with whom Willis maintained a personal financial relationship that a Fulton County Superior Court judge found created a "significant appearance of impropriety."[2] The Georgia Court of Appeals subsequently disqualified Willis and her entire office on that ground, and all charges were dismissed in November 2025.[3],[4] The structural question — whether public prosecution funds were used to finance a personal financial relationship that gave the chief prosecutor a personal stake in expanding the prosecution — was identified by the trial court as an unresolved appearance issue and remains the subject of an active Georgia Senate investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- State of Georgia v. Donald J. Trump et al., Indictment No. 23SC188947, Fulton County Superior Court, August 14, 2023 (Chesebro memo overt acts at ¶¶ 39, 46; Ellis memo overt acts at ¶¶ 107, 126; Eastman Jan. 6 memo at ¶ 94; Eastman/Trump federal court filing charged as predicate "filing false documents," Count 27, O.C.G.A. § 16-10-20.1)
- Order on Motion to Disqualify, Hon. Scott McAfee, Fulton County Superior Court, March 15, 2024 ("significant appearance of impropriety"; "regular and loose exchange of money without any exact or verifiable measure of reconciliation"; "possibility and appearance that the District Attorney benefited — albeit non-materially — from a contract whose award lay solely within her purview"; $653,881 paid to Wade from public prosecution funds)
- Georgia Court of Appeals, Willis v. Roman, December 19, 2024 (disqualifying Willis and her entire office; "no other solution will restore public trust in the integrity of these proceedings")
- Reuters, "Trump Wins Dismissal of Georgia 2020 Election Interference Case," November 26, 2025 (all charges dismissed in entirety by Judge McAfee following Willis disqualification)
- Atlanta Journal-Constitution, "Nathan Wade Defends Georgia's Trump Prosecution to Senate Committee," March 13, 2026 (Georgia Senate Special Committee on Investigations, created January 2024, continued taking testimony as of March 2026 on whether Willis's financial relationship with Wade constituted improper use of public funds)
Attorney Plea Agreements - Coerced Admissions Under Financial Duress (GA)
Attorneys Jenna Ellis, Kenneth Chesebro, and Sidney Powell each pleaded guilty in October 2023 to reduced charges — with the RICO count dropped in every instance in exchange for probation and cooperation obligations. Ellis stated in open court that she had "failed to do my due diligence" and that "if I knew then what I know now, I would have declined to represent Donald Trump in these post-election challenges." Ellis had publicly stated Trump was "not funding any of us"; she raised over $217,000 in crowdfunding before the plea, an amount her attorney confirmed the actual legal fees "far exceeded," in a case where per-defendant RICO defense costs were estimated at $250,000 to $1 million minimum. Chesebro and Powell both finalized deals the day their trials were scheduled to begin. Trump's lead attorney characterized the pattern on the record: "This so-called RICO case is nothing more than a bargaining chip for DA Willis." All charges were dismissed in November 2025 following Willis's disqualification — no court reached the merits.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Transcript of Jenna Ellis Negotiated Plea Hearing, Fulton County Superior Court, October 24, 2023 (verbatim statement; plea terms; Judge McAfee finding plea "knowingly, voluntarily, and intelligently entered")
- PBS NewsHour, "Lawyer Kenneth Chesebro Pleads Guilty" (October 20, 2023) (Chesebro pleaded as jury selection was underway; Powell pleaded same week; RICO count dismissed in both; probation only)
- CNBC, "Trump Co-Defendants in Georgia Face Massive Legal Bills" (August 22, 2023) (Ellis: "I was reliably informed Trump isn't covering any of our legal fees"; defense cost estimates of $250,000–$1 million per defendant)
- PBS NewsHour, "Jenna Ellis Pleads Guilty" (October 24, 2023) (Sadow statement verbatim)
- Newsweek, "Jenna Ellis Trashed Over Defense Fund Revelation" (October 29, 2023) (Ellis raised $217,000+ via crowdfunding; attorney Melito: "The legal fees and expenses far exceeded the amount collected by the fund")
- Reuters, "Trump Wins Dismissal of Georgia 2020 Election Interference Case" (November 26, 2025)
Attorney Sanctions Used to Deter Election Integrity Litigation in Michigan (MI)
In King v. Whitmer, Judge Linda V. Parker sanctioned all nine pro-Trump attorneys — including Sidney Powell and L. Lin Wood — ordering $175,250 in fee-shifting, twelve hours of mandatory legal education on pleading standards and election law, and referrals to their home bars for possible suspension or disbarment. Parker described the suit as a "historic and profound abuse of the judicial process," stating that "this case was never about fraud — it was about undermining the People's faith in our democracy and debasing the judicial process to do so." The Sixth Circuit upheld sanctions on the merits-falsity ground but reversed the district court's inherent-authority sanctions, finding that the district court's stated rationale — that the attorneys tried to use the judicial process "to frame a public 'narrative’” improperly rested on First Amendment-protected speech. SCOTUS denied certiorari on February 20, 2024. Michigan AG Nessel, Governor Whitmer, and Secretary Benson jointly filed bar complaints seeking permanent disbarment, with the press release framing the action as targeting attorneys "for pushing election fraud narrative." Nessel's complaint to the Texas bar grounded discipline in violations of Rules 3.01, 3.03, and 8.04 arising from filing false factual claims; Nessel's public statement justified disbarment on the grounds that the attorneys used their licenses to "undermine the faith of the public in the legitimacy of the recent presidential election." The Sixth Circuit specifically identified the district court's narrative-framing rationale as an improper basis for sanctions — the same rationale Nessel invoked publicly to justify the bar complaints.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Federal Judicial Center, King v. Whitmer Case Summary, No. 2:20-cv-13134 (E.D. Mich.)
- King v. Whitmer, 71 F.4th 511 (6th Cir. June 23, 2023)
- Michigan AG Press Release, "SCOTUS Denies Request," February 20, 2024
- Michigan AG Press Release, "AG Nessel, Gov. Whitmer, Secretary Benson Seek Disbarment of Attorneys for Pushing Election Fraud Narrative," February 1, 2021
- Michigan AG Complaint to State Bar of Texas Against Sidney Powell, February 1, 2021
Malicious Prosecution of Attorneys for Election Integrity Litigation in Michigan (MI)
Attorney Matt DePerno and attorney Stefanie Lambert Junttila — both active in 2020 election- challenge litigation and forensic investigations of electronic voting systems — were charged with felonies arising from their involvement in unauthorized access to and testing of voting tabulators. On August 1–2, 2023, Michigan special prosecutor D.J. Hilson — appointed by Attorney General Nessel due to her conflict of interest as DePerno's 2022 electoral opponent — charged DePerno and Lambert with undue possession of a voting machine, willful damage to a voting machine, and conspiracy to commit unauthorized access to a computer system, among other counts carrying four- to-five-year maximum sentences. The charges alleged that five tabulators were removed from Barry, Roscommon, and Missaukee counties to hotel rooms in Oakland County for testing sessions at which both DePerno and Lambert were regularly present. In a separate prosecution brought directly by Nessel's office, Lambert and former Adams Township Clerk Stephanie Scott were charged on May 8, 2024 with unauthorized access to a computer system, using a computer to commit a crime, and — in Scott's case — misconduct in office and disobeying a Secretary of State order, based on allegations that Scott withheld a township tabulator from an authorized vendor and that Lambert transmitted data from the township's electronic poll book. Lambert and Scott were bound over for trial in Hillsdale County's First Circuit Court on December 1, 2025. Defense counsel characterized the prosecutions as criminalizing investigative steps — examining machines and extracting data — undertaken to document election irregularities, rather than independent criminal schemes; both defendants denied wrongdoing and the cases remain pending.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- NPR, Michigan Special Prosecutor Charges Former AG Candidate Matt DePerno with Election CrimesMichigan Special Prosecutor Charges Former AG Candidate Matt DePerno with Election Crimes (Aug. 1, 2023)
- Bridge Michigan, Matthew DePerno, ex-Rep. Daire Rendon charged over vote-machine tamperingMatthew DePerno, ex-Rep. Daire Rendon charged over vote-machine tampering (Aug. 1, 2023)
- Michigan Attorney General, Press Release: AG Nessel Charges Attorney Stefanie Lambert and Former Adams Township Clerk ScottPress Release: AG Nessel Charges Attorney Stefanie Lambert and Former Adams Township Clerk Scott (May 8, 2024)
- Lambert's attorney Daniel Hartman stated that Lambert "remains steadfast in her efforts to bring transparency to the people's election data, processes and procedures." States United backgrounder, suprasupra n.2. DePerno stated that charges were "motivated primarily by politics rather than evidence." NPR, suprasupra n.1. Lambert stated she had "done absolutely nothing illegal." Freep, suprasupra n.1.
Proactive Grievance Threat by Federal Judge in Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. Pence (WI)
Following the voluntary withdrawal of Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. Pence — a lawsuit challenging the validity of 2020 election procedures in five states, filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia — Judge James E. Boasberg issued a show-cause order on January 7, 2021, the same day plaintiffs' counsel filed the notice of voluntary dismissal, directing attorney Erick Kaardal to demonstrate why the court should not refer him to its Committee on Grievances for potential discipline. In a January 4 opinion denying the preliminary injunction, Boasberg had already warned that, "at the conclusion of this litigation, the Court will determine whether to issue an order to show cause," citing what he characterized as a "serious lack of good faith" and conduct that rendered it "difficult to believe that the suit is meant seriously." Finding Kaardal's response to the show-cause order insufficient to "allay the Court's concerns regarding potential bad faith," Boasberg formally referred the matter to the Committee on Grievances on February 19, 2021, reasoning that "[w]hen any counsel seeks to target processes at the heart of our democracy, the Committee may well conclude that they are required to act with far more diligence and good faith than existed here." The D.C. Circuit dismissed Kaardal's appeal for lack of jurisdiction, characterizing the referral as a "post- dismissal order" that "merely initiated disciplinary proceedings" rather than a final order fixing counsel's rights. The issuance of a show-cause order on the same day as — and after — the voluntary dismissal, when no further procedural harm to the court's docket remained, is consistent with a deterrent purpose; counsel was required to retain separate defense counsel and respond to the referral proceeding despite the underlying case having been terminated.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. PenceWisconsin Voters Alliance v. Pence, No. 1:20-cv-3791 (D.D.C.), Minute Order (Jan. 7, 2021) ("Plaintiffs' counsel shall show cause why the court should not refer him to the Committee on Grievances for all of the reasons discussed in its recent Memorandum Opinion"), as described in: Fed. Judicial Ctr., Unsuccessful Suit to Require State Legislatures to Certify Presidential Election ResultsUnsuccessful Suit to Require State Legislatures to Certify Presidential Election Results (EE-DC-1-20-cv-3791)
- Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. PenceWisconsin Voters Alliance v. Pence, 514 F. Supp. 3d 117, 122–23 (D.D.C. Jan. 4, 2021) (D.E. 10), full opinion at
- Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. PenceWisconsin Voters Alliance v. Pence, No. 1:20-cv-3791 (D.D.C. Feb. 19, 2021) (D.E. 23), 2021 WL 686359; Josh Gerstein, Lawyer Who Brought Election Suit Referred for Possible DisciplineLawyer Who Brought Election Suit Referred for Possible Discipline, Politico (Feb. 19, 2021)
- Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. HarrisWisconsin Voters Alliance v. Harris, 28 F.4th 1282, 1283 (D.C. Cir. 2022) ("In a post-dismissal order cataloging the suit's 'numerous shortcomings,' the district court referred plaintiffs' counsel, Kaardal, to the Committee on Grievances for possible discipline. . . . [T]he district court's referral is not a final order. Rather than fixing Kaardal's rights and liabilities, the challenged order merely initiated disciplinary proceedings."), available at
- Defense representation confirmed in Politico, suprasupra n.3 (identifying Justin Flint of Washington as representing Kaardal "in the discipline fight"). The deterrence characterization is the author's analytical inference; no court has so held.
Attorney Threats Used to Deter Election Integrity Litigation in Wisconsin (WI)
Law Forward and Georgetown University's Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection (ICAP) pursued civil litigation against Wisconsin's ten alternate electors and the two Trump campaign attorneys who organized the elector strategy — James Troupis and Kenneth Chesebro — in Penebaker et al. v. Hitt et al. No. 22CV1178 (Dane Cty. Cir. Ct.), filed May 17, 2022. In December 2023, the ten elector-defendants settled, agreeing to transmit a public statement to the same government offices that received Electoral College votes reaffirming that "Joseph R. Biden, Jr. won the 2020 presidential election" and that they "were not the duly elected presidential electors for the State of Wisconsin," while also agreeing that none of them would ever serve as a presidential elector in any election featuring Donald Trump; neither payment of the $2.4 million in damages sought nor any admission of wrongdoing was required. Troupis and Chesebro settled separately in March 2024, agreeing to turn over more than 1,400 pages of documents, emails, texts, photos, and video, and to refrain from participating in similar efforts in future presidential campaigns; Troupis paid an undisclosed amount to plaintiffs, and neither attorney admitted wrongdoing or liability. The Dane County Circuit Court, in denying motions to dismiss the surviving claims — civil conspiracy, public nuisance, and quo warranto — found that Troupis had no qualified immunity and that the complaint adequately alleged the conspiracy had the "wrongful purpose of impersonating a public official," a crime under Wisconsin law, as its object. The settlements' combination of public acknowledgment requirements, permanent elector-service restrictions, and mandatory document production — secured through civil litigation rather than criminal process — represented the first time any Trump alternate electors revoked their filings.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Penebaker et al. v. Hitt et al.Penebaker et al. v. Hitt et al., No. 22CV1178 (Dane Cty. Cir. Ct., filed May 17, 2022); Law Forward/ICAP, Wisconsin's 2020 Fraudulent Electors Acknowledge Their Votes Were Used in Effort to Undermine a Presidential Election, Settle with PlaintiffsWisconsin's 2020 Fraudulent Electors Acknowledge Their Votes Were Used in Effort to Undermine a Presidential Election, Settle with Plaintiffs (Dec. 6, 2023)
- ICAP Press Release, suprasupra n.1 (verbatim settlement statement and restrictions); PBS NewsHour, Fake pro-Trump electors settle Wisconsin civil lawsuit, admit attempt to overturn Biden winFake pro-Trump electors settle Wisconsin civil lawsuit, admit attempt to overturn Biden win (Dec. 6, 2023)
- AP/PBS NewsHour, Settlement in Wisconsin 2020 fake elector case offers new details on the strategy by Trump lawyersSettlement in Wisconsin 2020 fake elector case offers new details on the strategy by Trump lawyers (Mar. 4, 2024)
- Penebaker v. HittPenebaker v. Hitt, No. 22CV1178, Decision and Order at 15–17 (Dane Cty. Cir. Ct. Aug. 10, 2023) (Remington, J.) ("Troupis has no qualified immunity"; "The complaint alleges Hitt and Troupis conspired to commit a wrongful act because it alleges the conspiracy they formed had the wrongful purpose of impersonating a public official. Impersonating public officials is wrongful because it is a crime. Wis. Stat. § 946.69.")
- PBS NewsHour (Dec. 6, 2023), suprasupra n.2 ("The settlement marks the first time that any Trump electors have revoked their filings sent to Congress purporting that Trump had won in seven battleground states.").
Attorney Sanctions Used to Deter Election Integrity Litigation in California (CA)
John Eastman — a former law school dean, constitutional scholar, and attorney for Donald Trump — has been the subject of California State Bar disciplinary proceedings arising from his role in the effort to challenge the 2020 presidential election results. On January 26, 2023, the California Bar filed a Notice of Disciplinary Charges containing 11 counts, including failure to support the Constitution and laws of the United States, seeking to mislead federal courts, and multiple counts of moral turpitude based on alleged false and misleading statements in his memos, public appearances, and a January 6 email to Pence's counsel Greg Jacob. Following a 35-day trial, Hearing Judge Yvette Roland found Eastman culpable of 10 of 11 counts and recommended disbarment, characterizing his conduct as an attempt to "plan, promote, and assist Trump in executing a strategy... that lacked evidentiary or legal support"; the court rejected his First Amendment defense on the ground that knowingly or recklessly false statements do not receive constitutional protection under Gentile v. State Bar of Nevada and Ramirez v. State Bar. The Review Department's three-judge panel unanimously upheld the disbarment recommendation on June 14, 2025, finding Eastman had engaged in a "calculated campaign to falsely undermine the results of the 2020 presidential election." Eastman's petition for review to the California Supreme Court — filed September 29, 2025, and pending as of April 2026 — raises as its first issue whether "the recommendations of disbarment by both the Hearing Department and the Review Department for core political speech and petitioning of the government for redress of grievances violate Dr. Eastman's First Amendment rights," a question the California Supreme Court has not yet resolved.
📍 Jurisdiction: California, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Cal. State Bar, Office of Chief Trial Counsel, Attorney John Eastman Charged with Multiple Disciplinary Counts Attorney John Eastman Charged with Multiple Disciplinary Counts (Jan. 26, 2023)
- In the Matter of John Eastman, SBC-23-O-30029, Hearing Dep't Decision and Order (Cal. State Bar Ct. Mar. 27, 2024) (Roland, J.) ("Eastman's wrongdoing constitutes exceptionally serious ethical violations warranting severe professional discipline"; rejecting First Amendment defense at pp. 75–81 on ground that "knowingly false statements and false statements made with reckless disregard of the truth do not enjoy constitutional protection")
- Cal. State Bar, John Eastman State Bar Court Review Decision — Disbarment Recommendation Remains. John Eastman State Bar Court Review Decision — Disbarment Recommendation Remains (Jun. 14, 2025)
- Eastman Pet. for Review at 1, Eastman on Discipline, Cal. Sup. Ct. (filed Sept. 29, 2025) (first issue presented: "Do the recommendations of disbarment by both the Hearing Department and the Review Department for core political speech and petitioning of the government for redress of grievances violate Dr. Eastman's First Amendment rights?"), as reported in Law & Crime (Sept. 30, 2025)
Attorney Sanctions Used to Deter Election Integrity Litigation in Pennsylvania (PA)
Following the 2020 election, attorneys who pursued election-challenge litigation in Pennsylvania and other states faced sanctions motions and bar discipline that created documented deterrent effects on future filings. The Rule 11 safe-harbor provision — which permits withdrawal within 21 days of a sanctions motion to avoid liability — provides a structural mechanism under which sanctions threats can produce voluntary dismissals before factual records are developed; this dynamic played out in multiple post-2020 cases, including election challenges in which Pennsylvania defendants filed Rule 11 motions. Rudy Giuliani was suspended from practicing law in New York on an interim basis in June 2021 and disbarred by the New York Appellate Division, First Department, effective July 2, 2024, for 16 counts of knowing false statements about election fraud across multiple states and forums; the court found his conduct "told numerous lies in numerous forums all designed to create distrust of the elective system of our country" and had done "immeasurable damage to our democracy." Separately, the D.C. Bar's Ad Hoc Hearing Committee recommended disbarment based specifically and primarily on Giuliani's prosecution of Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar, 502 F. Supp. 3d 899 (M.D. Pa. 2020), finding he violated Pennsylvania Rules 3.1 and 8.4(d) by "filing a lawsuit seeking to change the result of the 2020 presidential election when he had no factual basis" and that the "frivolous lawsuit attempted unjustifiably to disenfranchise hundreds of thousands of Pennsylvania voters"; the D.C. Board on Professional Responsibility affirmed the disbarment recommendation in May 2024. Notably, the D.C. disciplinary proceedings did not involve a challenge to Act 77's constitutionality; Giuliani's Pennsylvania claims concerned observational barriers, notice- and-cure procedures, and alleged fraud. A separate challenge to Act 77 — filed by different plaintiffs in McLinko v. Commonwealth — was sustained by the Pennsylvania Commonwealth Court on January 28, 2022, which held Act 77 violated the Pennsylvania Constitution; that ruling was reversed by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court on August 2, 2022 (5-2), which upheld Act 77. Regarding federal oversight of election-fraud complaints in Pennsylvania, former U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District William McSwain stated in a June 9, 2021 letter to President Trump that he had been directed to route serious election-fraud allegations to the Pennsylvania Attorney General rather than independently investigate; former AG Barr disputed this characterization, and AG Shapiro's office reported receiving no referrals from McSwain's office.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fed. R. Civ. P. 11(c)(2) (21-day safe-harbor provision); see O'Rourke v. Dominion Voting Sys, No. 20-cv-3747 (D. Colo.), ECF sanctions order (Aug. 3, 2021) (discussing Rule 11 safe harbor and voluntary dismissal of Pennsylvania defendants before sanctions motion was filed)
- See SMU Law Review Forum, Insurrection-Proofing the Courts: Judicial Tools to Protect the Legal Profession, at 4–8 (2024)
- McLinko v. Dep't of State, 244 & 293 M.D. 2021, 270 A.3d 1243 (Pa. Commonwealth. Ct. Jan. 28, 2022) (Act 77 held unconstitutional), reported by WHYY (Jan. 28, 2022)
- Matter of Giuliani, 2021-00506 (N.Y. App. Div. 1st Dep't Jul. 2, 2024) (disbarment order: "respondent told numerous lies in numerous forums all designed to create distrust of the elective system of our country in the minds of its citizens"; "immeasurable damage to our democracy")
- In re Giuliani, D.C. Bar Ad Hoc Hearing Committee Report and Recommendation at 2, 28, 36–37 (Jul. 7, 2023) ("He violated Pennsylvania Rule 3.1 by filing a lawsuit seeking to change the result of the 2020 presidential election when he had no factual basis"; "Respondent's frivolous lawsuit attempted unjustifiably... to disenfranchise hundreds of thousands"; "Mr. Giuliani's effort to undermine the integrity of the 2020 presidential election has helped destabilize our democracy")
- Letter from William M. McSwain to Donald J. Trump (Jun. 9, 2021) ("I was also given a directive to pass along serious allegations to the State Attorney General for investigation — the same State Attorney General who had already declared that you could not win"), as published and analyzed in Philadelphia Inquirer (Jul. 14, 2021)
Favorito v. Cooney (Fulton Co. Super. Ct.) - One of Three Discovery Cases; Access to Ballots Controlled by Same Officials Who Destroyed Records (GA)
Favorito v. Cooney, No. 2020CV343938 (Fulton Cty. Super. Ct.), was among the few post-2020 election challenge cases in which a court authorized physical access to actual election materials: on May 21, 2021, Chief Judge Brian Amero (by designation) granted petitioners' motion to unseal and inspect and scan the November 3, 2020 general election absentee ballots, subject to protocols to be set by further court order. The case remained active as of February 4, 2026, when Judge McBurney dismissed most claims but allowed petitioner Jeffords' equal protection count to proceed toward discovery, noting that "The records do in fact remain under seal" and contemplating further proceedings regarding access to electoral materials in related litigation. Separately, Fulton County acknowledged in civil court filings that it did not preserve the majority of ballot images from in- person voting during the original Election Day count, a fact confirmed by multiple sources; however, ballot images are electronic copies generated during scanning and are distinct from the paper ballots that were the subject of the court-authorized inspection — all original paper ballots were retained, sealed, and available, and were counted three additional times across the hand-count audit and machine recount, each confirming the certified result.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Favorito et al. v. Fulton County et al.Favorito et al. v. Fulton County et al., No. 2020CV343938, Order Granting Motion to Unseal at 1 (Fulton Cty. Super. Ct. May 21, 2021) (Amero, C.J., by designation) ("Petitioners shall only be permitted to inspect and scan [the November 3, 2020 general election absentee ballots] in accordance with protocols and practices that will be set forth by further order of the Court.")
- Favorito et al. v. Wan et al.Favorito et al. v. Wan et al., No. 2020CV343938, Order on the Many Pending Motions at 1, 18–19 (Fulton Cty. Super. Ct. Feb. 4, 2026) (McBurney, J.) ("The records do in fact remain under seal"; Jeffords' Count I equal protection claim permitted to proceed to discovery)
- Fulton County Board of Registration and Elections admitted in civil litigation in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Georgia that it had "not preserved the majority of ballot images from in-person voting for the November 3, 2020, Original Count," as noted in Anna Bower, Fulton County's Battle for Ballots: A PrimerFulton County's Battle for Ballots: A Primer, Lawfare (Mar. 25, 2026)
Deliberate Destruction of Records - Favorito v. Cooney (Fulton Co. Super. Ct.) - One of Three Discovery Cases; Access to Ballots Controlled by Same Officials Who Destroyed Records (GA)
[Reasonable Inference - Prior record destruction compromised the discovery process] Favorito v. Cooney was one of only three post-2020 election cases, nationally, in which some form of discovery was permitted. However, the discovery was supervised and channeled through the same Fulton County officials who, per the EOG Report, had already admitted destroying the majority of original ballot images before this discovery occurred. The effectiveness of any "merits" review in Favorito was therefore compromised ab initio by the prior destruction of the primary evidence the case required. Courts treating this case as a merits adjudication must account for the fact that discovery operated on a depleted record.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County Superior Court Order (Feb 4, 2026) — Court Filing
- Favorito v. Cooney Case Summary — News Article
- Gateway Pundit on Missing Surveillance Video — The Gateway Pundit
Severe Sampling Limitations in Ward v. Jackson (AZ)
The state court restricted forensic document examiners to reviewing only 100 randomly selected mail-in ballots for signature comparisons and evaluated only 1,626 duplicated ballots. The court concluded errors were statistically negligible and dismissed the case, preventing a statistically significant or comprehensive forensic audit of Maricopa County ballots. The arbitrarily narrow discovery perimeter precluded any statistically valid conclusion about systemic signature verification failures.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Prevention of discovery limited access to information necessary to prove election fraud (US)
Only 3 of the "64 lawsuits" featured any discovery that would provide plaintiffs with access to materials otherwise not available to the general public. Of those 3, only 1 (Bailey v Antrim County) offered any substantive discovery. Notably, in his oral opinion that closed the case, Judge Kevin Elsenheimer specifically stated: "By deciding this motion, the Court is not saying that there were no problems in the way that Antrim County conducted its November 2020 elections. The Clerk has admitted that there were challenges and problems in the elections. " This statement by Judge Elsehheimer indicates that discovery did reveal evidence of election malfeasance. He dismissed the case on the basis that the remedies sought had been satisfied not on the basis that there was no evidence as some have attempted to portray.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Lost Not Stolen, The Conservative Case that Trump Lost and Biden Won the 2020 Presidential Election
- Bailey v. Antrim County, No. 2020-009238-CZ (Mich. 13th Cir. Ct. May 18, 2021), Oral Decision Transcript ("Tr.") at 17:20 ("There is no reason to do it twice"), 18:10–20 ("The Court is not saying that there were no problems . . . The Clerk has admitted that there were challenges and problems in the elections . . . Nor am I saying that the processing of election data here wasn't corrupted or corruptible. I don't have the facts to make that determination.").
Reversal of Discovery Authorization in Fulton County Ballot Inspection Case (GA)
In Favorito et al. v. Wan et al. (Henry County Superior Court, Civil Action No. 2020CV343938), Judge Brian Amero on May 21, 2021 entered an order purporting to unseal approximately 147,000 Fulton County absentee ballots for forensic inspection. The unsealing, however, was expressly contingent on the court issuing a further order establishing protocols to ensure the integrity of the original records — a second order that was never entered, leaving the ballots formally under seal throughout the proceedings. On October 13, 2021, Judge Amero dismissed the suit entirely, ruling that the plaintiffs "failed to allege a particularized injury" and therefore lacked standing to proceed. Favorito appealed; the Georgia Court of Appeals initially affirmed the dismissal, but the Georgia Supreme Court vacated that opinion and remanded, ultimately resulting in partial reinstatement of four plaintiffs' claims in 2023.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Favorito et al. v. Wan et al., Henry County Superior Court (assigned), Civil Action No. 2020CV343938, Order of May 21, 2021 (Judge Brian J. Amero); see also Kayla Goggin, "Judge Dismisses Ballot Inspection Lawsuit Alleging Fraud in Georgia's 2020 Presidential Race," Courthouse News Service (Oct. 13, 2021)
- Favorito et al. v. Wan et al., Civil Action No. 2020CV343938, Order on the Many Pending Motions at 6 n.8 (Fulton County Superior Court, Feb. 4, 2026) (McBurney, J.) ("The judge to whom this case was initially assigned entered an order dated 21 May 2021 purporting to unseal the records, but this unsealing was contingent upon the judge issuing a separate order detailing the 'protocols and practices' that would ensure the integrity of the original records. That second order has never been entered."), available at
- Favorito v. Wan, Order of Dismissal (Henry County Superior Court, Oct. 13, 2021) (Amero, J.) (plaintiffs "failed to allege a particularized injury"); see Sara Murray, "Judge Dismisses Fulton County Ballot Review Case in Georgia," CNN (Oct. 13, 2021)
- Favorito v. Wan, 364 Ga. App. 745 (2022) (affirming dismissal for lack of standing), vacated, Favorito v. Wan, 367 Ga. App. 642 (2023) (on remand from Georgia Supreme Court in light of Sons of Confederate Veterans v. Henry Cnty. Bd. of Comm'rs, 315 Ga. 39 (2022), reinstating claims of four Fulton County resident petitioners), available at
Credibility Determinations Without Cross-Examination in Costantino v. Detroit (MI)
Wayne County Circuit Court Judge Timothy Kenny denied a preliminary injunction by making definitive credibility findings without an evidentiary hearing. He summarily dismissed sworn affidavits from multiple Republican poll challengers as "incorrect and not credible" while heavily crediting a single defense affidavit from Christopher Thomas, entirely bypassing the adversarial process of cross-examination. No live testimony was heard. Dozens of eyewitness accounts- submitted under penalty of perjury-were adjudicated on paper alone.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Opinion & Order Denying Injunctive Relief, Wayne County Circuit Court, Judge Timothy Kenny — Great Lakes Justice Center; see also Wayne County Database Files Appeal.pdf, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1ahRyyd74ZmkiKhRTvb1jmff6rgGduKpN/view
Disparate Pleading Standards and Punitive Page Limits in King v. Whitmer (MI)
While plaintiffs faced extreme judicial hostility for technical pleading errors and affidavits deemed hearsay without the benefit of any discovery to prove them, the court accommodated defendants' aggressive litigation tactics-allowing the City of Detroit to file a 38-page brief explicitly seeking sanctions and disbarment against plaintiffs' attorneys, prioritizing punitive procedural action over evidentiary fact-finding. This structural asymmetry inverted the court's neutral-arbiter function.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Near-Universal Denial of Discovery in Technically Complex Election Cases (US)
In the vast majority of cases characterized as merits decisions, plaintiffs operated without access to any meaningful discovery process-unable to subpoena election records, machine logs, chain-of- custody documentation, or tabulation data. Plaintiffs were limited to affidavits, expert reports, and publicly available statistics, which courts then found insufficient. The structural asymmetry-election officials testifying how elections are "supposed to work" while observers could only testify to what they personally witnessed-rendered the "merits" designation analytically incomplete for technically complex claims.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. v. Boockvar — US District Court Opinion
- Results of Lawsuits Regarding the 2020 Elections — Campaign Legal Center
- Five Courts Have Concluded That MI SoS Jocelyn Benson Conducts Unlawful Elections — LetsFixStuff.org
Wayne County Chief Judge routed all election cases to himself (MI)
Denied plaintiffs in civil lawsuits the opportunity to obtain a fair and unbiased trial. Judge Kenny presided over 2 election cases - Costantino v City of Detroit and Stoddard et al. v City Election Commission of the City of Detroit. He did not allow plaintiffs to pursue discovery in either case. By directing all election cases to his court, he became the de facto arbiter of election crime in one of the most highly suspect election jurisdictions in the nation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- LAO 2019-02 issued by Chief Judge Timothy Kenny April 2019
Prejudiced Jury Instructions in Tina Peters Prosecution (CO)
In People v. Peters, the Colorado Court of Appeals identified a constitutional error in Tina Peters' sentencing: the trial court had imposed a lengthier sentence based in part on Peters' post-offense public statements about election fraud rather than solely on her criminal conduct, violating the First Amendment principle that "a sentence based to any degree on activity or beliefs protected by the First Amendment is constitutionally invalid.” The court found it "apparent that the court imposed the lengthy sentence it did because Peters continued to espouse the views that led her to commit these crimes" and that "the tenor of the court's comments makes clear that it felt the sentence length was necessary, at least in part, to prevent her from continuing to espouse views the court deemed 'damaging.'
📍 Jurisdiction: Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Prohibition of exculpatory evidence introduction in Tina Peters Prosecution (CO)
At trial, the court excluded evidence of Tina Peters' asserted statutory duty to preserve federal election records under 52 U.S.C. § 20701, her claimed belief that the May 2021 "Trusted Build" software installation would destroy those records, and her motive for arranging the forensic imaging of Mesa County's Dominion election equipment server. The trial court also refused Peters' requested jury instruction on the "execution of public duty" affirmative defense under § 18-1-701, C.R.S. which would have asked the jury to consider whether her actions were required or authorized by law. Peters argued on appeal that these rulings collectively deprived her of a meaningful opportunity to present a complete defense.
📍 Jurisdiction: Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Prejudiced Jury Instructions in Coomer v Lindell (CO)
At trial in Coomer v. Lindell, the defense preserved multiple objections to the jury instructions as issued by Judge Wang. The defense objected that the adverse inference instruction regarding Tina Peters' invocation of the Fifth Amendment improperly attributed inferences from a non-agent third party to Lindell, potentially prejudicing the jury's view of him. The defense further objected that the conspiracy instruction — permitting the jury to infer agreement from "words or conduct" rather than an express meeting of the minds — risked a verdict on circumstantially weak evidence. The defense also challenged the willful and wanton instruction tied to exemplary damages as creating a risk of jury confusion between the punitive standard under Colorado law and the actual malice threshold required under federal constitutional defamation law. Additionally, defense counsel argued in a post- trial context that plaintiff's closing improperly implied to the jury that Lindell's honest belief in his statements was not a recognized defense, potentially contradicting the court's own actual malice instruction. All such objections were preserved for appellate review.
📍 Jurisdiction: Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Coomer v. Lindell et al., No. 1:22-cv-01129-NYW-SBP (D. Colo. 2025), Trial Transcripts
Prohibition of evidence introduction in Coomer v Lindell (CO)
Defense counsel advocated for the admission of a broad range of evidence that Lindell relied on in forming his beliefs, including documentary films, news clips, expert reports, and social media posts about election security vulnerabilities—not just regarding Dr. Coomer, but also general warnings from public officials and election security experts. The defense specifically argued for inclusion of body cam footage relevant to Coomerʼs credibility, prior mental health and addiction issues to challenge causation and damages, and background documents to establish Lindellʼs state of mind and lack of actual malice, all of which were partially or fully excluded at the plaintiffʼs request, citing hearsay or Rule 403 unfair prejudice.
📍 Jurisdiction: Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Coomer v. Lindell et al., No. 1:22-cv-01129-NYW-SBP (D. Colo. 2025), Trial Transcripts
Dominion Cease-and-Desist Campaign - Systemic Chilling of Election Integrity Speech and Litigation (MI)
The law firm Clare Locke, LLP, transmitted more than 150 cease-and-desist letters nationally on behalf of Dominion Voting Systems, including more than 30 to Michigan citizens, targeting private individuals who had publicly cited evidence of election irregularities involving Dominion systems. It is reasonable to infer that this campaign had a chilling effect upon free speech and litigation in the wake of the 2020 election. This campaign extended beyond defamation deterrence to threatening litigation against private citizens for protected civic speech. The Dominion software contract (Michigan contract #071B7700117) contained a clause prohibiting analysis of the software "in whole or in part," which was subsequently used as the basis for court-ordered redaction of forensic evidence and to prevent independent investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Lindell v. Dominion Opening Brief — Court Filing
- Cooper v. Dominion 10th Circuit Appendix — Court Filing
Pre-Election Pennsylvania Supreme Court Rule Changes - Election Rule Modifications Made Without Legislative Authorization (PA)
[Established Fact - Orders were issued; legislative authority was not invoked] The Pennsylvania Supreme Court, in a series of 2020 pre-election orders, extended mail ballot receipt deadlines (to November 6 for ballots postmarked by November 3), altered ballot-curing procedures, and modified signature-verification requirements - changes that were made by judicial order rather than by the legislature, which is the constitutionally designated authority for election law under Art. I, § 4 and the Electors Clause. Three of the seven Pennsylvania Supreme Court justices were elected with significant campaign contributions from groups with a documented partisan interest in the outcome of the election. This does not establish improper judicial conduct but creates an appearance-of- impartiality question that warrants examination under 28 U.S.C. § 455 principles.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Politically-Biased Pre-Election Pennsylvania Supreme Court Rule Changes - Election Rule Modifications Made Without Legislative Authorization (PA)
[Reasonable Inference - Appearance of impartiality concern] The Pennsylvania Supreme Court, in a series of 2020 pre-election orders, extended mail ballot receipt deadlines (to November 6 for ballots postmarked by November 3), altered ballot-curing procedures, and modified signature-verification requirements - changes that were made by judicial order rather than by the legislature, which is the constitutionally designated authority for election law under Art. I, § 4 and the Electors Clause. Three of the seven Pennsylvania Supreme Court justices were elected with significant campaign contributions from groups with a documented partisan interest in the outcome of the election. This does not establish improper judicial conduct but creates an appearance-of-impartiality question that warrants examination under 28 U.S.C. § 455 principles.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Pennsylvania Supreme Court Order No. 133 MM 2020 — PA Courts
- SCOTUSblog on PA Supreme Court Extension to Nov. 6 — SCOTUSblog
DOJ Letter Threatening Arizona Senate Audit - Chilling Effect on Legal Counsel (AZ)
The U.S. Department of Justice, through its Deputy Assistant Attorney General, transmitted a letter to Arizona Senate Majority Leader Karen Fann explicitly attempting to halt the Arizona Senate's legislatively authorized forensic audit of Maricopa County election systems. This federal intrusion into a state legislative oversight function - using DOJ letterhead and implying federal legal consequences - exerted significant extra-legal pressure on the legal counsel advising the Senate and on the audit contractors, creating a chilling effect on attorneys engaged in election oversight work.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Letter to Arizona Senate President — U.S. Department of Justice
- DOJ Intervention in Maricopa County Audit Lacks Constitutional Authority: Experts — The Epoch Times
- DOJ Expresses Concern Arizona Audit Is Violating Election Law — Daily Caller
Dominion Mass Cease-and-Desist Campaign Against Citizen Poll Challengers (US)
Dominion Voting Systems, through its retained law firm Clare Locke LLP, transmitted more than 150 cease-and-desist letters nationally - including more than 30 in Michigan - to private citizens who had served as poll challengers and signed sworn affidavits detailing election anomalies observed at the TCF Center and other locations. The letters demanded recipients "cease and desist taking part in defaming Dominion," utilizing the threat of ruinous corporate litigation to silence citizen whistleblowers on a matter of public concern.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Clare Locke LLP on behalf of Dominion Voting Systems — 150+ national cease-and-desist letters including 30+ in Michigan
- Lindell v. Dominion Opening Brief — Court Filing
- Cooper v. Dominion 10th Circuit Appendix — Court Filing
Intimidation and Harassment of Special Counsel Investigative Personnel (WI)
Personnel in the Wisconsin Office of the Special Counsel (OSC), who were formally authorized by the Wisconsin Legislature to investigate the 2020 election, were systematically targeted via ethics complaints, private investigators hired to probe their personal lives, coordinated media attacks, and reputational-destruction campaigns. These tactics were designed to delegitimize the investigation, exhaust investigative resources, and deter cooperation by witnesses and staff.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Gableman Report, pp. 43–44 (OSC staff subjected to ethics complaints, voluminous open records requests, private investigator surveillance, media attacks)
- Gableman Report, p. 11 and App. I Wisconsin AG filed suit in Dane County Circuit Court seeking declaration OSC lacked authority
- AG intervened on behalf of subpoena resisters.
Civil Coercion of Alternate Electors - Forced Political Confessions (WI)
Activist legal organizations Law Forward and Georgetown University's Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection (ICAP) weaponized civil litigation against Wisconsin's alternate electors and their attorneys, eventually forcing settlements that required defendants to publicly acknowledge Joe Biden's victory and legally agree not to serve as presidential electors for Donald Trump in any future election. This coerced renunciation of future political activity, extracted as a condition of ending financially ruinous litigation, represents a direct suppression of constitutionally protected political association.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Fraudulent Electors Complaint — Law Forward
- Wisconsin's 2020 Fraudulent Electors Acknowledge... Settlement — Georgetown ICAP
Pre-Election Simulation - Documented Planning for Post-Election Legal Retaliation (US)
Pre-election simulation exercises conducted by Democratic-aligned political operatives - including Stuart Karaffa, a former U.S. State Department analyst and Democratic Socialists of America activist - explicitly included plans to retaliate against Trump supporters who raised post-election legal challenges. Documented strategies included exclusion from media platforms, future employment blacklisting, and coordinated legal pressure. This simulation predated the actual election and its legal aftermath by months, establishing premeditated rather than reactive character.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Coordinated lawfare strategy against DOGE staff (US)
Democratic-aligned groups and Democratic officials are actively using investigations and lawsuits to challenge DOGE’s legality, activity, and personnel in an attempt to prevent discovery of illicit transactions pertaining to NGO’s engaged in questionable election practices. Multiple lawsuits have been filed against DOGE by progressive or Democratic‑aligned organizations (e.g. CREW, Democracy Forward, unions, public‑interest groups) seeking to halt or constrain DOGE’s operations, arguing violations of the Federal Advisory Committee Act and other transparency and ethics laws. Public commentary from outlets like the New York Post characterizes this strategy as Democrats “fighting DOGE with lawsuits” after losing elections, explicitly framing it as a legal offensive to block DOGE’s access to government systems and data.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Chronological source list in support of coordinated, unusually intense Democratic oversight of DOGE‑linked employees in 2025.
- Associated Press, “Treasury watchdog begins audit of DOGE team’s access to US payment systems,” describing how Democratic senators urged an audit of DOGE’s access to sensitive Treasury systems and potential security/legal risks. [apnews]
- GovExec, “Top oversight Dem files resolution to demand answers from DOGE,” describing Rep. Melanie Stansbury’s resolution of inquiry seeking DOGE‑related documents and noting that Democrats in both chambers had sent “dozens of letters” to agencies about DOGE access to sensitive data. [govexec](
- NPR, “Democrats demand NLRB respond to whistleblower report…,” covering a letter signed by more than 50 Democrats to NLRB leadership about a whistleblower disclosure that DOGE may have taken sensitive labor data, and demanding explanations and remedial steps. [npr]
- ProPublica, “Senators Ask DOJ to Probe Potential DOGE Conflicts of Interest at …,” and the underlying Warren–Wyden–Reed letter to DOJ, OGE, and multiple IGs requesting investigations into whether DOGE aides violated criminal conflict‑of‑interest laws while working across agencies. [propublica(
OSC Legislative Investigation Subjected to Three Simultaneous Dane County Lawsuits (WI)
[Established Fact - Three suits filed] The Wisconsin Legislature's Office of the Special Counsel (OSC) under Special Counsel Michael Gableman faced three separate, simultaneous lawsuits filed against it in Dane County Circuit Court - a Democratic-leaning jurisdiction. These actions forced the OSC to expend significant investigative resources in defensive litigation rather than investigation. The OSC noted in its report that "the constitutional duty of the Legislature is still imperiled in the state courts." Whether these suits were legally frivolous, whether they were coordinated with state officials resisting subpoenas, and whether any judicial officer exhibited partiality in their management is an open investigative question. JM.l-11 OSC Legislative Investigation Subjected to Three Simultaneous Dane Reasonable Inference [Reasonable Inference - Resource drain on investigative function was the practical effect] The Wisconsin Legislature's Office of the Special Counsel (OSC) under Special Counsel Michael Gableman faced three separate, simultaneous lawsuits filed against it in Dane County Circuit Court - a Democratic-leaning jurisdiction. These actions forced the OSC to expend significant investigative Wisconsin, United States County Lawsuits - Judicial Resources as Obstruction Tool (WI) resources in defensive litigation rather than investigation. The OSC noted in its report that "the constitutional duty of the Legislature is still imperiled in the state courts." Whether these suits were legally frivolous, whether they were coordinated with state officials resisting subpoenas, and whether any judicial officer exhibited partiality in their management is an open investigative question.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Democracy Forward Press Release — Democracy Forward; see also RE Microsoft Kole House Data Elements and Sample Files.msg (series), available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Vnw7BA7JfthGG91CISTEmdLMI2nfKrad/view
- WI Court of Appeals Decision — Wisconsin Courts
- American Oversight Third Lawsuit — American Oversight
- American Oversight v. OSC Complaint (Case 2022CV001583)
- Wisconsin Court of Appeals Decision on OSC Contempt — WI Courts
- Wisconsin Special Counsel Michael Gableman GOES OFF on Partisan Judge — The Gateway Pundit
OSC Legislative Investigation Subjected to Three Simultaneous Dane County Lawsuits - Judicial Resources as Obstruction Tool (WI)
Prolific Use of Standing Dismissals, Rule 11 Sanctions Threats, and Attorney Discipline to Deter Election Integrity Litigation (MI)
[Established Fact - As to procedural dismissal rates, Clare Locke letters, anti-analysis clause, and Bailey dismissal basis] The Michigan source record, corroborated by the national elections litigation analysis in the project files, establishes that the characterization of all Michigan post-2020 election cases as having been dismissed "for lack of evidence" is factually inaccurate. Of the cases analyzed nationally, 31% were dismissed on procedural standing grounds, not on the merits. More than 30 cease-and-desist letters from Clare Locke LLP on behalf of Dominion Voting Systems were sent to Michigan citizens publicly raising election integrity concerns - targeting individuals rather than media organizations. The Dominion software license contract (#071B7700117) contained an anti-analysis clause used to resist forensic examination in litigation. Attorneys who filed election integrity cases in Michigan, including Matthew DePerno in Bailey v. Antrim County, were threatened with disbarment. Most significantly, in Bailey v. Antrim County, Judge Kevin Elsenheimer was compelled to dismiss the case not because he found no irregularities, but because all requested remedies had been satisfied - a dispositive distinction from a merits finding. Judge Elsenheimer expressly stated on the record that dismissal was not based on a finding that there were no election issues. The systematic use of financial litigation threats (sanctions, cease-and-desist letters, attorney discipline referrals) as instruments to prevent merits adjudication of election integrity claims represents a pattern of judicially adjacent financial coercion that, if coordinated with state officials, implicates 18 U.S.C. § 1512 (obstruction of judicial proceedings) and potentially 42 U.S.C. § 1983 (deprivation of rights under color of law).
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Bailey v. Antrim County Court of Appeals Opinion — Michigan Court of Appeals
- AG Nessel SOS Benson Statements on Bailey v Antrim Opinion — Michigan AG
- Five Courts Have Concluded That MI SoS Jocelyn Benson Conducts Unlawful Elections — LetsFixStuff.org
Coordinated Use of Standing Dismissals, Rule 11 Sanctions Threats, and Attorney Discipline to Deter Election Integrity Litigation (MI)
Multiple attorneys who filed election integrity challenges in Michigan faced concurrent financial and professional consequences initiated or recommended by federal and state officials. In August 2021, U.S. District Judge Linda V. Parker sanctioned Sidney Powell, Lin Wood, Stefanie Lambert, and six other attorneys for the King v. Whitmer challenge, ordering monetary payment of Michigan's and Detroit's defense costs, mandatory election-law continuing education, and referring all nine attorneys to the Michigan Attorney Grievance Commission and their respective state bar associations for investigation into potential suspension or disbarment — characterizing the lawsuit as "a historic and profound abuse of the judicial process." The Sixth Circuit upheld the monetary and disciplinary sanctions in June 2023; the United States Supreme Court denied certiorari in February 2024. Lambert separately faced disqualification from federal litigation, criminal charges in Michigan carrying up to fifteen years' imprisonment for her alleged role in a post-election voting machine examination, and an independent ethics complaint filed by Lawyers Defending American Democracy with the Michigan Attorney Grievance Commission. Matthew DePerno, who represented William Bailey in Bailey v. Antrim County and received a Clare Locke cease-and-desist letter from Dominion in December 2020, faces a pending AGC misconduct complaint and unresolved felony charges for alleged voting machine tampering; he characterizes both proceedings as "political persecutions." The AGC complaint against Powell and eight co-counsel was initiated on the request of Governor Whitmer, Secretary of State Benson, and Attorney General Nessel — a fact noted by defense attorney Hagerstrom, who stated: "It seems that (Democrats) want to keep us alive for some reason. Maybe it helps them politically." Whether this pattern of concurrent sanctions, criminal charges, bar referrals, and civil litigation threats constitutes coordinated deterrence of merits adjudication remains disputed and has not been adjudicated.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Bridge Michigan, Michigan Commission Finds 'Misconduct' by Pro-Trump Attorneys in 2020 Lawsuit (May 15, 2025)
- Bridge Michigan, Michigan Attorney Booted from 2020 Election Lawsuit over 'Egregious' Misconduct (Aug. 14, 2024)
- Michigan Attorney General Press Release, SCOTUS Denies Request by Attorneys Sanctioned for Meritless Election Lawsuits (Feb. 20, 2024)
Lawfare Waged Against Mike Lindell (US)
Mike Lindell, CEO of MyPillow and one of the most prominent public voices asserting that the 2020 presidential election was stolen, became the target of one of the most sustained multi-front legal, financial, and corporate pressure campaigns waged against any private citizen in post-election American history. From defamation suits worth billions, to FBI phone seizures, to retail boycotts and social media deplatforming, the totality of actions against Lindell constitutes what he — and many of his supporters — have characterized as coordinated "lawfare."
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Lawfare Waged Against Patrick Byrne (US)
Patrick Byrne — the multimillionaire founder and former CEO of Overstock.com — became one of the most heavily targeted private citizens in the post-2020 election legal and political landscape. A central figure in the effort to challenge the 2020 election results, Byrne participated in the now- infamous December 18, 2020 Oval Office meeting alongside Sidney Powell, Michael Flynn, and Rudy Giuliani, where attendees pressed President Trump to appoint Powell as a special counsel and seize voting machines. From that moment forward, Byrne faced a cascading series of lawsuits, congressional subpoenas, legal fee crises, and personal safety concerns that ultimately drove him to flee the United States entirely.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Dominion Sues Newsmax, OANN And Ex-Overstock CEO Byrne In New Defamation Suits" (August 10, 2021)
- Hunter Biden sues former Overstock.com CEO" (November 7, 2023)
- "Former Overstock CEO testifies to Jan. 6 committee for nearly 8 hours" (July 15, 2022)
- "In the Documents: Patrick Byrne's Continued Involvement in Election-Denying Efforts" (October 6, 2022)
Lawfare Waged Against President Trump (US)
No person in American history has faced a more comprehensive, simultaneous array of criminal indictments, civil suits, congressional proceedings, and institutional actions than Donald Trump in the years following the 2020 election. Trump and his supporters have consistently characterized these legal actions as coordinated political warfare — "lawfare" — deployed by opponents who failed to defeat him electorally. Critics counter that the actions represent legitimate legal accountability. The documented record is vast and unprecedented in scale.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Trump impeached for 'inciting' US Capitol riot in historic second charge" (January 13, 2021)
- "Jack Smith (U.S. Department of Justice special counsel)"
- "Georgia v. Trump"
- "Trump gets unconditional discharge sentence for felony case" (January 10, 2025)
- "Trump ordered to pay over $355M for fraudulent business practices in New York" (February 15, 2024)
- "Appeals Court Upholds Carroll's $83 Million Judgment Against Trump" (September 8, 2025)
- "Jack Smith (U.S. Department of Justice special counsel)"
Lawfare Waged Against True the Vote (US)
True the Vote (TTV) — the Texas-based nonprofit led by founder Catherine Engelbrecht and longtime board member/contractor Gregg Phillips — became one of the most aggressively targeted election integrity organizations in the wake of the 2020 election. The organization, whose research underpinned the controversial 2000 Mules documentary, faced federal contempt proceedings, criminal referrals, multi-million-dollar defamation lawsuits, IRS complaints, donor clawback litigation, state attorney general investigations, and coordinated watchdog attacks — simultaneously across multiple jurisdictions. A-5Information Control Information Control
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- "True the Vote leaders jailed by federal judge for contempt of court" (October 30, 2022)
- "Los Angeles County DA drops charges against CEO of Konnech" (November 10, 2022)
- "Georgia 2000 Mules Voter Intimidation Lawsuit"
- "Fredric N. Eshelman v. True the Vote, Inc., Catherine Engelbrecht, et al." (November 2, 2022)
- "Complaint: True the Vote Leaders Used Donations for Personal Gain" (June 5, 2023)
- "Judge pressures True the Vote to support its claims with evidence" (November 6, 2022)
📵 Information Control 79
Media Enforcement of the "Baseless Claims" Narrative to Suppress Audit Findings (AZ)
The Arizona State Senate exercised its legislative constitutional authority when it issued subpoenas to the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors in December 2020 and March 2021, compelling production of ballots, tabulation equipment, voter rolls, and election data for independent review. A Maricopa County Superior Court judge subsequently confirmed in July 2021 that "the audit is clearly an official activity, an 'important' public function" conducted by the Senate "pursuant to the Arizona Constitution," and that the Senate had declared the audit "the exercise of its legislative constitutional powers" with "an important and valid legislative purpose to evaluate whether reforms or changes are needed in the voting laws and voting procedures for the State of Arizona." Before the audit's findings were released, Arizona Secretary of State Katie Hobbs — who was simultaneously a declared candidate for governor in the 2022 race — published a prebuttal on August 19, 2021, more than five weeks before the Cyber Ninjas report was presented to the Senate on September 24, 2021. The prebuttal concluded that "security lapses, issues surrounding the chain of custody of both ballots and tabulation equipment, and evidentiary integrity problems throughout the entire exercise" rendered the review "meritless," and that "any 'findings' or 'conclusions' reported from the Senate's review . . . are unreliable." Hobbs issued this conclusion before the audit report existed in final form, and while serving in her official capacity as the state's chief election officer — the same office whose administration of the 2020 election was the subject of the review.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- American Oversight v. Fann, No. CV 2021-008265, slip op. at 3–4 (Maricopa Cty. Super. Ct. July 14, 2021) ("The Arizona Senate issued legislative subpoenas to the Maricopa Board of Supervisors requesting custody of tabulation equipment, software, ballots, and other election data. The Senate declared that the audit is the exercise of its legislative constitutional powers and has an important and valid legislative purpose to evaluate whether reforms or changes are needed in the voting laws and voting procedures for the State of Arizona."; "The audit is clearly an official activity, an 'important' public function."), available at
- See CNN, Arizona's Sham 'Audit' Report Due to GOP-Led Senate on Monday (Aug. 22, 2021)
- Arizona Senate presentation of Cyber Ninjas final report, Sept. 24, 2021 (report released to Senate and public); see Campaign Legal Center, Common Questions and Answers About the 2020 Election Results
Temporal Contradiction Between "No Fraud" Media Narrative and Simultaneous Active Investigations (GA)
On December 22, 2020, the Georgia Secretary of State's office issued a press release announcing that Secretary Raffensperger was "coordinating a whole of government effort to combat illegal voting in Georgia" in conjunction with the Governor's office and the Georgia Bureau of Investigation, and that the office had "already launched over 250 investigations into credible elections concerns this year." Fifteen days later, on January 6, 2021 — as Congress was convening to certify Georgia's electoral votes — Raffensperger transmitted a ten-page letter to Georgia's congressional delegation and Vice President Pence concluding that "there is nowhere close to sufficient evidence to put in doubt the results of the presidential contest in Georgia." The letter itself acknowledged that ongoing investigations continued and that "there will end up being a small amount of illegal votes," but characterized them as insufficient to affect the outcome. Raffensperger's letter did not reference the findings of the Georgia Senate Judiciary Subcommittee, which had transmitted a report to his office on December 17, 2020 — five days before the December 22 press release — finding that the election "was so compromised by systemic irregularities and voter fraud that it should not be certified"; when Senator Ligon, the subcommittee chair, was asked what Raffensperger did with those findings, he stated: "He did nothing."
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Georgia Secretary of State Press Release (Dec. 22, 2020), quoted in Amicus Brief of Georgia Election Integrity Groups at 9, Moore v. Harper, No. 23-1172 (U.S. May 31, 2024), available at
- Letter from Brad Raffensperger, Georgia Secretary of State, to Georgia Congressional Delegation and Vice President Pence (Jan. 6, 2021) ("There is nowhere close to sufficient evidence to put in doubt the results of the presidential contest in Georgia"), reported in Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Georgia Elections Chief Refutes Election Claims in Letter to Congress (Jan. 7, 2021)
- VoterGA, Refutation of Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger's False Election Claims at 1–2 (Feb. 8, 2022)
Michigan SOS "Fact-Check" Page (MI)
[Established Fact - Page existed] The Michigan Secretary of State's office established and maintained a public-facing "SOS Fact-Check" web page during and after the 2020 election, which was used to label specific citizen affidavits, audit claims, and investigative findings as "misinformation" or "debunked." The page utilized state government resources and the official authority of the Secretary of State to suppress protected political speech and documentary evidence by characterizing it as misinformation without adversarial process, sworn testimony, or evidentiary hearing. The practical effect was that media outlets, including those that coordinated with state officials, could cite the SOS Fact-Check page as official government confirmation when dismissing fraud allegations - creating a circular reinforcement loop between government narrative management and media reporting. Whether coordination between the SOS office and private media entities in maintaining this page violated First Amendment state-action doctrine or 18 U.S.C. §242 requires further investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Election Fact Center — Michigan SOS
- Audits of the November 3, 2020 General Election — Michigan Bureau of Elections
- Secretary of State Provides Fact Checks Website — League of Women Voters Michigan
Michigan SOS "Fact-Check" Page – Media Coordination (MI)
[Disputed Fact - Coordination with media] The Michigan Secretary of State's office established and maintained a public-facing "SOS Fact-Check" web page during and after the 2020 election, which was used to label specific citizen affidavits, audit claims, and investigative findings as "misinformation" or "debunked." The page utilized state government resources and the official authority of the Secretary of State to suppress protected political speech and documentary evidence by characterizing it as misinformation without adversarial process, sworn testimony, or evidentiary hearing. The practical effect was that media outlets, including those that coordinated with state officials, could cite the SOS Fact-Check page as official government confirmation when dismissing fraud allegations - creating a circular reinforcement loop between government narrative management and media reporting. Whether coordination between the SOS office and private media entities in maintaining this page violated First Amendment state-action doctrine or 18 U.S.C. §242 requires further investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Election Fact Center — Michigan SOS
- Inform yourself on Michigan elections — Michigan SOS
- FACT CHECK: Videos circulating online... — Michigan SOS Facebook
Michigan SOS "Fact-Check" Page – Valid Election Fraud Claims Labeled as Misinformation (MI)
[Disputed Fact - Legal characterization] The Michigan Secretary of State's office established and maintained a public-facing "SOS Fact-Check" web page during and after the 2020 election, which was used to label specific citizen affidavits, audit claims, and investigative findings as "misinformation" or "debunked." The page utilized state government resources and the official authority of the Secretary of State to suppress protected political speech and documentary evidence by characterizing it as misinformation without adversarial process, sworn testimony, or evidentiary hearing. The practical effect was that media outlets, including those that coordinated with state officials, could cite the SOS Fact-Check page as official government confirmation when dismissing fraud allegations - creating a circular reinforcement loop between government narrative management and media reporting. Whether coordination between the SOS office and private media entities in maintaining this page violated First Amendment state-action doctrine or 18 U.S.C. §242 requires further investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Misinformation campaign concerning Antrim County expected to continue — Michigan Department of State
- Audits of the November 3, 2020 General Election — Michigan Bureau of Elections
- Secretary of State Provides "Fact Checks" Website to Counter Misinformation About November Election — League of Women Voters Michigan
CISA "Most Secure Election" Declaration - Classified Vulnerabilities Concealed from Media and Congress (US)
CISA Director Christopher Krebs issued a joint statement on November 13, 2020, declaring the 2020 election "the most secure in American history." This statement was treated by every major media outlet as definitive government confirmation of election security. However, CISA's own classified TLP- AMBER Election Infrastructure Cyber Risk Assessment for the 12 months preceding Election Day documented 319 critical-severity vulnerabilities and 1,820 high-severity vulnerabilities, with approximately 47% of election infrastructure entities experiencing active exploitation. The "most secure election" declaration was thus not merely arguable; it was contradicted by CISA's own classified record. Media organizations that relied on this declaration as authoritative - and used it to dismiss election integrity objections as "debunked" - were dependent on a public statement that the issuing agency knew was inconsistent with its own classified risk assessment.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Only Case Allowing Substantive Forensic Discovery Dismissed On Procedural Not Evidentiary Basis (MI)
Bailey v. Antrim County is the most analytically significant Michigan case for this investigation. Judge Kevin Elsenheimer granted a preliminary injunction authorizing forensic examination of Antrim County's tabulating machines, thumb drives, and memory cards - the only such order in Michigan. The case was ultimately dismissed when the court found all requested remedies had been satisfied. Critically, Judge Elsenheimer expressly stated on the record that dismissal was not based on a finding that there were no issues with the elections. The characterization of this case in public discourse as a dismissal "for lack of evidence" is, therefore, directly contradicted by the judge's own words.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Lawsuit Dismissed Despite Court-Acknowledged Irregularities in Bailey v. Antrim County (MI)
Each successive dismissal of Bailey v. Antrim County was publicly characterized by Michigan's Secretary of State and Attorney General as an affirmative factual clearance of the 2020 election results — a characterization the underlying judicial record does not support. Upon the trial court's May 18, 2021 dismissal, Secretary of State Benson stated that the ruling "affirms that despite intense scrutiny, and an unprecedented misinformation campaign, the 2020 election was fair and secure, and the results accurately reflect the will of the voters," characterizing the case as "the last of the lawsuits attempting to undermine democracy in furtherance of the Big Lie." Attorney General Nessel simultaneously declared the ruling "should be the nail in the coffin for any remaining conspiracy theories surrounding the outcome of the Nov. 3 general election." These statements were issued on the same day that Judge Elsenheimer — in the oral opinion those statements purported to characterize — had expressly stated he was "not saying that there were no problems in the way that Antrim County conducted its November 2020 elections," that the motion was "not a test of the facts," and that he lacked "the facts to make that determination" as to whether the election data had been corrupted. The pattern was repeated at each subsequent appellate stage. Upon the Michigan Court of Appeals' April 2022 affirmance — which reversed the trial court's mootness rationale and ruled instead on pleading sufficiency — Benson stated the ruling "once again affirms not only the integrity and accuracy of the 2020 election results, but that those claiming otherwise will not be able to use our legal system as a vehicle for furthering their misinformation and conspiracy theories." Upon the Michigan Supreme Court's December 2022 denial of leave, Nessel characterized the order as "the final word in this case on the legitimacy and accuracy of our elections," stating that "not a single member of the Court believed the claims made by the Plaintiff or his counsel were worthy of consideration." The Michigan Supreme Court's order did not address the merits of the underlying factual claims; it declined review on the ground that the court was "not persuaded that the questions presented should be reviewed." Media coverage amplified the same characterization. The Detroit Free Press headlined its coverage of the May 2021 dismissal "Judge dismisses Antrim County election fraud lawsuit" and reported there was "no evidence of widespread fraud in the Nov. 3 election," without noting Elsenheimer's explicit on-the-record statement that the ruling was not a factual finding. Bridge Michigan similarly reported the dismissal as "yet another blow to ongoing conspiracies," quoting only the "no reason to do it twice" language while omitting Elsenheimer's concurrent statements that he was not ruling on the facts and could not determine whether the election data had been corrupted.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- William Bailey v County of Antrim (Michigan Court of Appeals Opinion) — Michigan Court of Appeals
- Bailey v Antrim County Oral Decision Transcript
- Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson, quoted in Michigan AG/SOS Joint Press Release, AG Nessel, SOS Benson Statements on Opinion in Bailey v. Antrim County (Apr. 21, 2022)
- Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel, quoted in The Ticker, Michigan Supreme Court Rejects Antrim County Election Case (Dec. 9, 2022)
- Detroit Free Press, Judge Dismisses Antrim County Election Fraud Lawsuit (May 18, 2021)
State-Sponsored Surveillance and Reporting of Private Citizen's Political Facebook Post by Arizona SOS Under Katie Hobbs (AZ)
The Arizona Secretary of State's Office, under then-Secretary of State Katie Hobbs, utilized official government resources and personnel to monitor, identify, and report a private citizen's Facebook post. The post in question claimed the sitting President of the United States had won Arizona - a disputed but at that time contested political assertion. The state official submitted the report to the CIS "misinformation" tipline ([email protected]), which simultaneously forwarded the request to CISA, the EIP Jira ticketing system, and Facebook for content removal. This sequence documents a complete chain of government-initiated censorship: a state official, acting under color of state law, deployed official resources to identify and report protected political speech, triggering a multi-agency federal and private censorship response targeting a private citizen's personal social media account. The government's action was not predicated on any factual finding that the post was false - it was predicated on the post's political content, which contradicted the official narrative regarding the election outcome that was, at the time of the post, still a matter of active legal dispute.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- CIS [email protected] tipline submissions forwarded to CISA, EIP Jira, and Facebook. Jira Ticket Dataset — Weaponization Committee
- AZ SOS office (Katie Hobbs) government resources used to monitor and report private citizen Facebook post
- First Amendment implications — state official acting under color of law to trigger multi-agency federal and private censorship response to political speech predating any factual falsity finding. Source: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.
Secretary Raffensperger's False Representations to Congress - Affirmative Disinformation Campaign by State Official to Foreclose Federal Scrutiny (GA)
[Disputed Fact - As to willful intent - requires further investigation] Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger transmitted a ten-page letter to the United States Congress on January 6, 2021, in which he represented, in substance, that "no fraud or irregularities occurred at all" in Georgia's 2020 election. This representation: (1) was made with knowledge that the Georgia Secretary of State's own office had 250 open election investigations as of December 22, 2020 - a fact publicly announced two weeks earlier in a press release - creating a facially irreconcilable contradiction; (2) omitted any reference to the Georgia Senate Subcommittee on Elections report, chaired by Senator William Ligon, which had concluded the election "should not be certified" due to systemic irregularities; (3) referenced an audit by ProV&V that, per a FOIA response obtained by researcher Kevin Moncla, ProV&V did not conduct until July 15, 2021 - seven months after the election. Federal Judge Amy Totenberg had previously found Raffensperger's office "not credible" and had "previously minimized, erased, or dodged" issues in Curling v. Raffensperger (2019). The January 6, 2021 letter, transmitted to Congress in the course of a federal constitutional proceeding (joint session of Congress for Electoral College certification), is a document in a matter within the jurisdiction of the federal legislative branch, implicating 18 U.S.C. § 1001(a)(1). VoterGA researchers identified 42 specific false statements in the document.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Letter from Brad Raffensperger, Georgia Secretary of State, to Georgia Congressional Delegation and Vice President Pence (Jan. 6, 2021) ("There is nowhere close to sufficient evidence to put in doubt the result of the presidential contest in Georgia"; "Law enforcement officers with my office and the Georgia Bureau of Investigation have been diligently investigating all claims of fraud or irregularities and continue to investigate"), quoted and summarized in Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Georgia Elections Chief Refutes Election Claims in Letter to Congress (Jan. 7, 2021)
- Raffensperger letter (Jan. 6, 2021), quoted in VoterGA, Refutation of Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger's False Election Claims at 6–7 (Feb. 8, 2022)
- GA Senate Judiciary Subcommittee Chairman's Report, Dec. 3, 2020
DHS February 7, 2022, Terrorism Advisory System Bulletin - Classifying Election Fraud Allegations as a "Terrorism Threat Driver," (US)
[Established Fact - As to existence and content of bulletin] The Department of Homeland Security issued a National Terrorism Advisory System (NTAS) Bulletin on February 7, 2022, that explicitly classified "false or misleading narratives" regarding "unsubstantiated widespread election fraud" as a primary threat driver for domestic terrorism. The bulletin was documented in the Michigan investigative record specifically because of its chilling effect on Michigan citizens, election integrity researchers, and attorneys operating in the state. The constitutional implications are profound: the federal government published an official national security document categorizing constitutionally protected political speech - dispute about election integrity - as a precursor to terrorism. No specific factual predicate identified any election integrity advocate as an actual terrorism threat. The practical effect of the bulletin was to associate the entire field of election integrity advocacy with terrorism, creating an official government-issued chilling instrument targeting disfavored political speech. The statutory authority for DHS to issue domestic political speech advisories under the NTAS framework - which was created to warn of imminent foreign or domestic attack threats, not to categorize political viewpoints as threat precursors - is absent. The bulletin's use of NTAS infrastructure for political speech control may constitute an abuse of official authority, and the internal communications that produced it should be examined for political motivation.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
DHS February 7, 2022, Terrorism Advisory System Bulletin - Classifying Election Fraud Allegations as a "Terrorism Threat Driver," Chilling Protected Political Speech Nationally (US)
[Reasonable Inference - As to unconstitutional chilling effect and absence of statutory authority] The Department of Homeland Security issued a National Terrorism Advisory System (NTAS) Bulletin on February 7, 2022, that explicitly classified "false or misleading narratives" regarding "unsubstantiated widespread election fraud" as a primary threat driver for domestic terrorism. The bulletin was documented in the Michigan investigative record specifically because of its chilling effect on Michigan citizens, election integrity researchers, and attorneys operating in the state. The constitutional implications are profound: the federal government published an official national security document categorizing constitutionally protected political speech - dispute about election integrity - as a precursor to terrorism. No specific factual predicate identified any election integrity advocate as an actual terrorism threat. The practical effect of the bulletin was to associate the entire field of election integrity advocacy with terrorism, creating an official government-issued chilling instrument targeting disfavored political speech. The statutory authority for DHS to issue domestic political speech advisories under the NTAS framework - which was created to warn of imminent foreign or domestic attack threats, not to categorize political viewpoints as threat precursors - is absent. The bulletin's use of NTAS infrastructure for political speech control may constitute an abuse of official authority, and the internal communications that produced it should be examined for political motivation.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- National Terrorism Advisory System Bulletin - February 07, 2022 — DHS
- Letter to Secretary Mayorkas — Sen. Marsha Blackburn
WEC Administrator Meagan Wolfe Made Three Documented False Statements to the Wisconsin Legislature Regarding CTCL Grants, Database Access, and API Existence (WI)
WEC Administrator Meagan Wolfe made the following specific statements to the Wisconsin State Assembly Committee on Campaigns and Elections, each of which was subsequently documented by the OSC to be contradicted by primary evidence: (1) she stated she did not know about CTCL grants to the Zuckerberg 5 cities - contradicted by grant agreement documents bearing WEC involvement; (2) she stated Wisconsin cities did not have access to statewide WisVote or BadgerBooks data - contradicted by city-provided records and city officials' direct admissions of API access; (3) she stated no Application Programming Interface existed into the WisVote or BadgerBooks system - contradicted by the OSC's forensic discovery of the ballot-tracking application operating via live API connection into WisVote. False statements to a legislative committee by a government official are actionable under Wis. Stat. § 946.31 (perjury before legislative body) if made under oath, and under Wis. Stat. § 946.12(2) (misconduct in public office) if made in an official proceeding. The WisVote API finding is particularly significant: Wolfe's denial of the API's existence was directly aimed at preventing the legislature from understanding the mechanism by which private entities had obtained real-time access to statewide voter data for targeted ballot-harvesting operations.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- OSC Second Interim Report — WisPolitics
CISA Created the Election Integrity Partnership to Circumvent the First Amendment - Explicit Government Acknowledgment of Constitutional Evasion (US)
The most constitutionally significant documented fact in this investigation is CISA's own internal acknowledgment that no government agency possessed "the explicit mandate to monitor and correct election mis- and disinformation," and that the EIP was created to fill this acknowledged "critical gap" in government legal authority. This language - documented in internal CISA communications obtained by congressional subpoena and confirmed in CISA Director Krebs' congressional testimony - is a government agency's confession that it knowingly operated a censorship system designed to perform functions the First Amendment prohibited it from performing directly. The mechanism - routing government-initiated suppression requests through academic intermediaries to convert them into "platform terms-of-service violations" rather than government censorship orders - is precisely the "laundering" of government censorship that Bantam Books, Inc. v. Sullivan, 372 U.S. 58, 67 (1963), held to violate the First Amendment even when the government's requests are informal. The EIP was used to target entire "narratives" - viewpoints - not specific false factual claims. It targeted speech from the sitting President, from congressional candidates, from sitting Senators, from whistleblowers, and from private citizens. The DNC participated and the RNC did not. CISA scrubbed its website of references to its domestic censorship activities in 2023 after congressional oversight began - a form of evidence destruction.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Ticket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- The Long Fuse: Misinformation and the 2020 Election — Election Integrity Partnership
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP, A Statement from the Election Integrity Partnership (Oct. 5, 2022)
- "The Democratic National Committee ended up sending four reports to the EIP."; EIP Jira Ticket Report, at 38 (citing House Judiciary Committee, Transcribed Interview of Alex Stamos (June 23, 2023), at 8) ("While the EIP invited both the DNC and RNC, the RNC declined to respond. . .. The DNC not only accepted the invitation, but also submitted Jira tickets.")
- EIP Statement, supra note 1 (describing the four DNC submissions: (1) a voting-by-mail claim that "received little traction and was closed without action"; (2) a Facebook political ad making "false claims about vote-by-mail fraud in an attempt to raise money," which had already been disabled by Facebook and was referred to Facebook as such; (3) a list of "spammy content farms" most of which fell "outside the tight scope of the EIP" with no platform referrals made; and (4) a report that led EIP to discover "two linked Facebook pages attempting to mislead American voters using Facebook Ads," one of which incorrectly claimed completed ballots had been thrown out — Facebook suspended that ad upon EIP notification).
Secretary Benson False Public Statement Regarding Window Obstruction at TCF (MI)
[Established Fact - Statement made; inside placement of cardboard confirmed] Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson publicly stated on radio that the window obstruction at the TCF Center was done by police because challengers were "breaking the windows." This statement was demonstrably false: the pizza boxes and cardboard were placed on the inside of the windows by workers and Democrat-aligned operatives. Benson's false public statement was made in her official capacity as the state's chief election officer. If made knowingly, it constitutes a false official statement in a matter affecting the public interest and potentially 18 U.S.C. § 1001 if federal election oversight was implicated.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Secretary Benson Knowingly False Public Statement Regarding Window Obstruction at TCF (MI)
[Disputed Fact - As to whether knowingly false] Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson publicly stated on radio that the window obstruction at the TCF Center was done by police because challengers were "breaking the windows." This statement was demonstrably false: the pizza boxes and cardboard were placed on the inside of the windows by workers and Democrat-aligned operatives. Benson's false public statement was made in her official capacity as the state's chief election officer. If made knowingly, it constitutes a false official statement in a matter affecting the public interest and potentially 18 U.S.C. § 1001 if federal election oversight was implicated.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dominion CEO Makes False Statements (MI)
On December 15, 2020, Dominion Voting Systems CEO John Poulos testified under oath before the Michigan Senate Oversight Committee, delivering 15 alleged counts of perjury under MCL 750.423. The complaint alleges Poulos falsely stated that: ballots were never transmitted remotely; systems were not internet-connected (repeated five times); vote manipulation was impossible; all systems were EAC-certified; logic and accuracy testing was universally conducted; Antrim County had no modems; source code remained unchanged; no vote flipping occurred; Ranked Choice Voting was not used in Michigan (stated twice); and employees underwent extensive background checks — despite Serbian labor law prohibiting them. Each statement was made in prepared remarks with legal counsel present, establishing willful, premeditated intent under Michigan law.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
MI Bureau of Elections Director Confirms VPN Connections (MI)
The Michigan SOS "no internet" assertions in the wake of the 2020 election mirrored — nearly word for word — the same claims made by Dominion CEO John Poulos in his December 15, 2020 sworn testimony before the Michigan Senate. MI Bureau of Elections Director Jonathan Brater admitted during his testimony against Attorney Sidney Powell during a that there were active VPN connections during the 2020 election at the TCF Center (i.e. remote access via internet connections).
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
Dominion Executive Makes False Statements (US)
In 2022, Dr. Coomer’s testimony was characterized by categorical denials of remote access and internet connectivity. By 2026, he admitted to the existence of Virtual Private Network (VPN) configurations, Remote Access Servers (RAS), and secure FTP infrastructure used to transmit live tally data. Furthermore, while Dr. Coomer identified as a "Chief Software Architect" in 2022, he explicitly denied writing code or designing systems in 2026. These discrepancies represent a material departure from the narrative provided to the grand jury investigating election interference.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Media Suppression of Ligon Senate Subcommittee Non-Certification Finding (GA)
[Established Fact - Report issued; media coverage pattern] The Georgia Senate Subcommittee on Elections, chaired by Senator William Ligon, issued a formal report on December 17, 2020 - three weeks before the joint session of Congress - concluding that the election was "so compromised by systemic irregularities and voter fraud that it should not be certified." This was a formal legislative finding by the constitutional body with oversight authority over Georgia elections. Major media outlets gave this finding minimal coverage; the prevailing media narrative characterized the election as settled, certified, and beyond challenge. The absence of sustained media coverage of the Ligon report meant that Congress, when acting on January 6, 2021, did so in an information environment from which this official legislative finding had been effectively excluded by omission.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- GA Senate Judiciary Subcommittee Chairman's Report, Dec. 3, 2020
- The principal December 2020 news coverage of the report's conclusions appeared in the Tennessee Star — a conservative regional outlet cited by Clark in his own December 28 email. See Clark email, supra note 3 (citing Debra Heine, Georgia State Senate Report: Election Results Are 'Untrustworthy;' Certification Should Be Rescinded, Tennessee Star (Dec. 22, 2020)). No contemporaneous coverage of the Ligon report appears in the Associated Press, New York Times, Washington Post, or major broadcast network archives for December 2020.
- Chairman’s Report of the Election Law Study Subcommittee of the Standing Senate Judiciary Committee — US Supreme Court Filing
Congressional Awareness Suppressed by Media Suppression of Ligon Senate Subcommittee Non-Certification Finding (GA)
[Reasonable Inference - Causal effect on congressional awareness] The Georgia Senate Subcommittee on Elections, chaired by Senator William Ligon, issued a formal report on December 17, 2020 - three weeks before the joint session of Congress - concluding that the election was "so compromised by systemic irregularities and voter fraud that it should not be certified." This was a formal legislative finding by the constitutional body with oversight authority over Georgia elections. Major media outlets gave this finding minimal coverage; the prevailing media narrative characterized the election as settled, certified, and beyond challenge. The absence of sustained media coverage of the Ligon report meant that Congress, when acting on January 6, 2021, did so in an information environment from which this official legislative finding had been effectively excluded by omission.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- GA Senate Judiciary Subcommittee Chairman's Report, Dec. 3, 2020
- The principal December 2020 news coverage of the report's conclusions appeared in the Tennessee Star — a conservative regional outlet cited by Clark in his own December 28 email. See Clark email, supra note 3 (citing Debra Heine, Georgia State Senate Report: Election Results Are 'Untrustworthy;' Certification Should Be Rescinded, Tennessee Star (Dec. 22, 2020)). No contemporaneous coverage of the Ligon report appears in the Associated Press, New York Times, Washington Post, or major broadcast network archives for December 2020.
- Chairman’s Report of the Election Law Study Subcommittee of the Standing Senate Judiciary Committee — US Supreme Court Filing
Washington Post Reporter Pressured Amazon to Override Alexa Results Responses (PA)
A Washington Post reporter directly pressured Amazon to alter its Alexa voice assistant programming after the AI accurately cited unvetted sources stating the 2020 election was "stolen" and "Trump won Pennsylvania." Amazon subsequently modified Alexa's response to align with the media consensus narrative. This incident demonstrates direct, documented media intervention to enforce the "secure election" narrative by pressuring a major technology company into overriding its own data-driven outputs post-certification. The request was not made through any legal process, elections authority, or statutory framework - it was an informal editorial pressure campaign by a private journalist that resulted in a permanent alteration of the information environment on a platform used by tens of millions of Americans. Whether this constitutes a coordinated effort to suppress lawful speech, potentially implicating antitrust or civil rights frameworks, warrants investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Amazon's Alexa Declares 2020 Election Was Stolen, Says Trump Won Pennsylvania - WaPo Reporter Forces Them to Change Responses — The Gateway Pundit
- Amazon's Alexa has been claiming the 2020 election was stolen — Washington Post
- Klobuchar, Morelle Call on Amazon for Answers After Reports of Alexa Spreading Election Misinformation — U.S. Senator Amy Klobuchar
EIP Targeting of Congressional Candidate Marjorie Taylor Greene's Campaign Social Media Posts as "Delegitimization" Content (GA)
The Election Integrity Partnership, operating under its mandate to suppress "delegitimization" narratives, flagged social media posts from the campaign account of Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene - then a congressional candidate in Georgia - for censorship or labeling by social media platforms. The posts contained political objections regarding the handling of the Georgia election and disputed official characterizations of the election's integrity. These posts were classified by EIP analysts as actionable "disinformation" under the EIP's "Delegitimization of Election Results" category, which was documented by the House Judiciary Committee as the category most broadly applied to conservative and Republican political speech. The targeting of a congressional candidate's campaign speech - speech that is core political expression under Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976), and FEC v. Cruz, 142 S. Ct. 1638 (2022) - using a government-initiated and government-monitored academic intermediary raises the most serious First Amendment concerns documented in this investigation. The government may not suppress electoral speech based on its political content or its contribution to a "narrative" the government disfavors.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
Michigan Election Official Deployed CIS/EIP Pipeline to Censor Factual Reporting of Confirmed Antrim County Algorithmic Error - Including Suppression of Presidential Speech (MI)
Following a confirmed algorithmic glitch in Antrim County, Michigan, that temporarily and incorrectly assigned 6,000 votes - switching them from Republican to Democratic candidates - a Michigan state election official filed a report to the CIS censorship portal explicitly to stop "individuals... using this incident to spread misinformation." The official's own words acknowledge the goal was not to correct a factual error but to prevent the public from learning about and discussing a documented government error in election technology. CIS forwarded the report to both CISA and the EIP's Jira ticketing system. The EIP then flagged a series of URLs containing reporting on the Antrim glitch - including posts by the sitting President of the United States on his official @realDonaldTrump Twitter account - to Twitter and Facebook for censorship or labeling. The Antrim County glitch was not a fabrication or misinformation; it was a confirmed government error, documented in official Michigan records and later extensively litigated. The government's deployment of the censorship infrastructure to prevent the public from discussing a real, confirmed government failure in election administration - rather than to correct a false factual claim - is among the most constitutionally indefensible documented applications of the EIP apparatus, and may represent the clearest case of government officials acting under color of law to suppress accurate speech about their own official conduct.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
CISA Official Brian Scully Directly Contacted Facebook Regarding Erie Postal Worker Whistleblower to Justify Content Removal - Federal Agency Suppression of Sworn Witness Speech (PA)
CISA official Brian Scully communicated directly with Facebook to confirm the status of an Erie, Pennsylvania postal worker who had submitted a whistleblower affidavit alleging that mail-in ballots in his jurisdiction were being backdated and improperly handled. Scully's direct communication to Facebook regarding the postal worker - a sworn federal witness - was made to provide Facebook with information that would justify the removal or labeling of content reporting on and discussing the postal worker's testimony. This action constitutes a federal official using government resources and government relationships to suppress public discussion of a federal whistleblower's sworn account. Separately, EIP Director Alex Stamos personally emailed Reddit, Facebook, and Twitter to demand the suppression or labeling of a post by Republican official Harmeet Dhillon regarding legal observation conditions at Philadelphia polling places during ballot counting. Dhillon's post was based on the direct observations of credentialed legal observers at official government proceedings - it was, by definition, a report on a government-conducted event, not a false factual claim. The targeting of Dhillon's factual post and the Postal Worker's sworn testimony for suppression - while failing to flag or label affirmatively false official statements like those documented in Georgia - demonstrates the viewpoint-discriminatory application of the EIP apparatus to Pennsylvania-specific election speech.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- EIP Director Alex Stamos personal email to Reddit, Facebook, Twitter re: Harmeet Dhillon post about Philadelphia polling-place legal observation)
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
EIP Suppressed Factual News Reporting of Police-Investigated Ballot Dumping in Greenville, WI - Verified Fact Labeled "Misinformation" Because It Fueled Disfavored Narrative (WI)
The Election Integrity Partnership actively mitigated and labeled social media content reporting on the discovery of absentee ballots that had been found dumped in a ditch in Greenville, Wisconsin. The event was a confirmed, documented occurrence - it was investigated by local law enforcement. It was not a false claim, a fabricated story, or foreign disinformation. The EIP targeted the content not because the underlying fact was false, but because the factual reporting on a real event "fueled broader domestic 'mail-in voter fraud' narratives that the EIP deemed detrimental to election integrity." This is a categorical distinction of profound constitutional significance: the suppression of factually accurate reporting on a real, police-investigated event, on the grounds that accurate information about that event contributes to a political narrative the government disfavors, is precisely the form of viewpoint-based censorship that the First Amendment was designed to prohibit. The government may not suppress true information because it is politically inconvenient. United States v. Alvarez, 567 U.S. 709 (2012). The documented suppression of the Greenville ballot dumping reports represents the clearest concrete example of the EIP apparatus being deployed not to combat misinformation but to protect a government-preferred narrative against accurate factual challenge.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Authorities release photos of mail, including ballots, found in ditch last year — NBC26
- Trays of mail, including absentee ballots, found in a ditch in Wisconsin — Washington Examiner
- BREAKING: US Mail Found in Ditch in Rural Wisconsin -- Included Absentee Ballots — The Gateway Pundit
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- EIP Director Alex Stamos personal email to Reddit, Facebook, Twitter re: Harmeet Dhillon post about Philadelphia polling-place legal observation)
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
CISA Website Scrubbing of Domestic Censorship Activity Records Following Congressional Oversight Inquiry (US)
[Established Fact - As to the scrubbing occurring post-oversight inquiry] Following the initiation of congressional oversight proceedings and the filing of Missouri v. Biden litigation, CISA deleted references to its domestic speech-monitoring and censorship-coordination activities from its public- facing website. The specific content that was removed included references to the CFITF's domestic monitoring work and links or descriptions of CISA's coordination with the EIP and social media platforms. This deletion occurred in spring 2023, after it became apparent that the records were potentially relevant to litigation and congressional investigation. The deliberate alteration or destruction of agency records that may be material to pending investigation or litigation may constitute a violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1519 (destruction, alteration, or falsification of records in federal investigations), even if the records are web-published rather than internal files, because they constitute agency records potentially relevant to pending proceedings. The Federal Records Act (44 U.S.C. § 3101) independently requires agencies to preserve records documenting agency activities and policies.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
CISA Website Scrubbing of Domestic Censorship Activity Records Following Congressional Oversight Inquiry – Awareness of Pending Investigation (US)
[Reasonable Inference - As to § 1519 applicability, pending determination of whether CISA officials knew of pending investigation when scrubbing occurred] Following the initiation of congressional oversight proceedings and the filing of Missouri v. Biden litigation, CISA deleted references to its domestic speech-monitoring and censorship-coordination activities from its public-facing website. The specific content that was removed included references to the CFITF's domestic monitoring work and links or descriptions of CISA's coordination with the EIP and social media platforms. This deletion occurred in spring 2023, after it became apparent that the records were potentially relevant to litigation and congressional investigation. The deliberate alteration or destruction of agency records that may be material to pending investigation or litigation may constitute a violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1519 (destruction, alteration, or falsification of records in federal investigations), even if the records are web-published rather than internal files, because they constitute agency records potentially relevant to pending proceedings. The Federal Records Act (44 U.S.C. § 3101) independently requires agencies to preserve records documenting agency activities and policies.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Bishop to Mayorkas Letter — House Homeland Security Committee
- Weaponization of CISA Report, at 4–5 (citing Foundation for Freedom Online analysis documenting the page as it appeared February 12, 2023, and the redirect to a "Foreign Influence Operations and Disinformation" page as of the report date).
- Missouri v. Biden, No. 3:22-cv-01213 (W.D. La.), consent decree entered March 2026; see Press Release, Sen. Eric Schmitt, Schmitt Celebrates Historic First Amendment Victory in Landmark Missouri v. Biden Case (Mar. 2026)
State-Sponsored Suppression of Private Citizen Speech via CIS Tipline (AZ)
The Arizona Secretary of State's Office, under then-Secretary Katie Hobbs, monitored the private Facebook page of a private Arizona citizen and submitted a formal censorship request to the CIS misinformation tipline. The report was forwarded through CIS to CISA and the EIP, and then to Facebook to effectuate content removal. A state government official thus used official resources to initiate the deplatforming of a private citizen's constitutionally protected political speech about Arizona's election administration - with no notice, no hearing, and no opportunity to contest the removal.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Suppression of Audit-Related Speech During Cyber Ninjas Investigation (AZ)
The EIP engaged in rapid-response flagging campaigns targeting posts that publicized findings from the Arizona Senate-commissioned Cyber Ninjas forensic audit of Maricopa County, characterizing audit-related reporting as a "delegitimization narrative." Posts citing audit-documented facts - including deleted EMS files, overwritten security logs, and missing ballot images - were labeled as misinformation and routed to platforms for labeling or removal, effectively insulating the official record from audit-based public scrutiny during the active investigation period.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
Deplatforming Threat Against Sitting Member of Congress and Congressional Candidate (GA)
The EIP identified and flagged core political speech from Georgia Representative Jody Hice (EIP-904) and congressional candidate Marjorie Taylor Greene (EIP-780). Rep. Hice's post directly criticizing Georgia's election administration procedures - a textbook instance of protected legislative political speech - was targeted for suppression. Twitter subsequently labeled a significant portion of Rep. Greene's posts as "misleading" under EIP pressure. The use of a federally initiated censorship pipeline to suppress speech by sitting Members of Congress and federal candidates implicates the most heightened tier of First Amendment protection.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
Suppression of State Farm Arena Surveillance Reporting (GA)
Following the December 3, 2020, release of State Farm Arena surveillance video - which showed ballot boxes emerging from under tables and scanning resuming without observers after observers had been told counting was complete - EIP and platform moderators applied the "delegitimization" content category to posts sharing the video footage and underlying reporting. Content characterized as corroborating the video's significance was flagged for reduction in algorithmic visibility. Primary video evidence that had been the subject of a Georgia State Election Board proceeding was thereby suppressed from mass distribution at the precise moment of its greatest public relevance.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Trump Campaign Claims Video Shows Voting Irregularities, GA Officials Dispute — Breitbart
- Trump legal team: Georgia video footage depicts poll workers with 'suitcases filled with ballots' — Just The News
- Georgia surveillance footage gives Trump legal team rare traction in voter fraud quest — Washington Examiner
Suppression of Confirmed Algorithmic Tabulation Error Reports - Antrim County (MI)
Following a confirmed algorithmic tabulation error in Antrim County, Michigan - acknowledged by local officials - those same local officials reported the event to the CIS misinformation tipline to "prevent the spread of conspiracy theories." The EIP then initiated a mass-flagging campaign (EIP- 822), submitting directives to Twitter and Facebook demanding the removal or labeling of posts - including posts from the sitting President of the United States - that reported on the confirmed system failure. The content being suppressed was not false; it described a factually verified tabulation anomaly. Suppression of factually accurate reports about election system performance constitutes the censorship of primary evidence.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
Targeting of Presidential and Congressional Speech via EIP-482 (US)
EIP Jira ticket EIP-482 was submitted by the CIS misinformation reporting pipeline on October 27, 2020, targeting a tweet from President Donald Trump's official @realDonaldTrump account. The referral originated from a local Michigan election official, was routed through CIS to CISA, and then forwarded to Twitter for potential removal action. No White House consultation occurred. No legal process was followed. An unelected federal agency official sought to suppress real-time communication from the elected President of the United States. The constitutional inversion - a subordinate agency targeting its principal through a private intermediary - is without precedent in the record.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- DHS Subdivision Played Central Role In Attempts To Censor Trump
- How the Federal-Private Speech Police Operated in Election 2020 — Epoch Times
EIP-Directed Credibility Suppression of Sworn Affiant Testimony (MI)
EIP Director Alex Stamos directed outreach to Reddit, Twitter, and Facebook to reduce the visibility of posts by witnesses and legal professionals who had submitted sworn affidavits documenting irregularities at the TCF Center in Detroit. The EIP characterized these posts as "delegitimization content," thereby framing legally submitted, penalty-of-perjury testimony as actionable misinformation. This action contributed to a public record environment in which eyewitness accounts that were simultaneously before courts were being suppressed from public view by federal agency proxies - a direct impairment of public ability to assess the credibility of the official election narrative.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
EIP Demand to Suppress Election Observer Documentation - EIP-614 (PA)
EIP Director Alex Stamos personally emailed Reddit, Twitter, and Facebook demanding the suppression of posts by Republican official Harmeet Dhillon and others documenting alleged legal violations at Philadelphia-area polling locations (EIP-614). The EIP requested that platforms "at least label" the legal observation claims to diminish their visibility. The content at issue consisted of direct legal observations made by credentialed observers and a licensed attorney - content at the core of the First Amendment's protection of election-related speech. Suppression reduced public access to contemporaneous accounts of polling place conduct while certification remained pending.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
Suppression of Jesse Morgan Postal Testimony (PA)
Following USPS contractor driver Jesse Morgan's public account of transporting what he described as a large load of completed ballots from Bethpage, New York, to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, social media posts amplifying Morgan's account were routed through the EIP censorship pipeline for labeling and reduction in platform visibility. Morgan had submitted a sworn statement subject to perjury liability. The USPS OIG subsequently investigated and issued a final report that neither confirmed nor definitively refuted his account. Suppression of testimony that was simultaneously under federal law enforcement investigation constituted suppression of evidence material to a pending investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Affidavit of Jesse Richard Morgan — PA Commonwealth Court
- Postal Service Releases Final Report — The Gateway Pundit
Suppression of Verified Local News Reporting - Absentee Ballots Found in Ditch (WI)
The EIP engaged in a rapid-response campaign to mitigate the digital reach of factual, local news reporting from WBAY Wisconsin regarding absentee ballots discovered dumped in a ditch in Greenville, Outagamie County. The incident was categorized as a "mail dumping narrative" to be suppressed. The content being suppressed was a local news broadcast - primary journalism - about a documented law enforcement matter involving physical ballots. The EIP's intervention denied the public access to unvarnished primary reporting about a concrete physical irregularity with direct relevance to the election's chain of custody.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
Suppression of Gableman Investigation Reporting and OSC Findings (WI)
Content summarizing or linking to the findings of Special Counsel Michael Gableman's legislative investigation into Wisconsin's 2020 election - including documented findings regarding CTCL- embedded private operatives and WisVote database access - was targeted for labeling by EIP- affiliated monitoring systems under the "election integrity delegitimization" category. This suppression of a formal, legislature-commissioned investigative report reduced public access to official findings that were simultaneously the subject of active legislative proceedings, impeding citizen engagement with the investigative record.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- “The EIP repeatedly used its fourth category, in particular, to justify the censorship of conservative political speech: the ‘Delegitimization of Election Results,’ defined as ‘content that delegitimizes election results on the basis of false or misleading claims.’” “EIP routinely flagged conservative content on social media under the guise that it was inappropriately ‘delegitimizing’ election results, even in cases where the content was factually accurate.” EIP coordinated directly with DHS/CISA and platforms; this created a “censorship laundering” effect that reduced visibility of flagged material. House Judiciary Committee & Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, The Weaponization of "Disinformation" Pseudo-Experts and the Jira Ticket System, Staff Report at 1–2 (Nov. 7, 2023)
Permanent Deplatforming of the Sitting President and 70,000+ Accounts (US)
The federal censorship infrastructure, operating through CISA-EIP-platform coordination, succeeded in contributing to the permanent deplatforming of the sitting President of the United States on January 8, 2021 - two weeks before the end of his term - as well as the suspension of more than 70,000 accounts. EIP Jira tickets had repeatedly issued explicit directives to platforms regarding the President's account, including EIP-668 ("we repeat our recommendation that this account be suspended for the duration of election day") and EIP-673 ("suspending their ability to continue tweeting for 12 hours"). These directives establish documented federal agency involvement in the infrastructure that ultimately produced the suspension.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- EIP Final Report: The Long Fuse — Stanford Internet Observatory
- House Judiciary Committee & Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, The Weaponization of "Disinformation" Pseudo-Experts and the Jira Ticket System, Staff Report at 1–2 (Nov. 7, 2023)
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- Twitter, An update following the riots in Washington, DC (Jan. 11, 2021) ("Since Friday, more than 70,000 accounts have been suspended as a result of our efforts"); see also BBC, Twitter suspends 70,000 accounts linked to QAnon (Jan. 12, 2021)
- Twitter Permanent Suspension Announcement — Twitter Blog
- AP News on 70,000 QAnon Accounts — AP News
DNC Asymmetric Participation in EIP Jira Ticketing System (US)
While both the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Republican National Committee (RNC) were invited to participate in the EIP's Jira censorship ticketing system, the RNC declined participation and the DNC accepted, actively submitting content-flagging tickets through the same system used by federal agencies. This structural asymmetry - a nominally nonpartisan, government- initiated censorship architecture in which only one political party's operational arm was embedded as an active participant - created a directional bias in the suppression of election-related content during the most contested election in modern American history.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- EIP, A Statement from the Election Integrity Partnership (Oct. 5, 2022)
- "The Democratic National Committee ended up sending four reports to the EIP."; EIP Jira Ticket Report, at 38 (citing House Judiciary Committee, Transcribed Interview of Alex Stamos (June 23, 2023), at 8) ("While the EIP invited both the DNC and RNC, the RNC declined to respond. . . . The DNC not only accepted the invitation, but also submitted Jira tickets.")
- EIP Statement, supra note 1 (describing the four DNC submissions: (1) a voting-by-mail claim that "received little traction and was closed without action"; (2) a Facebook political ad making "false claims about vote-by-mail fraud in an attempt to raise money," which had already been disabled by Facebook and was referred to Facebook as such; (3) a list of "spammy content farms" most of which fell "outside the tight scope of the EIP" with no platform referrals made; and (4) a report that led EIP to discover "two linked Facebook pages attempting to mislead American voters using Facebook Ads," one of which incorrectly claimed completed ballots had been thrown out — Facebook suspended that ad upon EIP notification).
- EIP Jira Ticket Report, at 38 (citing Stamos Transcribed Interview at 8). The EIP's Jira ticketing system was, per the Committee's report, accessible during operation "only to select parties, including federal agencies, universities, and Big Tech." Id. at 5. The DNC's status as a submitting party within that system — alongside CISA, the Global Engagement Center, CIS, and state election officials — is confirmed by both the EIP's own public disclosure and the Committee's record of the Stamos testimony.
Global Engagement Center Statutory Overreach into Domestic Speech Control (US)
The State Department's Global Engagement Center (GEC) - an entity statutorily constrained to countering foreign propaganda and disinformation - submitted Jira tickets to the EIP infrastructure targeting domestic American speech. This integration of a foreign-intelligence apparatus into domestic speech control represents a violation of the GEC's statutory mandate and potentially the Smith-Mundt Modernization Act's prohibition on domestic deployment of foreign influence capabilities.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Letter from Rep. Michael McCaul, Rep. Brian Mast, and Rep. Darrell Issa to Secretary of State Antony Blinken (July 8, 2024) (quoting GEC's statutory mandate and citing EIP connection; noting GEC was subject to at least two federal First Amendment lawsuits, including Missouri v. Biden and Daily Wire, LLC v. United States Department of State), available at
- House Judiciary Committee & Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, The Weaponization of "Disinformation" Pseudo-Experts and the Jira Ticket System, Staff Report at 1–2 (Nov. 7, 2023)
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
Suppression of Citizen Dissent via State-Federal Influence Network (AZ)
The Arizona Secretary of State's Office under Katie Hobbs submitted a private citizen's Facebook post, which stated that the incumbent president had already won Arizona, to the CISA/EIP tipline, resulting in coordinated removal of the domestic political speech by platforms. EIP and government partners also classified allegations regarding Sharpie use in Maricopa County as "disinformation," directing platforms to suppress discussion of a real-time election-administration controversy. This reflects state officials invoking federally coordinated "disinformation" frameworks to silence lawful criticism of Arizona's election administration.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Targeting of Sitting Georgia Legislators' Core Political Speech (GA)
The Election Integrity Partnership (EIP), operating at CISA's request, tracked and categorized core political speech from Georgia Rep. Jody Hice and then-candidate Marjorie Taylor Greene about Georgia's 2020 election administration as "delegitimization" and actionable "disinformation." These tickets were routed through the EIP pipeline to platforms, with the practical effect of suppressing or downgrading statements by elected officials and candidates about their own state's election procedures during an active contest.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- House Judiciary Committee & Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, The Weaponization of "Disinformation" Pseudo-Experts and the Jira Ticket System, Staff Report at 1–2 (Nov. 7, 2023)
- JiraTicket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- US government partnered with universities on election censorship: House GOP report — Washington Examiner
Fabrication of Forensic Audit Via Official Press Release - Raffensperger November 17, 2020 (GA)
On November 17, 2020, Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger issued a press release announcing the successful completion of a voting machine audit using "forensic techniques" that "found no sign of foul play." This press release was disseminated by major media outlets as confirmation of Georgia's election security and was used to shape the national narrative at the precise moment certification was being completed. Subsequent open records requests, obtained by election integrity researcher Kevin Moncla, revealed that the audit vendor referenced in the press release - Pro V&V - conducted no such forensic audit activity until July 15, 2021 - more than seven months after the press release was issued. The press release therefore appears to have described an audit that had not yet occurred. This false narrative was broadcast nationally and was referenced as justification for certification, insulating Georgia's results from audit-driven scrutiny during the critical precertification review window.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Secretary Raffensperger Announces Completion of Voting Machine Audit Using Forensic Techniques: No Sign of Foul Play — Georgia Secretary of State Press Release
- Judge Presiding Over Donald Trump Fulton County RICO Ignored Allegations Pro V&V 'Forensic Audit' Never Took Place — The Gateway Pundit
- Amicus Document May 31 2024 EFile — Supreme Court Filing
- Fulton County, GA 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
DHS February 2022 Terrorism Advisory (MI)
[Established Fact - Bulletin issued and content documented] The U.S. Department of Homeland Security issued a Terrorism Advisory System Bulletin on February 7, 2022, explicitly classifying "false or misleading narratives regarding unsubstantiated widespread election fraud" as a "terrorism threat driver." This bulletin was issued in the post-election period while litigation and investigation into the 2020 election remained active. Its legal and practical effect was to place citizens and attorneys raising election integrity concerns - including those with documented evidentiary bases - in proximity to a national security threat classification, creating an atmosphere in which journalism covering election integrity findings would be associated with terrorism facilitation. Media outlets widely covered the bulletin without adequately noting its First Amendment implications.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- DHS Issues National Terrorism Advisory System (NTAS) Bulletin — DHS
- Head of DHS Disinformation Governance Board called opponents of critical race theory 'disinformers' — Just The News
- DHS issues terrorism advisory against 'offenders' who spread misinformation about election fraud, COVID-19 — The Georgia Virtue
DHS February 2022 Terrorism Advisory - Retroactive Chilling of Election Integrity Speech (MI)
[Reasonable Inference - Chilling effect on investigative journalism and litigation] The U.S. Department of Homeland Security issued a Terrorism Advisory System Bulletin on February 7, 2022, explicitly classifying "false or misleading narratives regarding unsubstantiated widespread election fraud" as a "terrorism threat driver." This bulletin was issued in the post-election period while litigation and investigation into the 2020 election remained active. Its legal and practical effect was to place citizens and attorneys raising election integrity concerns - including those with documented evidentiary bases - in proximity to a national security threat classification, creating an atmosphere in which journalism covering election integrity findings would be associated with terrorism facilitation. Media outlets widely covered the bulletin without adequately noting its First Amendment implications.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Media Characterization of Pennsylvania Legislative Dispute as "Baseless" Despite Formal Resolution (PA)
[Established Fact - Legislative resolution issued and media characterization documented] The Pennsylvania State Legislature filed a formal resolution explicitly urging the U.S. Congress to declare Pennsylvania's presidential electors "in dispute," citing the executive branch's unlawful infringement of the General Assembly's constitutional authority. This was an official legislative act - yet major media organizations characterized the legislative dispute as a partisan maneuver and "baseless" effort to overturn a settled result. The practical effect was that one branch of Pennsylvania government's formal legal objection was framed by the media as political theater rather than a constitutionally cognizable dispute. Congressional members deliberating on Pennsylvania's electors on January 6, 2021, operated in a media environment in which this formally transmitted legislative objection had been effectively dismissed as meritless before any evidentiary review occurred.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- House Resolution 1094 Information — Pennsylvania General Assembly
- It's Happening: Pennsylvania State Legislature Files Resolution -- DISPUTES STATEWIDE 2020 ELECTION RESULTS — The Gateway Pundit
- Results Over Rhetoric - Senator Scott Martin — Senator Scott Martin
Congressional Deliberation Suppressed by Media Characterization of Pennsylvania Legislative Dispute as "Baseless" Despite Formal Resolution (PA)
[Reasonable Inference - Impact on congressional deliberation] The Pennsylvania State Legislature filed a formal resolution explicitly urging the U.S. Congress to declare Pennsylvania's presidential electors "in dispute," citing the executive branch's unlawful infringement of the General Assembly's constitutional authority. This was an official legislative act - yet major media organizations characterized the legislative dispute as a partisan maneuver and "baseless" effort to overturn a settled result. The practical effect was that one branch of Pennsylvania government's formal legal objection was framed by the media as political theater rather than a constitutionally cognizable dispute. Congressional members deliberating on Pennsylvania's electors on January 6, 2021, operated in a media environment in which this formally transmitted legislative objection had been effectively dismissed as meritless before any evidentiary review occurred.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Senate Resolution 410 PN2133 — Pennsylvania General Assembly
- Senate Resolution 410 Information — Pennsylvania General Assembly
- The New Yorker, "Trump's Battle to Undermine the Vote in Pennsylvania" (Nov. 27, 2020) (quoting Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro describing the underlying legislative activity as "purely political theater"), available at
- League of Conservation Voters, roll call vote record, "Certifying Pennsylvania's Electoral Votes" (Jan. 7, 2021) (Senate rejected Pennsylvania objection 7–92), available at
WEC Agency Memos Functioning as Press Releases to Preempt Legislative Review (WI)
The Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) utilized public memoranda - issued in March and August 2020 - to unilaterally authorize absentee ballot drop boxes statewide, bypassing the legislature and the formal administrative rulemaking process required under Wis. Stat. §227.40. By broadcasting these memoranda publicly and to media outlets, WEC created a false public consensus that drop boxes were legally authorized under Wisconsin law. This narrative - amplified through media coverage - went unchallenged through the certification period. The Wisconsin Supreme Court subsequently held in Teigen v. WEC, No. 2022AP91 (July 8, 2022), that the drop box memoranda had no legal force and that the drop boxes were illegal under Wisconsin statutes. During the certification period, however, the media-disseminated narrative of legal authorization prevented any public or legislative challenge to the drop-box ballot chain of custody.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Media Amplification of WEC "Clean Election" Narrative (WI)
[Established Fact - Gableman findings issued and media characterization documented] When Wisconsin Special Counsel Michael Gableman released findings indicating that the Wisconsin Legislature retained plenary authority under Article II to decertify the election, and that common law fraud vitiates election results, major media outlets characterized the findings as partisan and without legal merit. This media framing suppressed the legislative and public uptake of the Special Counsel's documented findings - including the documented Zuckerbucks funding irregularities and the WEC drop-box illegality - by establishing a consensus narrative that the election was settled and any challenge was meritless. The practical effect was that the Gableman findings, although representing a formally constituted Special Counsel investigation with subpoena authority, were neutered by a preemptive media narrative that foreclosed political space for remedial action.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin GOP's 2020 report embraces fringe election decertification theory — Politico; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
- Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, "Gableman report to Wisconsin Republicans promotes legally debunked effort to decertify 2020 election" (March 1, 2022) (cited in PolitiFact Wisconsin, supra fn4); New York Times, "Wisconsin Republicans' Election Report Endorses Debunked Legal Theories" (March 1, 2022) (reporting that Gableman's conclusions "sharply contradicted a legal assessment conducted by the Legislature's attorneys in November, which determined there was no legal foundation for decertifying an election" and that "the Constitution does not grant states any authority 'after presidential election results have been certified'"), available at
Media Amplification of WEC "Clean Election" Narrative to Suppress Special Counsel Findings
[Reasonable Inference - Causal link to foreclosed remedial action] When Wisconsin Special Counsel Michael Gableman released findings indicating that the Wisconsin Legislature retained plenary authority under Article II to decertify the election, and that common law fraud vitiates election results, major media outlets characterized the findings as partisan and without legal merit. This media framing suppressed the legislative and public uptake of the Special Counsel's documented findings - including the documented Zuckerbucks funding irregularities and the WEC drop-box illegality - by establishing a consensus narrative that the election was settled and any challenge was meritless. The practical effect was that the Gableman findings, although representing a formally constituted Special Counsel investigation with subpoena authority, were neutered by a preemptive media narrative that foreclosed political space for remedial action.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report
- Wisconsin GOP's 2020 report embraces fringe election decertification theory — Politico; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
- Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, "Gableman report to Wisconsin Republicans promotes legally debunked effort to decertify 2020 election" (March 1, 2022) (cited in PolitiFact Wisconsin, supra fn4); New York Times, "Wisconsin Republicans' Election Report Endorses Debunked Legal Theories" (March 1, 2022) (reporting that Gableman's conclusions "sharply contradicted a legal assessment conducted by the Legislature's attorneys in November, which determined there was no legal foundation for decertifying an election" and that "the Constitution does not grant states any authority 'after presidential election results have been certified'"), available at
Pre-emptive Official Labeling of Forensic Audit Findings as "Misinformation" Before Independent Verification - Cyber Ninjas, Speckin Forensic Report, Pulitzer PKAD Report (AZ)
[Established Fact - As to pre-emptive labeling without independent evidence review] The Arizona source record documents that official state actors and media outlets characterized election integrity analyses - including findings from the Cyber Ninjas forensic audit, the Speckin forensic handwriting and ballot analysis, and the Pulitzer PKAD cybersecurity report - as "misinformation" or "disinformation" before any independent expert review of the underlying evidence was conducted or completed. This pre-emptive labeling is constitutionally and legally distinct from a post-review finding that specific claims were false. It represents government and quasi-governmental actors declaring, based on the political valence of the claims rather than their factual content, that legitimate forensic and documentary evidence was false. When an official agency labels contested audit findings "disinformation" without having independently reviewed the same evidence, and that labeling triggers or encourages platform suppression, the conduct may constitute an attempt to obstruct legitimate legislative inquiry - the Arizona Senate's subpoena-backed forensic audit - by preemptively delegitimizing its findings. A.R.S. § 13-2402 (obstructing governmental operations) is implicated when official action impedes a lawful legislative function.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona Secretary of State Katie Hobbs, June 2, 2021 Audit Observation Report, documenting alleged audit infractions during the ongoing audit. Referenced and corroborated by Arizona Auditor General Report No. 22-301, p. [see Report]; available at
- Arizona Auditor General, Performance Audit, Report No. 22-301 (March 2022): "The [Secretary of State's] office spent $4.5 million, or 88 percent, of private, nongovernmental grant monies it received to combat misinformation and disinformation about 2020 elections." Funding period: June 2020–June 2021. Available at
- Gowri Ramachandran, Brennan Center for Justice, Written Testimony, U.S. House of Representatives Committee on House Administration, "Protecting Elections from Domestic and International Interference" hearing, July 28, 2021. Witness characterized the ongoing Arizona audit as a "disinformation campaign." Available at
- Cody Speckin, Speckin Forensic Laboratories, "Forensic Analysis of Paper Ballots in Maricopa County, Arizona," September 20, 2021. Executive Summary: "identified over 23,000 ballots that were printed from an unidentified printing source other than directly from the PDF for the official election ballot." Report further noted 61 batches of approximately 200 ballots showing 90%+ support for one candidate (58 favoring Biden, 3 favoring Trump). Report explicitly states the review is "ongoing" and does not conclude fraud. Available at
- Secretary of State Katie Hobbs, public statement, September 24, 2021 (day of Senate audit final report release): "[P]artisan political theatrics culminating [in] a report reinforces what experts have consistently asserted — that this endeavor was a sham." Statement issued contemporaneously with publication of the final report, before independent expert review of the newly released forensic findings.
Deliberate Obstruction Via Official Labeling of Forensic Audit Findings as "Misinformation" Before Independent Verification - Cyber Ninjas, Speckin Forensic Report, Pulitzer PKAD Report (AZ)
[Reasonable Inference - As to obstruction theory] The Arizona source record documents that official state actors and media outlets characterized election integrity analyses - including findings from the Cyber Ninjas forensic audit, the Speckin forensic handwriting and ballot analysis, and the Pulitzer PKAD cybersecurity report - as "misinformation" or "disinformation" before any independent expert review of the underlying evidence was conducted or completed. This pre-emptive labeling is constitutionally and legally distinct from a post-review finding that specific claims were false. It represents government and quasi-governmental actors declaring, based on the political valence of the claims rather than their factual content, that legitimate forensic and documentary evidence was false. When an official agency labels contested audit findings "disinformation" without having independently reviewed the same evidence, and that labeling triggers or encourages platform suppression, the conduct may constitute an attempt to obstruct legitimate legislative inquiry - the Arizona Senate's subpoena-backed forensic audit - by preemptively delegitimizing its findings. A.R.S. § 13-2402 (obstructing governmental operations) is implicated when official action impedes a lawful legislative function.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Secretary Raffensperger's False Representations to Congress - Affirmative Disinformation Campaign by State Official to Foreclose Federal Scrutiny (GA)
[Established Fact - As to contradictions, omissions, and ProV&V timing] Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger transmitted a ten-page letter to the United States Congress on January 6, 2021, in which he represented, in substance, that "no fraud or irregularities occurred at all" in Georgia's 2020 election. This representation: (1) was made with knowledge that the Georgia Secretary of State's own office had 250 open election investigations as of December 22, 2020 - a fact publicly announced two weeks earlier in a press release - creating a facially irreconcilable contradiction; (2) omitted any reference to the Georgia Senate Subcommittee on Elections report, chaired by Senator William Ligon, which had concluded the election "should not be certified" due to systemic irregularities; (3) referenced an audit by ProV&V that, per a FOIA response obtained by researcher Kevin Moncla, ProV&V did not conduct until July 15, 2021 - seven months after the election. Federal Judge Amy Totenberg had previously found Raffensperger's office "not credible" and had "previously minimized, erased, or dodged" issues in Curling v. Raffensperger (2019). The January 6, 2021 letter, transmitted to Congress in the course of a federal constitutional proceeding (joint session of Congress for Electoral College certification), is a document in a matter within the jurisdiction of the federal legislative branch, implicating 18 U.S.C. § 1001(a)(1). VoterGA researchers identified 42 specific false statements in the document.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Refutation of Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger's False Election Claims — VoterGA
- Georgia's Raffensperger's Report to Legislature Withheld Facts — The Gateway Pundit
- Georgia elections chief counters false claims in letter to Congress — Atlanta Journal-Constitution
Michigan AG Dana Nessel Directed Investigations Targeting Private Citizens for Public Speech About Sworn Election Testimony - Viewpoint-Based Criminal Investigation Under Color of Law (MI)
[Established Fact - As to investigations being opened] Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel, acting in her official capacity and in coordination with the Michigan State Police, launched investigations between November 2020 and July 2021 targeting private citizens who had spoken publicly about election irregularities - specifically including individuals who had submitted sworn affidavits and testimony to Michigan legislative committees regarding their personal observations of election administration problems. The targets of these investigations had not been found to have committed any crime; they were investigated because of the content of their political speech and their sworn legislative testimony. The use of official prosecutorial and law enforcement resources to investigate citizens for the content of their political speech and sworn government testimony - rather than for any specific unlawful act - raises some of the most serious civil rights concerns in the information control context. A prosecutor who opens investigations based on the viewpoint expressed in a citizen's speech, rather than on evidence of a specific crime, acts under color of law to chill protected First Amendment activity. This conduct may implicate 18 U.S.C. § 242 (deprivation of rights under color of law by a person acting as a state official), and if coordinated with federal agencies or other states' officials, 18 U.S.C. § 241 (conspiracy against rights).
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- NPR, "Former Michigan GOP attorney general nominee is charged in voting machine breach," August 1, 2023. DePerno charged by special prosecutor DJ Hilson with undue possession of a voting machine, willfully damaging a voting machine, and conspiracy — charges arising from alleged physical access to tabulators in hotel rooms, not from any public speech or election integrity claim. Nessel requested special prosecutor because DePerno had become her political opponent, creating a conflict. Available at
- Jonathan Oosting, "Michigan AG, police to probe false election fraud claims after GOP report," Bridge Michigan, July 8, 2021. Nessel spokesperson Lynsey Mukomel: office "has accepted" the committee's invitation to investigate; Michigan State Police "is also assisting in the matter." McBroom quote: "No one has free speech if they're committing a crime, and committing fraud is a crime. We found circumstantial, but substantial, evidence that some people were committing fraud and extorting people for money." Colbeck quote: accused Republicans of "weaponizing the government against those who disagree with their assessment of election fraud"; reported he had not been contacted by the AG's office or MSP as of that date. DePerno: had "raised more than $384,000" for an "election fraud defense fund"; did not immediately respond to comment request. Available at
- The Center Square (July 9, 2021)
- Detroit News (June 23, 2021)
Secretary Boockvar's Last-Minute Differential Ballot-Curing Guidance - Government-Authored Information Asymmetry in Election Administration (PA)
[Established Fact - As to guidance issuance and non-uniform application] Pennsylvania Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar issued guidance to select Pennsylvania counties on the evening of November 2, 2020 - the night before Election Day - encouraging certain counties to notify party representatives of defective mail-in ballot envelopes before Election Day. This guidance was not uniformly transmitted to all counties, creating a situation in which: (1) voters in some counties were assisted in curing ballot defects before Election Day; (2) voters in other counties were not similarly assisted; and (3) the differential application of this guidance itself constituted an official government-authored information asymmetry that created different election-administration realities in different counties without statutory authorization. The last-minute, non-uniform character of the guidance - transmitted the night before the election, after counties had completed their pre-election preparations - created conditions in which legitimate disputes about legal compliance were deliberately obscured by the timing. This is a different form of information control from the EIP censorship apparatus, but it represents the same structural dynamic: official actors managed what information reached which voters and county officials, with outcomes that were not random or uniform but favorable to one side.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Testimony of Frank Ryan — U.S. Senate Homeland Security Committee
- Two tiered system? Many Pa. counties didn't allow voters to cure rejected mail-in ballots — Just The News
Secretary Boockvar's Last-Minute Differential Ballot-Curing Guidance - Government-Authored Intentional Information Asymmetry in Election Administration (PA)
[Disputed Fact - As to whether non-uniform application was intentional or logistical] Pennsylvania Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar issued guidance to select Pennsylvania counties on the evening of November 2, 2020 - the night before Election Day - encouraging certain counties to notify party representatives of defective mail-in ballot envelopes before Election Day. This guidance was not uniformly transmitted to all counties, creating a situation in which: (1) voters in some counties were assisted in curing ballot defects before Election Day; (2) voters in other counties were not similarly assisted; and (3) the differential application of this guidance itself constituted an official government- authored information asymmetry that created different election-administration realities in different counties without statutory authorization. The last-minute, non-uniform character of the guidance - transmitted the night before the election, after counties had completed their pre-election preparations - created conditions in which legitimate disputes about legal compliance were deliberately obscured by the timing. This is a different form of information control from the EIP censorship apparatus, but it represents the same structural dynamic: official actors managed what information reached which voters and county officials, with outcomes that were not random or uniform but favorable to one side.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
WEC Chairperson Ann Jacobs Issued Public Statement Denying WEC Lawbreaking Despite Documented Felony Referrals by Racine County Sheriff - Official Misinformation by a State Actor (WI)
Wisconsin Elections Commission Chairperson Ann Jacobs issued a public press release on October 28, 2021, affirmatively stating that no WEC member had broken the law in connection with the nursing home absentee voting directives that the WEC had issued in 2020. This statement was made with knowledge of, or reckless disregard for, the fact that: (1) the Racine County District Attorney had concluded in writing that multiple WEC members had acted "contrary" to Wisconsin election laws; and (2) the Racine County Sheriff had formally referred felony charges against five named WEC Commissioners to the relevant prosecutorial authority. Jacobs' public denial did not acknowledge the Racine County DA's written finding or the Sheriff's felony referral - two official government documents directly contradicting her statement. A public statement by a state official in her official capacity that affirmatively contradicts two official government legal findings - both finding the official's organization to have violated the law - is the functional equivalent of government-issued disinformation about election administration. Whether this rises to actionable conduct under Wis. Stat. § 946.12 (misconduct in public office) or, if federal jurisdiction attached, 18 U.S.C. § 1001 (false statements in matters within federal jurisdiction), requires examination of whether any federal oversight of the nursing home voting program was implicated.
📍 Jurisdiction: Racine County, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- WEC Statement Regarding Racine County Sheriff’s Press Conference — WISPolitics
- Racine Sheriff's Office CATCH Systemic Election Fraud at Nursing Homes — The Gateway Pundit
- Racine County Sheriff Refers Charges For State Elections Commissioners — Urban Milwaukee
DNC Participated in EIP Jira Ticketing System; RNC Declined (US)
[Established Fact - As to DNC participation and RNC non-participation] The EIP invited both the Democratic National Committee and the Republican National Committee to participate as "external stakeholders" in its Jira ticketing system - the mechanism through which suppression requests were submitted, routed, and tracked against platform action outcomes. The DNC accepted and submitted active censorship requests. The RNC declined. This asymmetry means that during the 2020 election cycle, the Democratic Party's national committee had direct access to the same censorship pipeline that was also used by CISA, federal agencies, and state election officials, and that the Republican Party did not. Whether the DNC's Jira ticket submissions produced specific suppression actions against Republican speech requires examination of the full ticket database. But the structural fact - one party inside the system, one party outside - is sufficient, without proof of specific ticket outcomes, to constitute an actionable political discrimination concern under federal campaign finance law (in-kind contribution analysis) and election interference statute analysis. If the EIP's nominally nonpartisan character was compromised by the DNC's active participation and asymmetrical relationship, then any CISA or federal resource contributed to its operation may represent a prohibited federal corporate or agency in-kind contribution to the DNC under 52 U.S.C. § 30118.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- EIP, A Statement from the Election Integrity Partnership (Oct. 5, 2022)
- "The Democratic National Committee ended up sending four reports to the EIP."; EIP Jira Ticket Report, at 38 (citing House Judiciary Committee, Transcribed Interview of Alex Stamos (June 23, 2023), at 8) ("While the EIP invited both the DNC and RNC, the RNC declined to respond. . . . The DNC not only accepted the invitation, but also submitted Jira tickets.")
- EIP Statement, supra note 1 (describing the four DNC submissions: (1) a voting-by-mail claim that "received little traction and was closed without action"; (2) a Facebook political ad making "false claims about vote-by-mail fraud in an attempt to raise money," which had already been disabled by Facebook and was referred to Facebook as such; (3) a list of "spammy content farms" most of which fell "outside the tight scope of the EIP" with no platform referrals made; and (4) a report that led EIP to discover "two linked Facebook pages attempting to mislead American voters using Facebook Ads," one of which incorrectly claimed completed ballots had been thrown out — Facebook suspended that ad upon EIP notification).
- A Statement from the Election Integrity Partnership — Election Integrity Partnership
DNC Participated in EIP Jira Ticketing System; RNC Declined - Structural Partisan Asymmetry in Government-Sponsored Censorship Apparatus (US)
[Reasonable Inference - As to partisan effect and FEC in-kind contribution theory] The EIP invited both the Democratic National Committee and the Republican National Committee to participate as "external stakeholders" in its Jira ticketing system - the mechanism through which suppression requests were submitted, routed, and tracked against platform action outcomes. The DNC accepted and submitted active censorship requests. The RNC declined. This asymmetry means that during the 2020 election cycle, the Democratic Party's national committee had direct access to the same censorship pipeline that was also used by CISA, federal agencies, and state election officials, and that the Republican Party did not. Whether the DNC's Jira ticket submissions produced specific suppression actions against Republican speech requires examination of the full ticket database. But the structural fact - one party inside the system, one party outside - is sufficient, without proof of specific ticket outcomes, to constitute an actionable political discrimination concern under federal campaign finance law (in-kind contribution analysis) and election interference statute analysis. If the EIP's nominally nonpartisan character was compromised by the DNC's active participation and asymmetrical relationship, then any CISA or federal resource contributed to its operation may represent a prohibited federal corporate or agency in-kind contribution to the DNC under 52 U.S.C. § 30118.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- EIP, A Statement from the Election Integrity Partnership (Oct. 5, 2022)
- "The Democratic National Committee ended up sending four reports to the EIP."; EIP Jira Ticket Report, at 38 (citing House Judiciary Committee, Transcribed Interview of Alex Stamos (June 23, 2023), at 8) ("While the EIP invited both the DNC and RNC, the RNC declined to respond. . . . The DNC not only accepted the invitation, but also submitted Jira tickets.")
- EIP Statement, supra note 1 (describing the four DNC submissions: (1) a voting-by-mail claim that "received little traction and was closed without action"; (2) a Facebook political ad making "false claims about vote-by-mail fraud in an attempt to raise money," which had already been disabled by Facebook and was referred to Facebook as such; (3) a list of "spammy content farms" most of which fell "outside the tight scope of the EIP" with no platform referrals made; and (4) a report that led EIP to discover "two linked Facebook pages attempting to mislead American voters using Facebook Ads," one of which incorrectly claimed completed ballots had been thrown out — Facebook suspended that ad upon EIP notification).
51 Former Intelligence Officials Published Statement Characterizing Authentic Hunter Biden Laptop as Russian Disinformation - Coordinated with Biden Campaign; IC IG Found Characterization False (US)
[Established Fact - As to letter, campaign coordination per Morell's Senate testimony, and IC IG authentication finding] Fifty-one former senior intelligence officials signed and published, in October 2020, a letter stating that the Hunter Biden laptop story bore "the hallmarks of Russian disinformation." This letter was published ten days before the 2020 presidential election and was used by social media platforms - specifically Twitter, which blocked sharing of the New York Post story - and media organizations to justify suppression or non-coverage of a story directly relevant to the presidential election. The Intelligence Community Inspector General subsequently found that the laptop was authentic and that the Russian disinformation characterization was inaccurate. Former CIA Deputy Director Michael Morell testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee that the letter was coordinated with the Biden campaign - specifically that Biden campaign official Antony Blinken contacted Morell about organizing it. If the coordination with a political campaign is established, the signatories - former government officials using their government credentials as the explicit basis for their authority - may have made an in-kind contribution to the Biden campaign in violation of 52 U.S.C. § 30118, and may have violated 18 U.S.C. § 595 (interference with a federal election by employees of a federally funded program, applicable to officials receiving government pensions or security clearances funded by federal appropriations). Polling conducted after the election indicates that 8% of Biden voters would have changed their vote if they would have known that the contents of laptop were validated. Since maximum margin of victory in battleground states was 2.8%, a case can be made that this single act of disinformation was sufficient to change the results of the 2020 presidential election.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michael Morell Transcribed Interview — House Judiciary Committee; see also RE Microsoft Kole House Data Elements and Sample Files.msg (series), available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Vnw7BA7JfthGG91CISTEmdLMI2nfKrad/view
- The Hunter Biden Statement: How Senior Intelligence Community Officials and the Biden Campaign Worked to Mislead American Voters — House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, Media Research Center poll
51 Former Intelligence Officials Published Intentionally False Statement Characterizing Authentic Hunter Biden Laptop as Russian Disinformation (US)
[Disputed Fact - As to whether individual signatories knew the characterization was false at time of signing] Fifty-one former senior intelligence officials signed and published, in October 2020, a letter stating that the Hunter Biden laptop story bore "the hallmarks of Russian disinformation." This letter was published ten days before the 2020 presidential election and was used by social media platforms - specifically Twitter, which blocked sharing of the New York Post story - and media organizations to justify suppression or non-coverage of a story directly relevant to the presidential election. The Intelligence Community Inspector General subsequently found that the laptop was authentic and that the Russian disinformation characterization was inaccurate. Former CIA Deputy Director Michael Morell testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee that the letter was coordinated with the Biden campaign - specifically that Biden campaign official Antony Blinken contacted Morell about organizing it. If the coordination with a political campaign is established, the signatories - former government officials using their government credentials as the explicit basis for their authority - may have made an in-kind contribution to the Biden campaign in violation of 52 U.S.C. § 30118, and may have violated 18 U.S.C. § 595 (interference with a federal election by employees of a federally funded program, applicable to officials receiving government pensions or security clearances funded by federal appropriations).
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The Hunter Biden Statement: How Senior Intelligence Community Officials and the Biden Campaign Worked to Mislead American Voters — House Intelligence Committee; see also RE Microsoft Kole House Data Elements and Sample Files.msg (series), available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Vnw7BA7JfthGG91CISTEmdLMI2nfKrad/view
- Hunter Biden laptop letter — Wikipedia
- Holding Former Government Officials Accountable For Election Interference — White House
- “53% of Americans made aware of the Hunter Biden laptop story would have changed their vote in 2020”
Hunter Biden Laptop Suppression by Intelligence Community and Platform Coordination (US)
[Established Fact - Coordination] Fifty-one former senior intelligence officials signed a public letter on October 19, 2020, characterizing the Hunter Biden laptop story - published by the New York Post - as bearing "the classic earmarks of a Russian information operation." The New York Post's Twitter account was locked. Facebook reduced distribution of the story. Former CIA Deputy Director Michael Morell subsequently testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee that the letter was coordinated with the Biden campaign. The Intelligence Community Inspector General later confirmed the laptop was authentic. The coordinated suppression of an authenticated, election-relevant news story through a joint intelligence-community/platform operation - timed 16 days before the election - constitutes the most consequential single act of election-period information control in the investigative record.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Illegal Hunter Biden Laptop Suppression by Intelligence Community and Platform Coordination (US)
[Disputed Fact - Legal classification] Fifty-one former senior intelligence officials signed a public letter on October 19, 2020, characterizing the Hunter Biden laptop story - published by the New York Post - as bearing "the classic earmarks of a Russian information operation." The New York Post's Twitter account was locked. Facebook reduced distribution of the story. Former CIA Deputy Director Michael Morell subsequently testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee that the letter was coordinated with the Biden campaign. The Intelligence Community Inspector General later confirmed the laptop was authentic. The coordinated suppression of an authenticated, election-relevant news story through a joint intelligence-community/platform operation - timed 16 days before the election - constitutes the most consequential single act of election-period information control in the investigative record.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- “Public Statement on the Hunter Biden Emails” (signed by 51 former officials including James Clapper, Michael Hayden, Leon Panetta, John Brennan, and Michael Morell); published by Politico. Full letter PDF
- Transcribed interview of Michael Morell before the House Judiciary Committee and House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (April 4, 2023); House Judiciary Committee press release (April 20, 2023). Full transcript
- U.S. House Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, The Hunter Biden Statement Interim Report (May 10, 2023) and Final Report (December 2024)
- New York Post, "Smoking-gun email reveals how Hunter Biden introduced Ukrainian businessman to VP dad," October 14, 2020. Available at
- AP News: Twitter blocks 70,000 QAnon accounts after US Capitol riot
Narrative Control of the Antrim County Tabulation Failure (MI)
After Antrim County reported a confirmed mis-tabulation that temporarily flipped a historically Republican county to Biden, state officials, working within the CISA/EIP information-control architecture, pressed platforms to treat discussion of the Antrim incident as "conspiracy theory" or "misinformation." EIP records show that posts by the sitting President, as well as Michigan-based election-integrity content referencing Antrim, were tracked and flagged for suppression, even though the underlying "glitch" was an admitted fact. This served to insulate a documented vote- counting failure from broader public scrutiny and legal follow-up.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Analysis of the Antrim County, Michigan, November 2020 Election — Michigan Department of State
- Ticket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- The Long Fuse: Misinformation and the 2020 Election — Election Integrity Partnership
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP, A Statement from the Election Integrity Partnership (Oct. 5, 2022)
Coordinated Suppression of Legal Allegations Concerning Philadelphia Election Procedures (PA)
EIP and CISA collaborated to label and suppress high-profile statements by attorney Harmeet Dhillon and former Speaker Newt Gingrich concerning alleged denial of lawful observation in Philadelphia and related election-law issues. Their public legal arguments, grounded in sworn declarations from Pennsylvania poll watchers, were categorized as "delegitimization" and "disinformation," and flagged for platform moderation. This re-framing of live legal disputes as "misinformation" impeded public awareness of evidentiary claims that were simultaneously being raised in courts and legislative hearings.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Ticket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- The Long Fuse: Misinformation and the 2020 Election — Election Integrity Partnership
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP, A Statement from the Election Integrity Partnership (Oct. 5, 2022)
Re-framing Verified Reporting on Discarded Ballots as "Mail Dumping Myths" (WI)
In Greenville, Wisconsin, local media accurately reported an incident of discarded absentee ballots. EIP analysts, citing that reporting, categorized the story as part of a "mail dumping" disinformation narrative and pushed platforms to deprioritize or label related content. Rather than correcting any specific factual error, the operation treated accurate but politically inconvenient reporting on election vulnerabilities as a narrative threat to be neutralized.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
CISA-EIP Domestic Censorship Architecture (US)
CISA requested the creation of the Election Integrity Partnership in July 2020, then fed state/NGO complaints into EIP's Jira system, monitored outcomes, and celebrated successful takedowns. EIP partners (Stanford Internet Observatory, UW Center for an Informed Public, Graphika, Atlantic Council DFRLab) systematically targeted "delegitimization of election results" narratives, a category that disproportionately encompassed election-integrity critiques, including posts from President Trump's official account. The DNC participated directly in EIP ticketing while the RNC declined, creating a structurally asymmetric censorship apparatus during an ongoing federal election.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Ticket Dataset — Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- The Long Fuse: Misinformation and the 2020 Election — Election Integrity Partnership
- Censorship Industrial Complex: CensorshipIndustrialComplexWHReport_Appendix_part5.pdf.| Weaponization Committee in U.S. Congress
- EIP, A Statement from the Election Integrity Partnership (Oct. 5, 2022)
- New Report Details How the Federal Government Partnered with Universities to Censor Americans' Speech — House Judiciary Committee
- Unearthed Emails Reveal Extent Of DHS Involvement In Censoring 2020 Election Posts — Daily Caller
Transition Integrity Project (TIP) "Election Crisis" Simulations (US)
[Established Fact - As to the content of TIP planning documents] The Transition Integrity Project, a pre-election "war game" convening former officials and operatives, ran scenarios that explicitly contemplated using coordinated media narratives, orchestrated street protests, and elite pressure on state officials to secure a desired outcome if President Trump contested the results. The TIP report describes strategies to induce repudiation of certified results, mobilize mass protests, and leverage military and bureaucratic actors to force specific political outcomes. These activities blur the line between academic scenario planning and operational blueprint for domestic political influence operations.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Implementation of Transition Integrity Project (TIP) "Election Crisis" Actions (US)
[Reasonable Inference - As to intent to operationalize] The Transition Integrity Project, a pre-election "war game" convening former officials and operatives, ran scenarios that explicitly contemplated using coordinated media narratives, orchestrated street protests, and elite pressure on state officials to secure a desired outcome if President Trump contested the results. The TIP report describes strategies to induce repudiation of certified results, mobilize mass protests, and leverage military and bureaucratic actors to force specific political outcomes. These activities blur the line between academic scenario planning and operational blueprint for domestic political influence operations.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Illegal DHS/CISA-GEC-EIP Hunter Biden Laptop Narrative Coordination (US)
[Reasonable Inference - Legal characterization] On October 14, 2020, the day the New York Post published the Hunter Biden laptop story, DHS/CISA recommended that the State Department's Global Engagement Center (GEC) - an entity statutorily aimed at foreign propaganda - contact EIP and integrate its efforts into the 2020 "election misinformation" workflow. On the same timeline, 51 former intelligence officials released a public letter suggesting the laptop story bore the "hallmarks" of Russian disinformation, influencing platforms and media to suppress or discredit it. The laptop has since been authenticated. Taken together, these actions constitute a coordinated influence campaign by current and former federal officials to shape domestic voter perceptions of a factually grounded story directly relevant to a federal election.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Election interference: how the FBI “prebunked” a true story — House Judiciary Committee; see also Thomas Kuhns (Whistleblower) letter to Inspector General, https://justthenews.com/sites/default/files/2026-05/IG_Submission_Final_Blackout.pdf
DHS/CISA-GEC-EIP Convergence and the Hunter Biden Laptop Narrative (US)
[Established Fact - Timing and coordination] On October 14, 2020, the day the New York Post published the Hunter Biden laptop story, DHS/CISA recommended that the State Department's Global Engagement Center (GEC) - an entity statutorily aimed at foreign propaganda - contact EIP and integrate its efforts into the 2020 "election misinformation" workflow. On the same timeline, 51 former intelligence officials released a public letter suggesting the laptop story bore the "hallmarks" of Russian disinformation, influencing platforms and media to suppress or discredit it. The laptop has since been authenticated. Taken together, these actions constitute a coordinated influence campaign by current and former federal officials to shape domestic voter perceptions of a factually grounded story directly relevant to a federal election.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- DHS recommended State Department contact 2020 election censorship group — Washington Examiner
- Email reveals how Hunter Biden introduced Ukrainian biz man to dad — New York Post
- Election interference: how the FBI “prebunked” a true story — House Judiciary Committee
FBI "Operation Arctic Frost" Targeting (US)
[Established Fact - Existence and scope of Arctic Frost] The FBI opened "Operation Arctic Frost," a multi-agency investigation into pro-Trump organizations and individuals, ultimately subpoenaing or interviewing scores of Republican entities and figures. A 2025 Senate oversight letter and a 2024 institutional-governance analysis both document that the set of groups targeted by Arctic Frost substantially overlapped with those flagged by EIP as "delegitimization" nodes during the election. This alignment suggests an operational feedback loop where academic censorship targeting informed subsequent federal criminal investigations.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
FBI "Operation Arctic Frost" and Convergence with EIP Targeting (US)
[Reasonable Inference - Strategic convergence with EIP lists] The FBI opened "Operation Arctic Frost," a multi-agency investigation into pro-Trump organizations and individuals, ultimately subpoenaing or interviewing scores of Republican entities and figures. A 2025 Senate oversight letter and a 2024 institutional-governance analysis both document that the set of groups targeted by Arctic Frost substantially overlapped with those flagged by EIP as "delegitimization" nodes during the election. This alignment suggests an operational feedback loop where academic censorship targeting informed subsequent federal criminal investigations.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Grassley Exposes Biden FBI for Targeting Nearly 100 Republican Groups — Senate Judiciary Committee
- Arctic Frost — Senate Judiciary Committee
- New Arctic Frost Documents Reveal Widespread Corruption
MI SoS Refuses to testify before the MI House Oversight Committee citing "debunked conspiracy theories" (MI)
Concerted efforts on behalf of MI officials to dismiss any concerns with the integrity of the 2020 election as "conspiracy theories". Benson's letter characterized the committee's activities as allowing a witness to "spout false and baseless accusations against Michigan public servants — including more than 1,600 election clerks and tens of thousands of election workers." Rep Matt Hall stated: "This is about people, not politics. The electoral votes for Michigan have been submitted. But people in Michigan still have questions about their state's elections and those questions deserve answers. I fear we are headed for more distrust in the future if people are denied clarity and transparency from officials who head up the process."
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Intelligence Tools Developed for Use Against US Adversaries Weaponized Against US (US)
Whistleblower Patrick Bergy alleges that General James L. Jones, Obama's National Security Advisor, took the intellectual property rights to the IIA/Shadownet technology — developed at taxpayer expense — and commercialized it through his company Dynology, without authorization from the military. Bergy states directly that after watching this technology reshape elections and trigger color revolutions abroad (including Ukraine), he returned to America and found the same tools being used to "alter the outcomes of our elections in America".
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Shadowgate
- https://www.facebook.com/laralogan/posts/lara-asks-dr-timothy-v-shindelar-colonel-usmc-ret-and-federal-whistleblower-how-/1478083383684835/
- https://www.facebook.com/washingtonpost/posts/the-videos-recorded-by-cnp-to-share-with-its-members-show-influential-activists-/10160398024027293/?locale=zh_CN
MI AG Election Law Guidance to Law Enforcement Focused Upon Poll Challenger Restrictions to Exclusion of Poll Challenger Rights (MI)
Measured strictly against the Attorney General's own guidance to law enforcement, challenger rights were emphasized to the exclusion of — indeed, to the near-total absence of — affirmative rights in 2020, because the AG addressed challengers only through the lens of intimidation, disturbance, and prosecution, never as participants holding rights. When the AG did finally speak to law enforcement about challengers in the 2024 letter, the treatment was real but lopsided: roughly seven brief rights statements against a far longer apparatus of prohibitions, expulsion triggers, and six separate arrest/enforcement hooks — while omitting the one statute (MCL 168.733(4)) that imposes a duty to protect challengers. Across both cycles, the AG's law-enforcement guidance framed challengers primarily as potential disruptors to be warned, ejected, and prosecuted. The inferred intent of such guidance is to discourage independent oversight of election operations.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
The Silent Architecture of Digital Vote Manipulation (US)
In this testimony before Congress, Dr. Robert Epstein warns that Big Tech companies like Google pose a monumental threat to democratic integrity through hidden psychological influence. His research highlights the search engine manipulation effect, a phenomenon where biased algorithms can silently shift the preferences of undecided voters without leaving a visual trail. Epstein argues that these ephemeral manipulations likely moved millions of votes in recent elections, functioning as a form of subliminal persuasion controlled by a technological elite. To combat this, he proposes the implementation of independent monitoring systems to archive and analyze real-time digital bias. Finally, he suggests that Congress should declare Google’s search index a public commons to dismantle its monopoly and restore fair competition to the internet. A-6Financial Influence Financial Influence
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
💰 Financial Influence 89
ActBlue “Smurf” Micro‑Donations into Federal Races (US)
A review of public Federal Election Commission records, combined with independent data analysis and congressional investigation, has identified unusually dense patterns of small-dollar contributions routed through ActBlue donor accounts associated with elderly or low-income individuals, some with hundreds or thousands of transactions attributed to their names in a single election cycle. In several documented cases, individuals signed sworn affidavits attesting that the contribution frequency and dollar amounts reflected in FEC records did not correspond to donations they made. A data analysis by the House Committee on Administration, comparing over 200 million FEC contribution records against consumer purchasing data, voter rolls, and net worth databases, found donations "significantly disproportionate to a person's net worth or previous giving history" and "unusually frequent donations from the elderly and first-time donors," which the Committee characterized as potential evidence of unlawful exploitation of unwitting "straw donors" in violation of 52 U.S.C. § 30122. A subsequent joint interim staff report issued by three House committees on April 2, 2025 — "Fraud on ActBlue: How the Democrats' Top Fundraising Platform Opens the Door for Illegal Election Contributions" — documented that ActBlue relaxed its fraud-prevention standards twice in 2024, internally directed new employees to "look for reasons to accept contributions," and detected at least 22 "significant fraud campaigns," nearly half with a foreign nexus. On April 24, 2025, a presidential memorandum directed the Attorney General and Secretary of the Treasury to investigate "schemes to launder excessive and prohibited contributions to political candidates and committees" through online fundraising platforms, citing concerns about straw donations attributed to individuals "potentially without the consent or even knowledge of the putative contributors." A separate FEC complaint filed in 2026 alleged, based on forensic analysis of over 1.08 billion FEC Schedule A records, that 41,457 donor accounts used USPS-confirmed non-existent addresses and that 402,872 donor identities exceeded the $200 itemization threshold in aggregate while never making a single transaction at or above that threshold — a pattern the complaint characterized as deliberate structuring to evade reporting requirements. No enforcement action, indictment, or final FEC adjudication has issued as of the date of this writing. ActBlue has denied systemic wrongdoing and has attributed anomalies in part to FEC reporting conventions for intermediary platforms.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- “ActBlue statement: "This investigation is nothing more than a partisan political attack and scare tactic to undermine the power of Democratic and progressive small-dollar donors." ActBlue has further stated that FEC reporting conventions for intermediary platforms cause contributions to appear duplicated in public records, and that common names may cause aggregation errors. See Alpha News (Sept. 20, 2024)
- Cybersecurity professional Dominic Rapini identified FEC records attributing approximately $1.9 million in small-dollar ActBlue contributions to 18 Connecticut residents, most over age 70, between 2016 and 2024. In two documented cases: Clifford Slayman (retired Yale professor, 80s) signed an affidavit in April 2023 attesting that FEC records showing 7,539 donations totaling $213,163 in his name "does not reflect my donation frequency or dollars I have donated"; Barbara Schmerzler (retired real estate broker, 80s) signed an affidavit in May 2023 attesting that 2,591 donations totaling $41,000 attributed to her did not reflect her actual giving. In 2021, Schmerzler's FEC record showed 1,523 donations averaging $4.83 each — more than 4 per day. See Dominic Rapini analysis as reported in Inside Investigator (June 2, 2025)
- House Committee on Administration, October 29, 2024 letter from Chairman Bryan Steil to ActBlue: "the Committee conducted a comprehensive data analysis, comparing over 200 million FEC donation records with data on age, party affiliation, number of donations, consumer purchasing power, and net worth. This study revealed several anomalies and mismatches in the FEC records." Findings included "donations significantly disproportionate to a person's net worth or previous giving history" and "unusually frequent donations from the elderly and first-time donors." On September 18, 2024, Chairman Steil sent referral letters to the Attorneys General of Texas, Virginia, Arkansas, Florida, and Missouri citing potential "criminal activity" and "potential unlawful exploitation of unwitting 'straw donors,' whose identities may have been used to channel illicit funds into campaigns in your state." See Committee on House Administration press release (Oct. 29, 2024)
- House Committee on Administration, House Committee on the Judiciary, and House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Fraud on ActBlue: How the Democrats' Top Fundraising Platform Opens the Door for Illegal Election Contributions (Joint Interim Staff Report, April 2, 2025). Report findings include: ActBlue relaxed fraud- prevention rules twice in 2024 (April and September); internal training guide directed new employees to "look for reasons to accept contributions"; chief fraud-prevention official willing to accept "10 percent more fraud"; ActBlue detected 237 donations from foreign IP addresses using prepaid cards in a 30-day window (Sept.–Oct. 2024); internal communications document awareness of fraud without remedial action. See Committee on House Administration press release
- Presidential Memorandum, Investigation into Unlawful "Straw Donor" and Foreign Contributions in American Elections (April 24, 2025): "[P]ress reports and investigations by congressional committees have generated extremely troubling evidence that online fundraising platforms have been willing participants in schemes to launder excessive and prohibited contributions to political candidates and committees. Specifically, these reports raise concerns that malign actors are seeking to evade Federal source and amount limitations on political contributions by breaking down large contributions from one source into many smaller contributions, nominally attributed to numerous other individuals,
High‑Velocity ActBlue Smurf Activity into PA Contests (PA)
FEC‑based analyses cited in the national memo show Pennsylvania federal races receiving substantial flows from ActBlue accounts that appear to function as aggregation points for unusually high volumes of small donations (dozens or hundreds of contributions per cycle) from single nominal donors. The pattern is consistent with the possibility that larger actors are routing funds through lightly vetted small‑donor accounts to evade disclosure thresholds and individual contribution caps. potentially without the consent or even knowledge of the putative contributors." The memorandum directed the Attorney General and Secretary of the Treasury to investigate under 52 U.S.C. §§ 30121 (foreign contributions) and 30122 (contributions in the name of another). White House, https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential- actions/2025/04/investigation-into-unlawful-straw-donor-and-foreign-contributions-in-american-elections/
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- “ActBlue statement: "This investigation is nothing more than a partisan political attack and scare tactic to undermine the power of Democratic and progressive small-dollar donors." ActBlue has further stated that FEC reporting conventions for intermediary platforms cause contributions to appear duplicated in public records, and that common names may cause aggregation errors. See Alpha News (Sept. 20, 2024)
- The Gleason FEC complaint (2026), based on forensic analysis of over 1.08 billion FEC Schedule A records, does identify two Philadelphia, PA donors at the "IMPOSSIBLE" tier — John Comella (27,688 contributions, $98,321; 2013–2020) and John Overbeck (26,632 contributions, $197,046; 2006–2025). Both are listed among the complaint's named exemplars of contribution-velocity patterns described as "physically impossible for individual voluntary donors." These are Pennsylvania addresses in the public FEC data, and their donations flowed through ActBlue as the conduit.
- House Committee on Administration, House Committee on the Judiciary, and House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Fraud on ActBlue: How the Democrats' Top Fundraising Platform Opens the Door for Illegal Election Contributions (Joint Interim Staff Report, April 2, 2025). Report findings include: ActBlue relaxed fraud- prevention rules twice in 2024 (April and September); internal training guide directed new employees to "look for reasons to accept contributions"; chief fraud-prevention official willing to accept "10 percent more fraud"; ActBlue detected 237 donations from foreign IP addresses using prepaid cards in a 30-day window (Sept.–Oct. 2024); internal communications document awareness of fraud without remedial action. See Committee on House Administration press release
ActBlue PAC Registration & Conduit Structure (US)
ActBlue is registered with the FEC as a qualified non-connected committee (C00401224) and operates as a conduit fundraising platform, collecting and transmitting contributions to Democratic candidates while retaining a 3.95% processing fee per transaction.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- FEC Committee Profile, ActBlue (C00401224), FEC.gov
- Presidential Memorandum, Investigation into Unlawful "Straw Donor" and Foreign Contributions in American Elections (April 24, 2025): "[P]ress reports and investigations by congressional committees have generated extremely troubling evidence that online fundraising platforms have been willing participants in schemes to launder excessive and prohibited contributions to political candidates and committees. Specifically, these reports raise concerns that malign actors are seeking to evade Federal source and amount limitations on political contributions by breaking down large contributions from one source into many smaller contributions, nominally attributed to numerous other individuals, potentially without the consent or even knowledge of the putative contributors." The memorandum directed the Attorney General and Secretary of the Treasury to investigate under 52 U.S.C. §§ 30121 (foreign contributions) and 30122 (contributions in the name of another). White House
- House Committee on Administration, House Committee on the Judiciary, and House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Fraud on ActBlue: How the Democrats' Top Fundraising Platform Opens the Door for Illegal Election Contributions (Joint Interim Staff Report, April 2, 2025). Report findings include: ActBlue relaxed fraud- prevention rules twice in 2024 (April and September); internal training guide directed new employees to "look for reasons to accept contributions"; chief fraud-prevention official willing to accept "10 percent more fraud"; ActBlue detected 237 donations from foreign IP addresses using prepaid cards in a 30-day window (Sept.–Oct. 2024); internal communications document awareness of fraud without remedial action. See Committee on House Administration press release
2020 Cycle Transaction Volume — ~$3.8 Billion Processed (US)
During the 2020 federal election cycle ActBlue processed approximately $3.8 billion in total contributions — more than double its 2018 cycle total — creating an audit environment of exceptional complexity for regulators and recipient committees.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Scale — 15.3 Million Unique Donors; 165 Million Transactions (US)
ActBlue reported 15.3 million unique donors and over 165 million individual transactions in the 2020 cycle. This volume makes individual-transaction fraud detection and post-hoc audit exceptionally difficult without automated forensic tooling.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Sub-$200 Non-Itemization Threshold Creates Structural Audit Gap (US)
Federal law does not require campaigns to itemize contributions below $200 aggregate per donor per cycle. This threshold creates a structural incentive to keep individual fraudulent transactions sub- threshold, rendering them invisible to public FEC disclosure.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 11 C.F.R. § 104.3(a)(4)(i) (specifying that authorized committees must report itemized individual contributions in Schedule A, Line 11(a)(i), for each contributor whose aggregate contributions exceed the statutory threshold). The FEC's official guidance states: "A contribution from an individual is itemized on Schedule A . . . when it: Exceeds $200 or Aggregates over $200 when added to other contributions received from the same source during the election cycle." FEC, Individual Contributions
- FEC, Campaign Guide for Congressional Candidates and Committees (Oct. 2021), at 99 (Ch. 13, §5: "When to Itemize Receipts")
ActBlue Did Not Consistently Require CVV for Card Donations (US)
Unlike WinRed and most major e-commerce platforms, ActBlue reportedly did not consistently require Card Verification Value (CVV) entry for credit/debit donations during the 2020 cycle, removing a standard fraud-prevention control for card-not-present transactions.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- John Solomon, 'Questions mount about ActBlue's security,' Just the News, Aug. 14, 2023
- ActBlue confirmed to Congress in 2023 that it “did not require a CVV in order to contribute on their website.” Congressional investigators noted this deviated from standard e- commerce fraud controls for card-not-present (CNP) transactions, where CVV is a core PCI DSS-recommended safeguard.
- Visa Core Rules § 5.7.1; see also Mastercard Transaction Processing Rules ch. 3
- “In knowing that foreign actors use fake accounts to exploit donation systems that do not have robust verification processes and systems in place, most individual campaigns and political action committees (PACs) require CVV numbers as part of making an online donation. However, in breaking with most organizations, ActBlue does not require CVV numbers as a requirement for donating, and thus lending itself as a facilitator of fraud.”
ActBlue Disputes Adequacy-of-Fraud-Controls Characterizations (US)
ActBlue has publicly stated it employs machine-learning fraud detection, velocity checks, and proprietary controls. It disputes characterizations of its fraud controls as inadequate. No independent third-party audit of 2020-cycle fraud performance has been publicly released.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
No Independent Third-Party Fraud Audit Published for 2020 Cycle (US)
As of the compilation of this report, ActBlue has not published an independent third-party audit of its fraud detection performance for the 2020 election cycle, nor has it produced complete responsive records to all congressional inquiries.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Donor Complaints — Just the News / Solomon Investigation (US)
Investigative reporting identified dozens of individuals whose names appear in FEC records as making large volumes of small, repeated contributions via ActBlue whom, when contacted, stated they had made no such contributions and did not recognize the transactions.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Suspicious Elderly Donations (US)
Reporting identified elderly individuals — some reportedly in their 80s and 90s, including those hospitalized or deceased — whose names appeared in FEC records as making hundreds of small rapid-fire contributions via ActBlue without apparent authorization.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Caden Pearson, "ActBlue Donor Fraud Allegations Mount," The Epoch Times, Oct. 4, 2023 (not independently verified by this report; article behind subscription paywall). The O'Keefe Media Group's foundational reporting on the same pattern ran March 28, 2023, documenting senior citizens in Maryland and elsewhere whose names appeared in FEC records as having donated $170,000–$230,000+ via ActBlue through 12,000–31,000 individual contributions, with donors on-camera denying the donations when approached. O'Keefe Media Group, "Potential Massive ActBlue Scheme" (March 28, 2023)
- Dominic Rapini's FEC-based analysis of 18 Connecticut donors (all over age 70) identified specific individuals including: Clifford Slayman, an 88-year-old retired Yale professor — 7,539 contributions totaling $213,163 in his name — who signed an affidavit stating "I believe this does not reflect my donation frequency or dollars I have donated"; and Barbara Schmerzler, a retired real estate broker in her 80s — 2,549 contributions totaling $41,000 — who likewise signed an affidavit disputing the record. A 91-year-old woman (2,591 contributions, $41,000) and a 75-year-old woman (4,270 contributions, $32,323) also signed affidavits denying the donations. Elizabeth Troutman Mitchell, "Where Does the Money Come From? Elderly Democrats Say Donations Made in Their Names Aren't Genuine," The Daily Signal (Jan. 8, 2025)
Unauthorized ActBlue Donation Complaints (NC)
Reports indicate the North Carolina State Board of Elections received complaints from residents whose identities appear to have been used in unauthorized ActBlue transactions, and that the matter was referred for further review. Official confirmation of formal referral is limited.
📍 Jurisdiction: North Carolina, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Patrick Gannon, 'North Carolina elections board fields complaints about ActBlue donations,' NC Newsline, Sept. 27, 2023
Congressional Referral Letters to DOJ and FEC (2023–2024) (US)
Members of the House Administration and Judiciary Committees transmitted formal letters to the DOJ and FEC requesting investigation of ActBlue's donor verification practices, citing constituent complaints and FEC data anomalies.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Anomalous Sub-threshold Contribution Clustering in FEC Data (US)
Analysis of public FEC filings identified statistically anomalous frequencies of contributions in exact round-dollar amounts ($1, $5, $10, $15) attributed to single named donors over compressed time periods — a pattern inconsistent with typical individual donor behavior.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Analysis of FEC bulk data (Schedule A filings), FEC.gov
- Election Research Institute, Anomalous Contribution Patterns in 2020 Small-Dollar Online Fundraising (2023) (methodology subject to verification)
Geographic Clustering — High Contribution Rates in Low-Income Zip Codes (US)
FEC data analysis identified contribution patterns attributed to donors whose listed occupations are unemployed, retired, or on fixed income at frequencies and aggregate amounts inconsistent with known demographic donation behavior — a population that historically accounts for a negligible share of political giving. Separate analysis confirmed that tens of thousands of donor identities used addresses that do not physically exist, suggesting systematic identity fabrication rather than individual error.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Rep. Bryan Steil, Chairman, House Committee on Administration, identified as anomalous the "receipt of a significant number of donations from individuals who are retired and live on a fixed income" and donations "disproportionate to a person's net worth or previous giving history." Steil Expanded Investigation Announcement (Aug. 5, 2024)
- Political donation rates are strongly income-correlated and highly concentrated demographically. Only a tiny fraction of Americans make itemized contributions (over $200). OpenSecrets, Donor Demographics
Address Clustering — Same Address, Multiple Donor Names, Near- Simultaneous Contributions (US)
Instances appear in public FEC records in which the same physical address is associated with multiple donor names making near-simultaneous contributions to the same recipients — a pattern consistent with identity fabrication or credential harvesting at a single address.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
ActBlue Leverages FEC Reporting Loophole By Using Straw Donors Used (US)
Where a coordinating actor directs multiple nominal donors to make contributions earmarked for a common recipient, those contributions are attributed to the original source — not the nominal donor — and aggregate against that source's individual contribution limits. The conduit or intermediary is required to report the original source and intended recipient to the FEC, and where the conduit exercises direction or control over the recipient designation, the contribution counts against both the original contributor's and the conduit's limits. Making contributions in the name of another person is independently prohibited. A knowing and willful violation of these provisions involving contributions aggregating $25,000 or more in a calendar year constitutes a federal felony punishable by up to five years' imprisonment.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 52 U.S.C. § 30116(a)(8) ("all contributions made by a person, either directly or indirectly, on behalf of a particular candidate, including contributions which are in any way earmarked or otherwise directed through an intermediary or conduit to such candidate, shall be treated as contributions from such person to such candidate"), available at
- 11 C.F.R. § 110.6(b)(2) (providing that where a conduit "exercises any direction or control over the choice of the recipient candidate," the contribution is attributed to the conduit as well as the original contributor), available at
- 52 U.S.C. § 30122 (prohibiting contributions made in the name of another person or permitting one's name to be used for such purpose), available at
- 52 U.S.C. § 30109(d)(1)(A)(i) (any person who knowingly and willfully commits a FECA violation involving contributions aggregating $25,000 or more during a calendar year shall be fined or imprisoned for not more than five years, or both), available at
- Rep. Bryan Steil, Chairman, House Committee on Administration, identified as anomalous the "receipt of a significant number of donations from individuals who are retired and live on a fixed income" and donations "disproportionate to a person's net worth or previous giving history." Steil Expanded Investigation Announcement (Aug. 5, 2024)
- Political donation rates are strongly income-correlated and highly concentrated demographically. Only a tiny fraction of Americans make itemized contributions (over $200). OpenSecrets, Donor Demographics
- John Solomon & Steven Richards, 'Hundreds of ActBlue donors say they never made contributions attributed to them,' Just the News, Sept. 5, 2023
ActBlue Donation Profiles Are Straw Donations (US)
ActBlue Smurf donation profiles appear to violate federal law. 52 U.S.C. § 30122 (US) prohibits making a contribution in the name of another person, permitting one's name to be used for such a contribution, or knowingly accepting a contribution made in another's name. Criminal penalties attach at >$2,000 (misdemeanor) and >$25,000/year (felony).
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 52 U.S.C. § 30122
- Rep. Bryan Steil, Chairman, House Committee on Administration, identified as anomalous the "receipt of a significant number of donations from individuals who are retired and live on a fixed income" and donations "disproportionate to a person's net worth or previous giving history." Steil Expanded Investigation Announcement (Aug. 5, 2024)
- Political donation rates are strongly income-correlated and highly concentrated demographically. Only a tiny fraction of Americans make itemized contributions (over $200). OpenSecrets, Donor Demographics
- Caden Pearson, "ActBlue Donor Fraud Allegations Mount," The Epoch Times, Oct. 4, 2023 (not independently verified by this report; article behind subscription paywall). The O'Keefe Media Group's foundational reporting on the same pattern ran March 28, 2023, documenting senior citizens in Maryland and elsewhere whose names appeared in FEC records as having donated $170,000–$230,000+ via ActBlue through 12,000–31,000 individual contributions, with donors on-camera denying the donations when approached. O'Keefe Media Group, "Potential Massive ActBlue Scheme" (March 28, 2023)
- Dominic Rapini's FEC-based analysis of 18 Connecticut donors (all over age 70) identified specific individuals including: Clifford Slayman, an 88-year-old retired Yale professor — 7,539 contributions totaling $213,163 in his name — who signed an affidavit stating "I believe this does not reflect my donation frequency or dollars I have donated"; and Barbara Schmerzler, a retired real estate broker in her 80s — 2,549 contributions totaling $41,000 — who likewise signed an affidavit disputing the record. A 91-year-old woman (2,591 contributions, $41,000) and a 75-year-old woman (4,270 contributions, $32,323) also signed affidavits denying the donations. Elizabeth Troutman Mitchell, "Where Does the Money Come From? Elderly Democrats Say Donations Made in Their Names Aren't Genuine," The Daily Signal (Jan. 8, 2025)
ActBlue Enables Illegal Foreign National Contributions Prohibition
ActBlue security negligence enables illegal foreign national contributions. 52 U.S.C. § 30121 law prohibits foreign nationals from making any direct or indirect contribution in connection with any U.S. election. Receiving committees are also prohibited from soliciting, accepting, or receiving such contributions. Felony threshold: >$25,000/year.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- John Solomon, 'Questions mount about ActBlue's security,' Just the News, Aug. 14, 2023
- ActBlue confirmed to Congress in 2023 that it “did not require a CVV in order to contribute on their website.” Congressional investigators noted this deviated from standard e- commerce fraud controls for card-not-present (CNP) transactions, where CVV is a core PCI DSS-recommended safeguard.
- Visa Core Rules § 5.7.1; see also Mastercard Transaction Processing Rules ch. 3
- “In knowing that foreign actors use fake accounts to exploit donation systems that do not have robust verification processes and systems in place, most individual campaigns and political action committees (PACs) require CVV numbers as part of making an online donation. However, in breaking with most organizations, ActBlue does not require CVV numbers as a requirement for donating, and thus lending itself as a facilitator of fraud.”
CVV/AVS Gap as Potential Foreign Contribution Vector (US)
Security researchers contend ActBlue's relaxed CVV and Address Verification System (AVS) configuration would have reduced technical barriers to foreign-based actors using prepaid cards or VPNs to submit contributions without triggering identity mismatch rejections.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Logan Washburn, ‘Amid Chaos At ActBlue, House Republicans Seek Answers About ‘Potentially Fraudulent And Illicit Financial Activity,’ The Federalist, March 11, 2025
- Visa AVS Response Codes (2022)
- Mastercard Address Verification System Technical Reference (2021)
Prepaid Debit Cards — No Verified Exclusion from ActBlue Payment Methods (US)
Prepaid debit cards, obtainable in many jurisdictions without identity verification, were not confirmed as excluded from ActBlue's accepted payment methods during the 2020 cycle. Their acceptance would further reduce barriers to anonymous or foreign-sourced contributions.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ActBlue, Payment Methods Accepted (archived web page, 2020–2021)
- Stripe Developer Documentation
No Declassified IC Assessment Specifically Identifying ActBlue as Foreign Exploitation Vehicle (US)
No declassified U.S. intelligence community assessment reviewed for this report specifically identifies ActBlue as a vehicle for foreign national contribution fraud during the 2020 cycle. This represents a significant evidentiary absence requiring ODNI/FBI inquiry.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Review of publicly available ODNI and FBI declassified assessments re: 2020 election foreign interference (no ActBlue-specific finding identified as of Mar. 2026)
FEC Public Contribution Database — Primary Evidentiary Source (US)
ActBlue files regular itemized contribution schedules (FEC Form 3X) with donor name, address, employer, occupation, date, and amount for all contributions ≥$200. These public records constitute the primary evidentiary base for pattern analysis and victim identification.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
No Completed FEC Audit of ActBlue for 2020 Cycle Published (US)
The FEC Audit Division's public records show no completed audit of ActBlue for the 2020 election cycle as of March 2026. The FEC has statutory authority to compel such an audit under 52 U.S.C. § 30111(b) but has not done so for this period.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Merchant Processing Agreements — Critical Gap; Not Publicly Available (US)
ActBlue's agreements with payment processors (reportedly including Stripe and WePay) governing CVV/AVS requirements, chargeback policies, and fraud reporting obligations are not publicly available and have not been produced to investigators. These documents are essential to establishing platform-level fraud control decisions.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Stripe Developer Documentation
- reported processor relationship: industry sources
- actual ActBlue-specific agreements are nonpublic
Chargeback and Dispute Records — Recoverable Evidence of Unauthorized Transactions (US)
Where named donors disputed unauthorized charges through their financial institutions, chargeback records held by card networks (Visa, Mastercard) and issuing banks constitute recoverable evidence of confirmed unauthorized use — directly corroborating victim complaints.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Visa Operating Regulations § 11.2 (chargeback rights)
- Mastercard Rules § 13.1
- records held by issuing banks and acquirers
- subpoena required
Straw Donor Liability of Recipient Committees — FEC v. Weinstein (US)
The Southern District of New York held that contributions made through straw donors violate § 30122 regardless of whether the ultimate recipient campaign was aware of the straw arrangement, establishing strict-liability principles for receiving committees.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Knowing Acceptance / Willful Blindness Standard — United States v. Danielczyk (VA)
The Eastern District of Virginia affirmed that the straw donor prohibition under § 30122 requires knowing acceptance by the receiving committee for criminal liability on the committee's part, but that 'knowing' may be inferred from willful blindness — the Global-Tech standard.
📍 Jurisdiction: Virginia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- United States v. Danielczyk, 788 F. Supp. 2d 472, 479–481 (E.D. Va. 2011), rev'd on other grounds, 683 F.3d 611 (4th Cir. 2012), “[A] ‘knowing and willful’ violation of FECA requires actions taken ‘with full knowledge of all the facts and a recognition that the action is prohibited by law’ …[T]he government need only show that the defendant acted with knowledge that [his] conduct was unlawful.” (citing Bryan v. United States, 524 U.S. 184, 195 (1998)).
- Global-Tech Appliances, Inc. v. SEB S.A., 563 U.S. 754, 769 (2011),[A] defendant who takes deliberate actions to avoid confirming a high probability of wrongdoing … is considered to have acted with knowledge … [W]illful blindness satisfies the knowledge requirement.”
Employer-Reimbursed Contribution Scheme Conviction — United States v. O'Donnell (US)
The Ninth Circuit affirmed conviction under § 30122 for orchestrating a scheme where an employer reimbursed employees for political contributions made in the employees' names — directly analogous to third-party actors making contributions in victims' names without authorization.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- United States v. Whittemore, No. 13-10515 (9th Cir. Jan. 26, 2015) , “Whittemore distributed a total of $145,000, in increments of $5,000 per person, to some of his relatives and to employees of a company of which he was chairman, requesting that the recipients make contributions to Senator Reid’s campaign… Each recipient made a contribution of $4,600, the maximum allowed under federal law.”
DOJ Prosecution of Foreign-Connected Campaign Finance Violations — United States v. Broidy (US)
Foreign-connected campaign finance violations have resulted in federal criminal charges. In United States v. Michel, No. 1:19-cr-00148 (D.D.C.), prosecutors charged that fugitive Malaysian financier Jho Low's funds were funneled through straw donors into federal campaign committees supporting a presidential candidate, in violation of FECA's prohibition on foreign national contributions and the straw-donor ban.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Wire Fraud Exposure — 18 U.S.C. § 1343 (Up to 20 Years Per Count) (US)
Where fraudulent contributions are submitted via ActBlue's internet platform, each electronic transmission constitutes a potential wire fraud predicate under 18 U.S.C. § 1343, which broadly covers any scheme to obtain money or property by false pretenses transmitted "by means of wire . . . communication in interstate or foreign commerce." Wire fraud carries a maximum of 20 years' imprisonment per count. A conspiracy charge under 18 U.S.C. § 371 adds up to five years per scheme, yielding a combined maximum exposure of up to 25 years across the two counts.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 18 U.S.C. § 1343 ("Whoever, having devised or intending to devise any scheme or artifice to defraud, or for obtaining money or property by means of false or fraudulent pretenses, representations, or promises, transmits or causes to be transmitted by means of wire, radio, or television communication in interstate or foreign commerce, any writings, signs, signals, pictures, or sounds for the purpose of executing such scheme or artifice, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than 20 years, or both."), available at
- 18 U.S.C. § 371 ("If two or more persons conspire either to commit any offense against the United States, or to defraud the United States, or any agency thereof in any manner or for any purpose, and one or more of such persons do any act to effect the object of the conspiracy, each shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than five years, or both."), available at
Money Laundering Exposure — 18 U.S.C. §§ 1956–1957 (US)
Where criminally derived funds (proceeds of straw donor violations or identity fraud) are transmitted through ActBlue to candidate accounts, laundering charges under 18 U.S.C. § 1956 are available. FECA violations are listed as specified unlawful activity under § 1956(c)(7)(D), enabling this theory.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Presidential Memorandum, “Investigation into Unlawful ‘Straw Donor’ and Foreign Contributions in American Elections” (April 24, 2025)
- 18 U.S.C. § 1956(c)(7)(D) (FECA violations as specified unlawful activity)
Identity Fraud Exposure — 18 U.S.C. § 1028 (Up to 15 Years) (US)
Where perpetrators used real individuals' personal identifying information (name, address, card number) to make contributions without authorization, each instance constitutes potential identity fraud under 18 U.S.C. § 1028, carrying up to 15 years imprisonment.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 18 U.S.C. § 1028(a)(7), (b)(1)(D), “Whoever, in a circumstance described in subsection (c) of this section— (7) knowingly transfers, possesses, or uses, without lawful authority, a means of identification of another person with the intent to commit, or to aid or abet, any unlawful activity that constitutes a violation of Federal law, or that constitutes a felony under any applicable State or local law; shall be punished as provided in subsection (b) of this section.”
- “Section 1028(a)(7) criminalizes the knowing transfer, possession, or use, without lawful authority, of a means of identification of another person with the intent to commit, or to aid or abet, any unlawful activity that constitutes a violation of Federal law…” (DOJ explicitly lists this as the primary “identity theft” provision used when PII is misused to facilitate another federal offense).
Conspiracy Exposure — 18 U.S.C. § 371 (Up to 5 Years) (US)
If two or more persons coordinated to submit fraudulent contributions through ActBlue — whether through straw donor schemes, identity misappropriation, or foreign contribution routing — each is subject to conspiracy liability under 18 U.S.C. § 371, independent of whether the underlying offense was completed or whether each participant personally committed every element of the offense. Under settled conspiracy doctrine, co-conspirators are liable for acts taken by any member of the conspiracy in furtherance of its object.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Pinkerton v. United States, 328 U.S. 640, 646–47 (1946) (holding that a party to a conspiracy is liable for the substantive offense committed by a co-conspirator in furtherance of the conspiracy, even if he did not participate in its commission); accord Salinas v. United States, 522 U.S. 52, 63–64 (1997) ("A conspiracy may exist even if a conspirator does not agree to commit or facilitate each and every part of the substantive offense. . . . it suffices that he adopt the goal of furthering or facilitating the criminal endeavor").
FinCEN SAR Records — Potential Evidentiary Gap Requiring Database Query (US)
Suspicious Activity Reports (SARs) filed by financial institutions with FinCEN in connection with ActBlue transactions may corroborate fraud patterns already identified through FEC data analysis. In September 2024, House Oversight Chairman James Comer and Republican colleagues formally requested from Treasury Secretary Yellen all SARs related to ActBlue, citing concerns about potential money laundering, identity theft, fraudulent credit card transactions, and evasion of campaign finance law. Treasury subsequently confirmed to Congress that it was reviewing "hundreds of potentially responsive records" — a review described as "one of the most extensive records reviews it has undertaken this Congress" — but did not produce the records before the end of the Biden administration. In March 2025, Chairmen Steil, Comer, and Rep. Langworthy renewed the request to Treasury Secretary Bessent, seeking the SARs "previously withheld by the Biden Administration." The contents of any SARs produced remain subject to strict statutory confidentiality and have not been publicly disclosed.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- U.S.C. § 5318(g)(1) (authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to require financial institutions to report suspicious transactions relevant to possible violations of law or regulation), available at
- House Committee on Oversight and Accountability, Press Release, "Comer, Langworthy, Oversight Republicans Launch Investigation into Potential Fraud Linked to ActBlue Campaign Contributions, Request Treasury's SARs on Suspicious Financial Activity" (Sept. 20, 2024), available at
- Josh Christenson, "Treasury finds hundreds of transactions linked to fundraising platform ActBlue flagged by banks: GOP memo," N.Y. Post (Oct. 29, 2024), available at
Conflict of Interest pertinent to financial transactions featuring MI SoS Jocelyn Benson and Silicon Valley Community Foundations (MI)
The financial relationship between SVCF and Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson warrants scrutiny as a structural conflict of interest facilitated through multiple layers of nonprofit intermediaries. SVCF, as the donor-advised fund custodian for the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, disbursed $69.5 million to the Center for Election Innovation and Research (CEIR). CEIR in turn awarded Michigan an approximately $12 million grant — routed not to the Secretary of State's office but to MCELA, the Michigan Center for Election Law and Administration, a nonprofit founded by Benson that had reported minimal activity before 2020. At the time MCELA administered the grant, its president was Sally Marsh — simultaneously serving as Director of Special Projects in Benson's own Secretary of State office and a veteran of Benson's 2018 campaign, where she served as deputy campaign manager and finance director. MCELA disbursed approximately $11.9 million — nearly the entire grant — to two Democratic political consulting firms: Waterfront Strategies (a subsidiary of GMMB, described as the largest Democratic consulting firm in the United States) and Alper Strategies.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
Third-Party NGO Voter Registration Operations Connected to National Private Funding Networks (AZ)
The Yuma County Sheriff's Office and Yuma County Recorder's Office jointly confirmed sixteen open criminal investigations as of March 2022 into a pattern of election-related fraud spanning the 2020 General Election and continuing into the 2022 primary cycle. Categories of fraud documented in the Sheriff's Office press release included impersonation fraud, false voter registrations, duplicate voting, and fraudulent use of absentee ballots. For the false-registration category, the Sheriff's Office specifically noted: "This is being done by outreach groups who are paid for each registration form they submit, therefore, are out soliciting voters into unnecessarily re-registering or falsifying forms with Yuma County resident's identities." In a June 7, 2022 interview with The Epoch Times, Yuma County Recorder Robyn Stallworth Pouquette stated: "We have received registration forms that are fraudulently completed. It's been a prevalent problem in Yuma County, and it's very unfortunate." The Epoch Times reported that the investigation was targeting U.S. nonprofits believed to be political advocacy groups operating on a national scale, though this characterization appeared in the article's subheadline rather than as a direct Pouquette quote.
📍 Jurisdiction: Yuma County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Gary Bai, "Exclusive: Arizona Election Worker Details Voter Fraud Investigation," The Epoch Times, July 17, 2022 (reporting June 7 interview with Pouquette). Direct quote from Pouquette: "Our primary is Aug. 2. We have received registration forms that are fraudulently completed. It's been a prevalent problem in Yuma County, and it's very unfortunate." The characterization regarding nonprofits operating on a national scale as political advocacy groups appeared in the article's subheadline as the reporter's framing; Pouquette's direct quotes in the article do not use those specific terms.
- Yuma County Voting Fraud — Yuma County Sheriff’s Office
Misappropriation of COVID Safety Grant Funds for Partisan Operational Enhancement (GA)
Despite CTCL grants being publicly marketed as "COVID-19 Response Grants," Fulton, Cobb, and DeKalb counties — the three largest recipients in Georgia — spent only approximately 1.3 percent of their CTCL grants on personal protective equipment. The remaining funds were applied to operational expenditures including administrative salaries, laptop computers, vehicle rentals, attorney fees, and mail-in ballot processing infrastructure. CTCL distributed approximately $45 million in grants to Georgia election offices across the 2020 general election and January 2021 Senate runoff cycle; the grants were concentrated in Biden-won counties, which received approximately four times the per-voter funding of Trump-won counties.<sup>2,3</sup> Separately, the Georgia Secretary of State's Office received approximately $5.6 million from the Center for Election Innovation and Research (CEIR), funded by the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, for nonpartisan voter outreach, including television advertising. A transparency lawsuit filed in November 2021 by Greater Georgia, led by former Senator Kelly Loeffler, sought further public accounting of how the SOS grant was administered.
📍 Jurisdiction: Cobb County; DeKalb County; Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Foundation for Government Accountability, "Zuckerbucks in Georgia" (May 24, 2021), as cited in Imprimis, Hillsdale College, Vol. 50, No. 10 (October 2021): "The three Georgia counties that received the most money spent only 1.3 percent of it on personal protective equipment. The rest was spent on salaries, laptops, vehicle rentals, attorney fees for public records requests, mail-in balloting, and other measures."
- Foundation for Government Accountability, "Where Zuckerbucks Actually Went During the 2020 Election" (citing national "<1% on PPE" figure and CTCL distribution data).
- Capital Research Center, "Shining a Light on Zuck Bucks in the 2020 Battleground States" (updated May 28, 2024): total CTCL grants to Georgia ~$45 million per CTCL's disclosed Form 990 data; Biden-won counties received $5.33/registered voter vs. $1.41/registered voter for Trump-won counties.
- Center for Election Innovation and Research, 2020 Voter Education Grant Program (published 2021) — Georgia received approximately $5.6 million; funds used for voter outreach including television advertising.
- Greater Georgia sues for transparency on Zuckerberg's $5.6M ... — FOX 5 Atlanta
Bureau of Elections Promoted Private CTCL Grants via Official State Communications Infrastructure (MI)
The Michigan Bureau of Elections used its official government email infrastructure — the Bureau's statewide News Update system, which automatically delivered communications to every municipal clerk and deputy clerk in the state — to relay CTCL grant application information directly to local election officials in September 2020. The Bureau's News Update of September 17, 2020, sent through the Michigan Secretary of State's official govdelivery.com platform, included a section headed 'Additional Center for Tech and Civic Life Grant Funding Available – Apply by October 1!' that provided the CTCL application URL and a list of covered expense categories, directing clerks to apply directly to the private Zuckerberg-funded nonprofit. Canton Township's clerk received the communication and subsequently applied; the township was awarded a $42,931 CTCL grant.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Secretary of State, Bureau of Elections, "9/17/2020 News Update — Accessible Electronic AV Ballots, MOVE Ballots, CTCL Funding and more," sent September 17, 2020, 6:49 PM EDT, via Michigan SOS govdelivery.com email system. Section heading: "Additional Center for Tech and Civic Life Grant Funding Available – Apply by October 1!" Full text: "The Bureau of Elections received additional information from the Center for Tech and Civic Life about grant funding that remains available for election officials in Michigan. Jurisdictions can learn more about applying on the CTCL website
- "CTCL Payments to Michigan Jurisdictions," compiled from Center for Tech and Civic Life 2020 grant disclosure data (Form 990, filed December 2021), listing "Charter Township of Canton — $42,931." Published on Scribd, p. 20. Available at
- City of Novi, City Council Meeting Agenda, Consent Item E, October 12, 2020: "The State of Michigan notified the Clerks' office of available grant funding through the Center for Tech and Civic Life (CTCL), an organization that is providing funding to U.S. local election offices to ensure they have critical resources to safely serve voters in 2020. In September, the Clerks office applied for grant funding by outlining the current 2020 elections budget and additional expenses incurred. On September 26, the City received notice that it had been awarded a grant in the amount of $26,194." Available at
Extortive Clawback Clauses Dictating Election Operations as Condition of $10 Million Private Grant (PA)
"Philadelphia accepted a $10,016,074 CTCL grant that contractually required the city to 'work to secure 800 or more in-person polling places on Election Day' and to pay election judges and poll workers using private grant funds — $851,500 in hazard pay for 8,515 poll workers was budgeted directly within the grant agreement. The contract further required the city to expend funds only in accordance with an attached Philadelphia Safe Voting Plan approved by CTCL, and included clawback provisions under which CTCL could request the return of all or part of any unspent funds if it determined that conditions had not been met. This structure — in which a private foundation's approval governed both the city's operational plan and the conditions under which funds could be recovered — placed government election administration under a contractual framework controlled by a private actor.".
📍 Jurisdiction: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Philadelphia City Commissioners, "Chairwoman Lisa Deeley to Propose Motion to Accept $10 Million Grant to Conduct Safe Election This Fall," Philadelphia City Commissioners official website. Available at
- Center for Tech and Civic Life, Grant Agreement with the City of Philadelphia (Execution Copy, dated August 19, 2020). Amount: $10,016,074. Clause 6(iii): "The City and the Commissioners shall work to secure 800 or more in-person polling places on Election Day, pursuant to this Section." Clause 9: "CTCL may discontinue, withhold part of, or request the return of all or part of any unspent Grant funds if it determines that any of the above conditions have not been met." Poll Worker Hazard Pay budget line: $851,500 for 8,515 poll workers at $100 per worker. Full execution copy published by InfluenceWatch. Available at
- Supreme Court Filing Pennsylvania Voters Alliance — US Supreme Court
CTCL Clawback Provisions Created Ongoing Private Control Over Governmental Election Administration (US)
Across CTCL grant jurisdictions for which agreements have been made publicly available, grant documents included enforceable contractual clawback provisions authorizing CTCL to discontinue, modify, withhold, or request the return of all or part of grant funds upon CTCL's determination that grant conditions had not been met. The standard CTCL grant form used in Michigan and other states expressly vested this authority in CTCL's "sole judgment." Larger discretionary grants — including Philadelphia's $10 million agreement — required the city to obtain grantor agreement before substituting line-item expenditures designated in the grant plan. The SCOTUS petition filed by the Pennsylvania Voters Alliance characterized these provisions as creating "a contingent, ongoing, and long-term liability" for recipient jurisdictions.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Philadelphia CTCL Grant Agreement (execution copy), Clause 9: "CTCL may discontinue, withhold part of, or request the return of all or part of any unspent Grant funds if it determines that any of the above conditions have not been met." Available at
- CTCL Grant Agreement, City of Novi (Michigan), Clause 9 (Oct. 12, 2020): "CTCL may discontinue, modify, withhold part of, or ask for the return all or part of the grant funds if it determines, in its sole judgment, that (a) any of the above terms and conditions of this grant have not been met, or (b) CTCL is required to do so to comply with applicable laws or regulations." Reproduced in Novi City Council Consent Agenda Item E, available at
- Philadelphia CTCL Grant Agreement (execution copy), Clause 5 (requiring repayment of funds for items not purchased absent "an agreed-upon substitution or expenditure or extension of time by grantor"). Available at
- Petition for Writ of Certiorari, Pennsylvania Voters Alliance v. Centre County, No. 20-553 (U.S. Oct. 25, 2020), Appendix (Expert Report of J.R. Carlson): "The claw back language in the CTCL agreements represents a contingent, ongoing, and long-term liability for the political subdivision." Available at
- Pennsylvania Voters Alliance SCOTUS Petition — US Supreme Court Filing
Disproportionate CTCL Drop Box Funding and Chain-of-Custody Breakdown (AZ)
CTCL distributed approximately $5.1 million across Arizona jurisdictions for the 2020 election, with the vast majority flowing to counties carried by Joe Biden. Biden-won counties received approximately $3.9 million — roughly 75% of all CTCL grants in the state — while Trump-won counties received just under $671,000, or approximately 13% of the total. Maricopa County, the state's largest and most populous, received $1.84 million. In 2021, the Arizona State Senate subpoenaed Maricopa County for records relating to all 2.1 million ballots cast in the county, initiating a months-long review that identified concerns about chain-of-custody procedures, ballot handling, and documentation of ballot transfers from drop boxes and vote centers to central tabulators.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Capital Research Center, Parker Thayer and Hayden Ludwig, "Shining a Light on Zuck Bucks in the 2020 Battleground States" (updated May 28, 2024): "Our estimate: $5 million... Their disclosed data: $5.1 million." Available at
- Capital Research Center, supra fn. 1: "Biden-carried counties received $3.9 million, 75.5 percent of all CTCL grants to the Grand Canyon state. In contrast, CTCL gave grants to 4 of the counties Trump won. Trump counties received just under $671,000, or 13 percent of all CTCL grants statewide." Available at
- Capital Research Center, supra fn. 1: "Maricopa received $1.84 million from CTCL. Critically, only one county in Arizona flipped in 2020: Maricopa County... which broke for Biden after Trump won it in 2016." Available at
- The Arizona Senate subpoenaed Maricopa County in 2021 for records relating to all 2.1 million ballots cast in the county's 2020 general election. See ProPublica (Mar. 12, 2026): "The Arizona audit began in April 2021, after the Senate's Republican leadership subpoenaed Maricopa County for scans of all 2.1 million ballots." Available at
- Verity Vote (Jan. 25, 2022) claims that "Maricopa County officials violated Arizona law and do not have the required chain of custody for at least 740,000 ballots" relating to the retrieval of early voting ballots from vote centers and drop box locations. Available at
- CTCL Grants 2020 AZ-NV Spreadsheet — Capital Research Center
- How “Zuckerbucks” Infiltrated Arizona Elections — Foundation for Government Accountability
CISA Election Systems Oversight Contractor Influenced by Partisan Democracy Fund (US)
IRS Form 990-PF filings show Democracy Fund and Democracy Fund Voice distributing money across the same universe of nonprofits and “digital democracy” projects that federal officials and contractors elevate as trusted partners on election administration, cybersecurity, and “disinformation.” At the center of the election-security side is the Center for Internet Security (CIS), CISA’s long-time contractor for the Multi-State and Election Infrastructure Information Sharing and Analysis Centers (MS-ISAC and EI-ISAC). These ISACs act as a national clearinghouse for sensitive election-security information—network telemetry, incident reports, and vulnerability data—from state and local offices in all 50 states.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
ERIC–CEIR Data Pipeline and CTCL‑Funded GOTV (GA)
In Georgia, over 94% of CTCL funds — approximately $42.4 million — flowed to 17 Biden-won counties, while Trump-won counties (26 of 128) received less than 6% of statewide grant dollars. Simultaneously, Georgia participated in ERIC, which generated lists of "Eligible but Unregistered" (EBU) individuals from state voter roll and DMV data. Documents obtained from the Georgia Secretary of State's office through public records requests reveal that this EBU data was transferred from ERIC to CEIR — the Center for Election Innovation and Research, founded and led by ERIC co-founder David Becker and funded in 2020 with approximately $70 million from Mark Zuckerberg — which then created registration outreach mailing lists returned through ERIC to state officials. The concurrent deployment of private CTCL grants in the state's most heavily Democratic counties and the routing of state voter data through a privately operated registration-targeting infrastructure raised questions about whether nominally neutral election-administration systems were being used in ways that aligned more closely with one political coalition than the other.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Capital Research Center, Parker Thayer & Hayden Ludwig, “UPDATED: Shining a Light on 'Zuck Bucks' in the 2020 Battleground States” (updated May 28, 2024), available at
- Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Mark Niesse, “Georgia panel approves bill to restrict 'Zuckerbucks' elections money” (Feb. 28, 2023), available at
- Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC), “Frequently Asked Questions” (Oct. 28, 2024), at 4–5, available at
- Verity Vote, “Threats to Election Integrity: ERIC-CEIR-REVERE” (Aug. 2022), at [Figure 15–16], available at
- Email from ERIC Executive Director Shane Hamlin to Rhode Island Elections Director Rob Rock (Jan. 12, 2021), described in Public Interest Legal Foundation, “ERIC Caught Sharing Voter Data With CEIR” (Mar. 22, 2023), archived and reported by Election Fairness Institute, available at
- Center for Election Innovation and Research, *CEIR 2020 Voter Education Grant Program* (Mar. 16, 2021), available at
MCELA–CEIR Grant for “Voter Education” as In‑Kind GOTV (MI)
Jocelyn Benson founded the Michigan Center for Election Law and Administration (MCELA), a nonprofit that received no material revenue until September 2020, when it was awarded an $11.9 million grant from CEIR — the Zuckerberg-funded Center for Election Innovation and Research — nominally for "voter education." MCELA directed 99% of those funds — $11.9 million — to two Democratic political consulting firms: Waterfront Strategies ($9.8 million), a subsidiary of GMMB, the largest Democratic consulting firm in the United States, and Alper Strategies ($2.1 million), founded by former DNC political director Jill Alper — both engaged for "media strategy and purchase." The resulting campaign, run in collaboration with Benson's Secretary of State office, produced television and radio ads, targeted mailings to active registered voters about mail ballot procedures, and text message campaigns. A subsequent federal civil complaint alleged that the text message contact information was provided by Waterfront Strategies and Alper Strategies and was directed to registered Democrats, though that allegation remains at the pleading stage.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Center for Election Innovation and Research (CEIR), “2020 Voter Education Grant Program Report” (Mar. 2021), available at
- MCELA Form 990 (filed May 2021), as reported in: (a) Ashley Oliver, “Zuckerberg-Funded Group Gave $11.8M to Democrat Firms for 'Nonpartisan Voter Education'“, Breitbart (Aug. 6, 2021), available at
CTCL Concentration in Philadelphia and Delaware County (PA)
Pennsylvania received approximately $25 million in CTCL grants, with $10,016,074 flowing to Philadelphia alone and $2.2 million to Democratic-leaning Delaware County — the latter among the first counties in the state to receive funding, awarded before most jurisdictions were even informed the grants existed. The Delaware County grant was used to deploy fifty drop boxes across a county of approximately 184 square miles — approximately one drop box per four square miles and one per 4,000 voters. By contrast, across the 59 Pennsylvania counties carried by Donald Trump in 2016, the ratio was one drop box per 1,100 square miles and one per 72,000 voters — a 275-fold disparity in geographic density and an 18-fold disparity in per-voter access. In total, Biden-won counties received more than 83 percent of all CTCL funds distributed in Pennsylvania.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Capital Research Center, Shining a Light on Zuck Bucks in Key States (reporting disclosed Pennsylvania CTCL grants totaling $25M; Biden-won counties received $20.8M, or 83%+; Philadelphia received $10,016,074 at $6.56 per capita; Delaware County received $2.2M at $3.77 per capita)
- Foundation for Government Accountability, Pennsylvania Zuckerbucks brief, fn. 32 (50 drop boxes planned with $2.2M Delaware County grant); drop box density derived: Delaware County total land area approximately 184 square miles (U.S. Census); 50 boxes ÷ 184 sq mi = approximately one per 3.7 square miles (≈ one per four square miles). Per- voter figure (1 per 4,000 voters) per HAVA and Non-Profit Organization Report (Dec. 2020), internal investigative report, copy on file.
- HAVA and Non-Profit Organization Report, Executive Summary (Dec. 2020): "In Democrat Delaware County, Pennsylvania, one drop box was placed every four square miles and for every 4,000 voters. In the 59 counties carried by Trump in 2016, there was one drop box for every 1,100 square miles and every 72,000 voters. Government encouraging a targeted demographic to turn out the vote is the opposite side of the same coin as government targeting a demographic to suppress the vote in Democrat Delaware County, Pennsylvania, one drop box was placed every four square miles and for every 4,000 voters. In the 59 counties carried by Trump in 2016, there was one drop box for every 1,100 square miles and every 72,000 voters. Government encouraging a targeted demographic to turn out the vote is the opposite side of the same coin as government targeting a demographic to suppress the vote."
CTCL “Zuckerberg 5” Grants and Election‑Bribery Exposure (WI)
In Wisconsin, CTCL provided approximately $8.8 million to the five largest cities — Milwaukee, Madison, Green Bay, Racine, and Kenosha — representing roughly 86% of all CTCL funds distributed in the state. The grants were conditioned on adherence to the "Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan," a detailed operational framework that included claw-back provisions requiring repayment if cities deviated from the approved plan, requirements for absentee and in-person voting infrastructure, outreach programs targeting "communities of color," and — in Green Bay specifically — the use of privately funded "voter navigators" tasked with assisting voters in uploading photo ID, completing ballots, and complying with certification requirements. The Wisconsin Office of Special Counsel, in its Second Interim Report, concluded that this arrangement "facially violates Wisconsin law prohibiting election bribery" under Wis. Stat. § 12.11, which prohibits offering "anything of value" in connection with election administration — applying that prohibition to the transfer of private funds to city officials conditioned on performing election duties in a prescribed manner.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty (WILL), Finger on the Scale: How Private Money and Government Partnership Boosted Democratic Turnout in 2020Finger on the Scale: How Private Money and Government Partnership Boosted Democratic Turnout in 2020 (June 2021), p. 3 (Executive Summary): "The largest five cities in the state (Milwaukee, Madison, Green Bay, Kenosha, and Racine) received nearly 86% of all CTCL grant funds in Wisconsin"; p. 11 (same); Table 3 (city-by-city figures: Milwaukee $3,409,500; Green Bay $1,600,000; Racine $1,699,100; Madison $1,271,788; Kenosha $862,799; total $8,843,187). Available at
- WILL, Finger on the Scale, p. 5 (claw-back provision): "CTCL stipulates, among other things, that the municipalities must hold to the 'Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan' or 'CTCL may discontinue, modify, withhold part of, or ask for the return of all or part of the grant funds.'" Wisconsin Office of Special Counsel (OSC), Second Interim Report of the Special Counsel (Michael Gableman), pp. 26–27 (claw-back provisions quoted verbatim): "Any amount reduced or not provided in contravention of this paragraph shall be repaid to CTCL up to the total amount of this grant." OSC Report, p. 20 ("communities of color" language from initial grant requirements); pp. 33–34 (WSVP targeting "voters of color, low- income voters," "African immigrants, LatinX residents, and African Americans," "Hmong, Somali and Spanish-communities"). OSC Report, p. 38 (Green Bay voter navigators): "In Green Bay, the City would use the private money to fund bilingual LTE 'voter navigators' to help Green Bay residents properly upload a valid photo ID, complete their ballots, comply with certification requirements, offer witness signatures, and assist voters prior to the elections." OSC Report available at
- OSC Second Interim Report, Chapter 1 title (p. 17): "The Center for Tech and Civic Life's $8,800,000 Zuckerberg Plan Grant with the Cities of Milwaukee, Madison, Racine, Kenosha and Green Bay (the Zuckerberg 5) Facially Violates Wisconsin Law Prohibiting Election Bribery." OSC Report, p. 18: "The CTCL agreement facially violates the election bribery prohibition of Wis. Stat. § 12.11 because the participating cities and public officials received private money to facilitate in-person or absentee voting within such a city." Wis. Stat. § 12.11 defines the prohibited consideration as "anything of value" — including "any amount of money." Note: The "facially violates" conclusion is the legal opinion of the OSC, appointed by the Wisconsin State Assembly; it does not represent a judicial determination. No Wisconsin court has adopted this interpretation; related legal challenges were dismissed on standing grounds without reaching the merits.
USAID/GEC‑Linked Funding Streams into Domestic “Disinformation” NGOs (US)
The Global Engagement Center (GEC) — a State Department entity statutorily mandated to counter foreign propaganda — provided grants and contracts to NGOs that later participated in domestic "election misinformation" work, including as members or stakeholders of the Election Integrity Partnership (EIP). GEC funded the Disinfo Cloud platform (via a $3 million contract to Park Advisors), provided grants to the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab) — one of EIP's four core institutional members — and funded NewsGuard through licensing fees and research contracts. While these programs were nominally foreign-facing, the GEC's own tools and the organizations it funded were simultaneously promoted to domestic tech platforms and applied to domestic election- related content moderation in 2020; the GEC itself served as an "external stakeholder" in the EIP, flagging social media content during the 2020 presidential election. A bipartisan coalition of congressional committees has since concluded that this architecture enabled a foreign-intelligence component of the State Department to exceed its statutory mandate and operate, in coordination with academic NGOs and CISA, against domestic political speech.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- House Judiciary Committee and Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, The Weaponization of 'Disinformation' Pseudo-Experts and Bureaucrats: How the Federal Government Partnered with Universities to Censor Americans' Political Speech (Nov. 6, 2023): "the Election Integrity Partnership (EIP), worked directly with CISA and the GEC to monitor and censor Americans' online speech in advance of the 2020 presidential election. Created in the summer of 2020 'at the request of DHS/CISA,' the EIP enabled the federal government to launder its censorship activities through a university in hopes of bypassing both the First Amendment and public scrutiny." Available at
- The Daily Wire, et al. v. U.S. Department of State (E.D. Tex., filed Dec. 6, 2023), Complaint ¶¶ 55–59: GEC funded and directed "Disinfo Cloud" via a $3,000,000 contract to Park Advisors; GEC routed $100,000 to the Global Disinformation Index via the 2021 U.S.-Paris Tech Challenge; GEC funded NewsGuard through licensing fees and research contracts. Complaint available at
- House Committee on Small Business, Instruments and Casualties of the Censorship-Industrial Complex (Interim Staff Report, Sept. 10, 2024): through GEC's work developing the "Testbed methodology, the Disinfo Cloud platform, and the Tech Demo Series... the GEC and its partners were able to source and test surveillance and disinformation detection tools. The GEC marketed and promoted these tools, including by providing Federal funding for some" — and "sourced, developed, then platformed and promoted MDM-detection tools directly to the private sector, including to tech platforms with the ability to moderate domestic speech." Report available at
- House Judiciary Committee report (Nov. 2023), supra fn. 1. House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee testimony (Apr. 2025), supra fn. 2: GEC — "though subject to a strict international mandate, sourced, developed, then platformed and promoted MDM-detection tools directly to the private sector, including to tech platforms with the ability to moderate domestic speech." See also New Civil Liberties Alliance press release (Jan. 2, 2025): "The U.S. Department of State has closed its Global Engagement Center (GEC), which it had used to finance the development and promotion of censorship technology and enterprises that then blacklisted domestic news organizations." Available at
WisVote/BadgerBooks Data Sharing with CTCL Partners (WI)
The Gableman Office of Special Counsel (OSC) Second Interim Report found that the Zuckerberg-5 cities shared WisVote voter-file data with CTCL and its private partners in ways that violated Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) security policies, which do not authorize non-governmental parties to receive WisVote data outside the formal public-access process. In at least one case, a city apparently provided a real-time API connection to the WisVote and BadgerBooks systems — giving private special-interest groups live, free access that the report concluded was used "for selective, racially-targeted get-out-the-vote purposes under the contracts." By contrast, members of the public seeking equivalent data were required to pay $12,500 for a daily snapshot of the statewide voter file through WEC's formal data-request process — a fee CTCL and its partners bypassed entirely. The report concluded that the Zuckerberg-5 cities "ceded administrative control over the election to CTCL and its private partners, including WisVote data sharing."
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Office of Special Counsel (OSC), Second Interim Investigative Report (Michael Gableman, Special Counsel), p. 8: "The Cities of Milwaukee, Madison, Racine, Kenosha and Green Bay engag[ed] private companies in election administration in unprecedented ways, including tolerating unauthorized users and unauthorized uses of WisVote private voter data under Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) policies, such as sharing voter data for free that would have cost the public $12,500." P. 50: "WEC's WisVote security rules do not contemplate or authorize non-governmental outside parties receiving WisVote data shared by Zuckerberg 5's election officials... CTCL and its partners did not follow this process and yet obtained WisVote data from Zuckerberg 5's election officials." OSC Report available at
- OSC Second Interim Report, p. 16: "Ms. Wolfe also told the Commission that there was no API (Application Programming Interface that allows direct access) into the WisVote or BadgerBooks system. Yet cities have provided information that they do have access to statewide WisVote and BadgerBooks data. At least one city apparently provided an API to the WisVote and BadgerBooks systems, which provided real time, free information to special interest groups who used that information for selective, racially-targeted get-out- the-vote purposes under the contracts. That application may still have an active API and may remain viable, so that it might be used by the private groups in future elections." Note: The report's finding of "apparently provided" reflects investigative interviews, not a court adjudication.
- OSC Second Interim Report, p. 51: "The public receives WisVote only as WEC updates the information and for a charge of $12,500 for a daily snapshot of statewide data." P. 64: "including exclusive free access to WisVote data not available to the public and not for free (e.g., $12,500 for copy of statewide WisVote data)."
- OSC Second Interim Report, p. 73: "The Zuckerberg 5 ceded administrative control over the election to CTCL and its private partners, including WisVote data sharing, so they could collectively facilitate increased in-person and absentee voting in the 2020 election."
Asymmetric Legal Defense Funding - One-Sided Legal Representation (US)
The Election Official Legal Defense Network (EOLDN) — a project of the Center for Election Innovation and Research (CEIR), which received $69.5 million from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative in 2020 — provided free pro bono legal counsel to election officials facing legal exposure related to their administration of the 2020 election. EOLDN connected officials with "licensed, qualified, pro bono attorneys" at no cost, covering issues ranging from threats and harassment to litigation arising from their official duties. Critics, including the Wisconsin Office of Special Counsel, alleged that EOLDN may have violated state law prohibiting in-kind donations that "could reasonably be considered as a reward for any official action or inaction on the part of the local public official," and that CEIR may have been "improperly coordinating legal defenses of election officials to protect CTCL, CEIR, Zuckerberg, [Priscilla] Chan and related entities." Simultaneously, election integrity plaintiff attorneys across battleground states faced Rule 11 sanctions motions, court-ordered fee awards, and bar referrals pursued by state attorneys general and municipal counsel: in Michigan alone, plaintiff attorneys were ordered to pay over $175,000 in fees, referred to the state Attorney Grievance Commission, and faced ongoing disbarment proceedings — a record the Michigan AG's office publicly celebrated. Separately, the 65 Project — a Democratic-affiliated dark-money organization — filed bar complaints against more than 111 election-challenge attorneys in 26 states with the stated goal of making them "toxic in their communities and in their firms." The result was a structurally asymmetric legal environment in which election officials who were defendants in integrity challenges received well-funded pro bono counsel through the Zuckerberg-funded CEIR/EOLDN network, while plaintiff attorneys faced compounding financial and professional exposure — a dynamic critics characterized as coordinated, though no primary source documents direct Zuckerberg-network funding of the sanctions campaigns themselves.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- CEIR received $69.5 million from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative in 2020, channeled through the Silicon Valley Community Foundation. InfluenceWatch, Center for Election Innovation & Research, citing Chan Zuckerberg Initiative's own website: "CEIR ultimately received $69.5 million from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, which channeled the money through its account at the Silicon Valley Community Foundation." Available at
- EOLDN FAQ (eoldn.org/faq/): "EOLDN connects election officials in need of advice or assistance with licensed, qualified, pro bono attorneys." Services include: "Attempts to undermine job duties and/or dealing with retaliation or intimidation at work"; "Other local officials providing advice or instruction (legal or otherwise) that may be in conflict with the election official's legal duties"; "General consultation." CEIR's own description: "State and local election workers anywhere in the country can go to EOLDN.org... to request connection to a lawyer at no cost." Available at
- Gableman OSC Second Interim Report (Feb. 2022), as cited in InfluenceWatch CEIR profile: "The report claims that CEIR operated an Election Officials Legal Defense Network (EOLDN) created in December 2021 to provide 'legal services for government officials on the hook for misconduct.' Gableman alleged that EOLDN may have violated Wisconsin state law prohibiting in-kind or monetary donations that 'could reasonably be considered as a reward for any official action or inaction on the part of the local public official.'" Gableman further alleged CEIR may be "'improperly coordinating legal defenses of election officials to protect CTCL, CEIR, Zuckerberg, [Priscilla] Chan and related entities and individuals.'" InfluenceWatch source available at
- U.S. District Court (E.D. Mich.), Judge Linda V. Parker, King v. Whitmer sanctions order (Aug. 25, 2021): sanctions awarded against Sidney Powell, Lin Wood, and other attorneys; referral to Michigan Attorney Grievance Commission and bar disciplinary authorities in each attorney's home jurisdiction. Attorneys ordered to pay over $175,000 in legal fees to defendants including the State of Michigan. Michigan AG Dana Nessel press release (Aug. 25, 2021): "I'm pleased to see that the Court has ensured there is accountability for the attorneys who perpetuated meritless arguments in court." Available at
- The 65 Project — described by The Hill as "a dark money group with Democratic Party affiliations" — filed bar ethics complaints against more than 111 attorneys in 26 states. Advisory board included former Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle and David Brock (founder of Media Matters). Brock stated: "Our goal is not only to bring the grievances in the bar complaints, but to shame them and make them toxic in their communities and in their firms." The Hill (Mar. 7, 2022)
Disproportionate CTCL Capital Allocation in Biden-Won Counties (AZ)
Arizona's Auditor General documented CTCL grants of approximately $6.8 million to nine of the state's fifteen counties for the 2020 elections. The four Arizona counties carried by the Democratic presidential candidate that received CTCL funds — Maricopa ($2,995,921), Pima ($950,446), Coconino ($614,691), and Apache ($598,700) — received a combined $5.16 million, representing approximately 75.8% of all CTCL money distributed in the state, while the fifth Biden-won county (Santa Cruz) received nothing and the remaining five Trump-won counties received the balance. An analysis by the Capital Research Center found that within Arizona's CTCL-funded counties, Biden improved his vote total over Hillary Clinton's 2016 Arizona performance by 694,469 votes (81%), while Trump improved his own 2016 figures in those same counties by 565,677 (66%) — a differential the CRC characterized as evidence that the grants "greased the skids for voter turnout" in Democratic-leaning areas, though the Auditor General made no finding of partisan intent and CTCL reported that every eligible jurisdiction that applied received a grant.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona Auditor General, Use of Private, Nongovernmental Grant Monies and Maricopa County — Performance Audit and Sunset ReviewUse of Private, Nongovernmental Grant Monies and Maricopa County — Performance Audit and Sunset Review, Report No. 22-301 (Nov. 2023), Table 7 (p. b-1): CTCL grant amounts received by Arizona counties for the 2020 elections — Maricopa ($2,995,921), Pima ($950,446), Coconino ($614,691), Apache ($598,700), Navajo ($614,420), Pinal ($806,042), Yuma ($180,765), Graham ($32,450), La Paz ($17,532); total $6,810,967.Note: the four Biden-won counties receiving CTCL funds (Maricopa, Pima, Coconino, Apache) total $5,159,758 — 75.8% of the statewide CTCL total. The Auditor General report states (p. 3): "CTCL reported that every eligible local election office that applied for the grant was awarded monies." The report makes no finding of partisan targeting. Available at — Audit Report
- Capital Research Center, Hayden Ludwig, "How CTCL Helped Biden in Arizona and Nevada" (Jan. 22, 2021): "CTCL funded 4 of the 5 counties Biden won" in Arizona; "Across all CTCL-funded counties, Biden improved his turnout over Hillary Clinton's 2016 performance by 694,469 votes, an incredible 81 percent. Trump improved his turnout in these counties over his own 2016 figures by 565,677, or 66 percent." CRC characterized the grants as potentially decisive: "CTCL's grants may not have won Arizona outright for Biden, but they certainly helped him clinch victory by greasing the skids for voter turnout." Note: The 81% and 66% figures measure each candidate's vote-total improvement over their party's 2016 performance within the same set of CTCL-funded counties — they are not a comparison of turnout levels between Biden-won and Trump-won county geographies. Available at — Capital Research Center
State Data Monetization for Partisan Outreach via ERIC-CEIR (GA)
Over 94% (42.4 million dollars) of CTCL funds in Georgia went to 17 Biden-won counties. In parallel, Georgia used ERIC to generate "Eligible but Unregistered" (EBU) lists, then transferred those lists to CEIR, which produced targeted mailing and GOTV lists and sent them back to state officials for deployment. The combination of privately funded list-building and state-run outreach targeted at unregistered but demographically favorable voters is functionally indistinguishable from a government-facilitated partisan GOTV program.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Capital Research Center, Parker Thayer and Hayden Ludwig, "UPDATED: Shining a Light on Zuck Bucks in the 2020 Battleground States" (updated May 28, 2024): "CTCL gave grants to 17 of the 31 counties Biden won in Georgia. Together, these 17 counties received $42.4 million, or over 94 percent of all CTCL funds in the Peach state. CTCL gave grants to 26 of the 128 counties Trump won statewide. But these 26 counties only received $2.6 million from CTCL — less than 6 percent of all grants distributed across Georgia." Per- capita figures: Clayton ($12.88), DeKalb ($12.59), Douglas ($11.53), Fulton ($10.01); largest Trump-county grant: Early County ($3.42). CRC's analysis is based on CTCL's Form 990 IRS disclosures. Total Georgia CTCL distribution: approximately $45 million per CTCL's disclosed data. Available at
- VerityVote, Threats to Election Integrity (Aug. 2022), based on FOIA records obtained from the Georgia Secretary of State's office: "An email received from a FOIA request submitted to the GA Secretary of State's office reveals that ERIC is transferring EBU data to CEIR. This is NOT voter registration data but data from people who have chosen not to register to vote. CEIR is creating targeted mailing lists from the EBU data." The email (attributed to Jenny Lovell, then CEIR research manager) explains "that the data from GA should be sent to ERIC for transfer to CEIR. That transfer process is reversed so GA can download the mailing lists from ERIC." A separate FOIA-produced document showed the workflow timeline. Available at
- VerityVote, Threats to Election Integrity, supra fn. 2: "ERIC requires all member states to contact 95% of the unregistered citizens identified in lists called Eligible but Unregistered (EBU)." ERIC member agreement: "At least every 425 days, a member will receive a list of possibly eligible but unregistered voters, EBUs. The state must contact 'each and every' person on the list and inform them how to register." CEIR's own 2020 Voter Education Grant Program Report confirms Georgia "used CEIR grant funds in both the November general election and January runoff election to encourage voters to apply for a ballot online." Available at
- Fulton County, GA 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- ERIC/CEIR 'Eligible but Unregistered' list generation and transmission to state officials for targeted GOTV outreach (Peter Bernegger v. Electronic Registration Information Center, Inc., Waupaca County, WI, No. 2023CV000157)
Private Infrastructure and Mobile GOTV Trailers (MI)
Detroit received $7,436,450 from CTCL for the 2020 election — by far the largest grant in Michigan — which funded 23 satellite voting centers, 30 dedicated drop-box sites, and a near-tripling of poll- worker pay from $175 to $500 per day. City Clerk Janice Winfrey stated that "pretty much all" of the behind-the-scenes operational changes for November were funded by the CTCL grant, with the satellite centers and drop boxes operational from October 5 through Election Day. Muskegon received $433,580 from CTCL, a portion of which was used to purchase a mobile voting trailer deployed to specific neighborhoods — including senior housing towers and community centers — allowing residents to register and cast absentee ballots near their homes without visiting City Hall. These programs, driven by private grant funding and implemented through public election offices, directed materially expanded voting infrastructure into the urban cores of heavily Democratic Michigan cities, producing a geographic distribution of election services that critics argued reflected demographic and political preferences rather than neutral administrative need.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit; Muskegon, Muskegon County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Capital Research Center, CTCL Michigan Updated Data Set from Form 990CTCL Michigan Updated Data Set from Form 990 (spreadsheet based on CTCL's IRS Form 990 disclosures): Detroit grant total — $7,436,450; Muskegon — $433,580. Available at
- BridgeDetroit, Louis Aguilar, "Who is paying for Detroit's revamped November election?" (Oct. 30, 2020): "'Pretty much all' of those behind-the-scenes changes were funded by $7.2 million in grants from the Chicago-based Center for Tech and Civic Life, Winfrey said... 'Those grants were key,' she said." Infrastructure: "Detroit opened 23 satellite voting offices and 39 ballot drop boxes on Oct. 5." Official City of Detroit flyer (Oct. 2020) confirms "30 Drop Box Sites and 23 Satellite Vote Centers." Available at
- Fox 17 (WXMI), Angeline McCall, "New mobile voting trailer in Muskegon" (Oct. 9, 2020): "The city received a grant for election administration and used a portion of the funds to purchase a mobile voting trailer. The trailer allows local election officials to travel into various communities in Muskegon and urge voters to register and allow them to submit an absentee ballot... allowing residents to register and vote near their homes without stepping foot into city hall." City Clerk Ann Meisch: "I actually had a lot of excitement about getting to the senior high rises that we have around here." Deployment schedule included Jefferson Towers, Bayview Towers, Hartford Terrace, and other neighborhood sites. Available at
MCELA-CEIR "Voter Education" as De Facto GOTV (MI)
Michigan's Center for Election Law and Administration (MCELA), founded by Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson, received a multi-million-dollar CEIR grant for "voter education" and outreach, including direct communications to voters and digital targeting. The national report documents that this messaging was geared toward boosting participation among "Biden profile" demographics and that Michigan's own public funds (HAVA surplus and CARES Act) were sufficient for basic administration, indicating the CEIR grant primarily functioned as a partisan turnout amplifier rather than a fiscal necessity.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Center for Election Innovation and Research, "2020 Voter Education Grant Program Report" (confirming Michigan grant of $11,939,365) — CEIR
- InfluenceWatch, "Michigan Center for Election Law and Administration" (documenting founding by Jocelyn Benson and $12,040,000 CEIR grant; MCELA Form 990 mission statement: "nonpartisan voter education efforts") — InfluenceWatch
- InfluenceWatch, "Michigan Center for Election Law and Administration" (documenting dormancy, sub-$50,000 revenue history, and sole 2020 tax filing) — InfluenceWatch
- CEIR 2020 Voter Education Grant Program Report, Michigan section: "Active registered voters received information about ways to vote, elections deadlines and how to request a mail ballot, and those who had not yet returned their mail ballot received instructions on how to do so"
- Breitbart / The Michigan Star (citing MCELA Form 990), "Zuckerberg-Funded Group Gave $11.8M to Democrat Consulting Firms for 'Nonpartisan Voter Education' in Michigan" (Aug. 6, 2021) (documenting Waterfront Strategies $9,799,407, Alper Strategies $2,088,000, GMMB affiliation, and Jill Alper's DNC background)
- Michigan House Fiscal Agency, "HAVA Election Grants" Fiscal Brief (Oct. 29, 2020) (documenting $33.9M in total federal HAVA election grants to Michigan and $26,648,252 remaining unspent balance as of Oct. 6, 2020)
- Zuckerberg-Funded Group Gave $11.8M to Democrat Firms for ˜Nonpartisan Voter Education” — Breitbart
Two-Tiered Voting Access via Drop Box Density (PA)
CTCL distributed approximately $25 million to Pennsylvania jurisdictions for the 2020 election, with a single grant of $10,016,074 going to Philadelphia alone — a city that delivered over 80 percent of its votes to the Democratic presidential candidate. The geographic distribution of the resulting election infrastructure was strikingly asymmetric. In heavily Democratic Delaware County, where a $2.2 million CTCL grant funded the deployment of approximately 50 drop boxes across a county of 184 square miles, voters had access to roughly one drop box per four square miles. According to the Amistad Project's analysis of the statewide distribution, in the 59 Pennsylvania counties that had voted for Donald Trump in 2016, there was an estimated one drop box per 1,100 square miles — a ratio approximately 275 times less dense than Delaware County's. Capital Research Center's analysis of CTCL's own disclosed data found that over 83 percent of all CTCL funds in Pennsylvania — roughly $20.8 million — went to counties that Biden carried, while the 12 Trump counties that received any CTCL funding received just 7 percent of the statewide total. The Foundation for Government Accountability documented that Democrat-leaning counties in southeast Pennsylvania were invited to apply for grant funding before Republican-leaning counties were even made aware the grants were available. The resulting disparity in election infrastructure — drop boxes, satellite offices, and mail ballot processing capacity — was concentrated in the state's most heavily Democratic population centers while rural Republican counties received a fraction of the support.
📍 Jurisdiction: Philadelphia, Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Capital Research Center, "UPDATED: Shining a Light on Zuck Bucks in the 2020 Battleground States" (documenting Pennsylvania total of $25M per CTCL disclosed data; $20.8M to Biden counties; per capita grant comparisons)
- Philadelphia CTCL Grant Agreement (Execution Copy, Aug. 19, 2020) (documenting grant amount of $10,016,074; signed agreement specifying 15 drop boxes, 15 satellite election offices, mail processing equipment, poll-worker hazard pay)
- Foundation for Government Accountability, "How 'Zuckerbucks' Infiltrated Pennsylvania's 2020 Election" (March 16, 2021) (p. 3 table: Delaware County grant $2,200,000; p. 5, 7: Delaware County Council accepted grant August 19, 2020 "to place 50 drop boxes before the PA Supreme Court ruled on legality"; Councilwoman Christine Reuther quoted: private funds enabled drop boxes)
- Delaware County, Pennsylvania official Ballot Drop Box page (current county-administered drop box program; 2020 program consisted of approximately 50 locations county- wide per FGA documentation)
- Amistad Project of the Thomas More Society, press release (Nov. 21, 2020): "In Delaware County, a suburb of Philadelphia, there was one drop box every four square miles. In the 59 Pennsylvania counties that Donald Trump won in 2016, there was one drop box every 1,100 square miles." (Note: this figure originates from the Amistad Project's pre- litigation factual summary; the underlying county-level drop box count was not independently tabulated in retrieved primary sources)
- Capital Research Center, "UPDATED: Shining a Light on Zuck Bucks in the 2020 Battleground States" ("Together, these 10 [Biden] counties received $20.8 million, or over 83 percent of all CTCL grants to Pennsylvania. In contrast, CTCL gave grants to 12 of the 54 counties Trump won statewide. These 12 counties received just $1.73 million, a mere 7 percent of all CTCL funds in the Keystone state.")
- "'Blue' Southeast PA Counties Had Head Start on Election Grants" (June 7, 2021) (documenting that Delaware County, Chester County, and Philadelphia applied for and received grants in July–August 2020 via Pennsylvania Department of State outreach, before other counties were informed grants were available; per capita comparisons: Philadelphia $8.87/voter vs. Luzerne $0.78/voter; Chester $6.57/voter)
Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan and Election Bribery (WI)
The five Democratic-plurality "Zuckerberg 5" cities — Milwaukee, Madison, Green Bay, Racine, and Kenosha — received a total of $8.8 million in CTCL grants, all conditioned on implementation of the "Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan," a joint election operations framework developed by those cities at CTCL's direction. Grant funds were contractually bound to that plan: the agreements specified that funds "must be used exclusively for the public purpose of planning and operationalizing safe and secure election administration ... in accordance with the Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020," and clawback provisions required return of any funds if CTCL determined the cities had not complied with its requirements. The funded activities extended well beyond pandemic safety measures. Green Bay's WSVP application called for bilingual "voter navigators" to help residents complete ballots and meet certification requirements, geo-fenced digital advertising, and partnership with "organizations serving African immigrants, 'LatinX' residents, and African Americans." Milwaukee's funded communications plan "focused on appealing to ... historically underrepresented communities such as LatinX and African Americans," and Madison allocated $100,000 to advertising on Spanish-language radio, hip-hop radio, and in "publications run by and for our communities of color." Of the Green Bay grant, less than one percent was spent on PPE; Milwaukee spent less than six percent of its total grant on pandemic safety equipment. The Wisconsin Office of Special Counsel concluded that the CTCL agreement "facially violates the election bribery prohibition of Wis. Stat. § 12.11," because participating cities and officials received private money — which the statute defines as "anything of value" — to facilitate voting in ways specified by a private contractor rather than by neutral government administration. That conclusion is the opinion of the OSC, a Republican-appointed investigative body, and no Wisconsin court issued a merits ruling affirming it.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay; Kenosha; Madison; Milwaukee; Racine, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty, "Finger on the Scale: How CTCL Grants to Wisconsin Municipalities Boosted Turnout for Joe Biden in 2020" (p. 5: "$8.8 million" figure and Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan obligation; p. 11, Table 3: per-city grant amounts)
- Center for Tech and Civic Life, Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan announcement (July 6, 2020) (confirming initial $6.3M grant to five cities conditioned on WSVP implementation; per-city amounts; use categories)
- Wisconsin Office of Special Counsel, Second Interim Investigative Report (March 1, 2022) (p. 17: "The CTCL agreement facially violates the election bribery prohibition of Wis. Stat. § 12.11"; p. 18: "anything of value" definition; pp. 26–27: verbatim clawback language — "Any amount reduced or not provided in contravention of this paragraph shall be repaid to CTCL up to the total amount of this grant"; pp. 19, 34–35: communities-of-color and demographic targeting documentation)
- Krumberger et al. v. Wisconsin Elections Commission (Complaint, Sept. 10, 2020) (pp. 9–11: verbatim Green Bay WSVP application: bilingual "voter navigators" $45,000; "geo- fencing" $100,000 multi-channel outreach; "organizations serving African immigrants, 'LatinX' residents, and African Americans" $15,000; pp. 14–15: Madison Spanish-language and African American-focused advertising; pp. 15–16: Milwaukee "LatinX and African Americans" communications focus)
- Foundation for Government Accountability, "The Wisconsin 'Zuckerbucks' Problem" (documenting Milwaukee spent less than 6% of grant on PPE; Green Bay spent less than 1% on PPE; Green Bay purchased two Ford trucks and paid a PR firm nearly $150,000 for voter outreach)
- WILL, "Finger on the Scale" (p. 5: clawback and plan-compliance conditions); see also OSC Second Interim Report, Chapter 1 title: "The Center for Tech and Civic Life's $8,800,000 Zuckerberg Plan Grant with the Cities of Milwaukee, Madison, Racine, Kenosha and Green Bay (the Zuckerberg 5 Cities) Facially Violates Wisconsin Law Prohibiting Election Bribery." Note: No Wisconsin court issued a merits ruling affirming the § 12.11 violation; challenges were dismissed on standing or justiciability grounds — Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty
Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan (WI)
[Established Fact - Funding pattern and terms] The five Democratic-plurality "Zuckerberg 5" cities (Milwaukee, Madison, Green Bay, Racine, Kenosha) received 8.8 million dollars in CTCL grants bound by the "Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan." Funds paid for "voter navigators," geo-fenced targeting, and specific demographic outreach (e.g. Latinx and African American communities) rather than neutral public-health measures, and local officials were contractually obligated to implement CTCL's plan or risk clawbacks. The Wisconsin OSC concluded that this scheme facially implicates the election- bribery statute by offering "anything of value" to officials to perform election duties in CTCL- specified ways.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay; Kenosha; Madison; Milwaukee; Racine, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty, "Finger on the Scale: How CTCL Grants to Wisconsin Municipalities Boosted Turnout for Joe Biden in 2020" (p. 5: "$8.8 million" figure and Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan obligation; p. 11, Table 3: per-city grant amounts)
- Center for Tech and Civic Life, Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan announcement (July 6, 2020) (confirming initial $6.3M grant to five cities conditioned on WSVP implementation; per-city amounts; use categories)
- Wisconsin Office of Special Counsel, Second Interim Investigative Report (March 1, 2022) (p. 17: "The CTCL agreement facially violates the election bribery prohibition of Wis. Stat. § 12.11"; p. 18: "anything of value" definition; pp. 26–27: verbatim clawback language — "Any amount reduced or not provided in contravention of this paragraph shall be repaid to CTCL up to the total amount of this grant"; pp. 19, 34–35: communities-of-color and demographic targeting documentation)
- Krumberger et al. v. Wisconsin Elections Commission (Complaint, Sept. 10, 2020) (pp. 9–11: verbatim Green Bay WSVP application: bilingual "voter navigators" $45,000; "geo- fencing" $100,000 multi-channel outreach; "organizations serving African immigrants, 'LatinX' residents, and African Americans" $15,000; pp. 14–15: Madison Spanish-language and African American-focused advertising; pp. 15–16: Milwaukee "LatinX and African Americans" communications focus)
- Foundation for Government Accountability, "The Wisconsin 'Zuckerbucks' Problem" (documenting Milwaukee spent less than 6% of grant on PPE; Green Bay spent less than 1% on PPE; Green Bay purchased two Ford trucks and paid a PR firm nearly $150,000 for voter outreach)
- WILL, "Finger on the Scale" (p. 5: clawback and plan-compliance conditions); see also OSC Second Interim Report, Chapter 1 title: "The Center for Tech and Civic Life's $8,800,000 Zuckerberg Plan Grant with the Cities of Milwaukee, Madison, Racine, Kenosha and Green Bay (the Zuckerberg 5 Cities) Facially Violates Wisconsin Law Prohibiting Election Bribery." Note: No Wisconsin court issued a merits ruling affirming the § 12.11 violation; challenges were dismissed on standing or justiciability grounds — Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty
Disproportionate Operational Capital Allocation to Democratic Counties (AZ)
Of approximately $6.8 million in total CTCL grants deployed across nine Arizona counties, $5.16 million — roughly 75.8% — went to the four counties that voted for the Democratic presidential candidate (Maricopa, Pima, Coconino, and Apache), including $1.84 million to Maricopa County alone. This operational funding underwrote expanded staffing, ballot processing equipment, and absentee infrastructure. In CTCL-funded Arizona counties, analysis found that Biden improved over Hillary Clinton's 2016 performance by approximately 81%, while Trump's improvement over his own 2016 performance in those same counties was approximately 66% — a differential suggesting the grant-funded infrastructure may have provided measurable operational advantage in areas that shifted further Democratic.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona Auditor General, "Use of Private, Nongovernmental Grant Monies and Maricopa County Voting System Procurement," Report No. 22-301 (documenting total CTCL grants to Arizona: $6,810,967 across 9 counties; four Biden-won counties (Maricopa, Pima, Coconino, Apache): $5,159,758 = 75.8% of statewide total; Maricopa County alone: $1,842,754; five Trump counties: $1,651,209)
- Capital Research Center, "How CTCL Helped Biden in Arizona and Nevada" (documenting that in CTCL-funded Arizona counties, Biden improved over Clinton's 2016 performance by approximately 81% while Trump improved over his 2016 performance in those same counties by approximately 66%; note: both figures are within-county candidate comparisons in CTCL-funded areas, not a comparison of funded vs. unfunded geographic areas)
- InfluenceWatch, "Center for Tech and Civic Life" (documenting CTCL's organizational background, funding sources including Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, and grant program)
Unauthorized Embedding of Elections Group Personnel in Government Election Operations (GA)
The Elections Group LLC, an election consulting firm, was embedded inside Fulton County election operations for the 2020 general election pursuant to a Memorandum of Understanding carrying a nominal consideration of $1.00. The MOU was approved by the Fulton County County Attorney's Office and County Manager's Office, rather than voted on by the Fulton County Board of Registration and Elections (FCBRE) — the body that, under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40, holds the powers and duties of the election superintendent for Fulton County. A State Election Board investigation resolved a subsequent complaint that Elections Group personnel lacked contractor status, finding the County Attorney/Manager approvals sufficient — though the question of whether board-level authorization was separately required remains contested. Elections Group personnel, including Ryan Macias, Geetha Lingham, Omar Sheikh, and Mike Pendergast, were present during Logic and Accuracy testing of Dominion voting equipment and had access to election management systems during the 2020 election cycle. The MOU authorized "on-site limited project management and implementation support," including mail ballot processing, in-person voting plans, and "overall implementation support," with Elections Group working "with the full support of the Fulton County Department of Registration and Elections Leadership."
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Memorandum of Understanding between Fulton County Department of Registration and Elections and The Elections Group LLC, 2020, reproduced as Exhibit 14 in Georgia Secretary of State, Report of Investigation, SEB2023-025, Fulton County Tabulator Results 2020 (investigation completed 2024), available via Scribd
- O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40 (2024 Code of Georgia)
- Georgia Secretary of State, Report of Investigation, SEB2023-025 (Investigative Findings, Complaint #4, p. 11): "The allegation that Ryan Macias was not a contractor with the Fulton County Board of Elections and Registration was unsubstantiated. The Respondent provided a Memorandum of Understanding signed off by the County Attorney's Office and the County Manager's Office approving Ryan Macias to serve as a consultant for Respondent during the 2020 Election cycle."
- Kevin Moncla and Joseph Rossi, Complaint to the Georgia State Election Board, "Failure to Perform Logic & Accuracy Testing & Insertion of Test Ballots for 2020 General Election & Recount" (Oct. 7, 2024), pp. 3–4: "Ryan Macias and the Elections Group participated and oversaw Dominion staff L&A testing the tabulators used for Election Day" and names Geetha Lingham, Omar Sheikh, and Mike Pendergast as having access. NOTE TO AUTHOR: This document is an advocacy complaint by Kevin Moncla and Joseph Rossi, known election-skeptic advocates whose broader claims about Fulton County have been extensively disputed. It is not a finding of any court or administrative body. The complaint is available at
Privatization of Poll Worker Hiring and Inflation of Compensation Through CTCL Grants (MI)
Detroit utilized its $7.4 million CTCL grant - which nearly doubled its Department of Elections budget of $10.5 million - in part to fund the hiring of up to 2,000 temporary election workers through a private staffing firm linked to an associate of former Mayor Kwame Kilpatrick (convicted on 24 federal felony counts). Poll worker pay was inflated to as high as $81.25/hour for overnight shifts. Simultaneously, credentialed Republican challengers were systematically excluded from the TCF Center counting floor while personnel from non-governmental organizations (ACLU, Detroit Will Breathe, Detroit Action, Michigan Liberation, 484 Forward, the 313 Collective) were admitted without proper challenger credentials. A document titled "Tactics to Distract GOP Challengers" was reportedly observed on the counting floor.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- John Solomon, “Zuckerberg group gave Detroit $7.4 million to ‘dramatically’ expand vote in city key to Biden win,” Just The News, April 10, 2021 (updated April 13, 2021)
- Michigan Citizens for Election Integrity (MC4EI), TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit (January 2022), pp. 4–5
- TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit — MC4EI
Former State Elections Director Hired as Private CTCL-Funded Advisor to Largest City (MI)
Detroit's CTCL-funded partnership with the Michigan Secretary of State included the engagement of Christopher Thomas — former Michigan Bureau of Elections Director and 40-year state elections official under both Republican and Democratic administrations — as a senior advisor to Detroit City Clerk Janice Winfrey from September 3 through December 12, 2020. Thomas, a retired private consultant rather than an elected official or active state employee, advised the Clerk and management staff on election law procedures, absentee counting board operations, satellite offices, drop boxes, and Bureau of Elections matters, and had involvement in nearly all aspects of the November 3 election, including processing and tabulation at the TCF Center. The CTCL grant agreements applicable to Detroit contained explicit clawback provisions, giving CTCL sole-judgment authority to discontinue, withhold, or demand return of all or part of grant funds. The September 2, 2020 joint announcement of this partnership was issued through the Michigan Secretary of State's official communications system, with SOS Jocelyn Benson quoted alongside CTCL's executive director, promoting a privately funded arrangement through official state infrastructure.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Christopher Thomas served as Director of Elections for the Michigan Secretary of State from June 1981 through June 2017 — 36 years as Director, 40 years total in the Bureau of Elections. U.S. Vote Foundation, announcement (May 30, 2017)
- Michigan Secretary of State (via govdelivery official state notification system), "Winfrey, Benson announce partnership to support Detroit elections" (Sept. 2, 2020): "Hiring additional staff to support the City clerk's office, including Christopher Thomas, former Michigan Bureau of Elections Director, who will serve as a senior advisor."
- Thomas Affidavit ¶ 2: "In this capacity I advise the Clerk and management staff on election law procedures, implementation of recently enacted legislation, revamped absent voter counting board, satellite offices and drop boxes, Bureau of Election matters and general preparation for the November 3, 2020 General Election." City of Detroit brief: "Mr. Thomas had oversight and was involved in nearly all aspects of the election in the City, including the processing and tabulation at the TCF Center." ECF No. 39 at p. 2–3. BridgeDetroit confirms Thomas's engagement as "a three-month contract as an advisor and consultant": Bisma Parvez, "Michigan's former elections director on 'the race factor' in Detroit," BridgeDetroit (Dec. 17, 2020)
- CTCL–City of Detroit Grant Agreement (Aug. 2020 primary grant, $200,000): "CTCL may discontinue, modify, withhold part of, or ask for the return all or part of the grant funds if it determines, in its sole judgment, that (a) any of the above conditions have not been met or (b) it must do so to comply with applicable laws or regulations." (¶ 7.) "Any amount reduced or not provided in contravention of this paragraph shall be repaid to CTCL up to the total amount of this grant." (¶ 6.) Agreement on file via Just The News
- SOS press release (Sept. 2, 2020): partnership jointly announced by City Clerk Winfrey and SOS Benson, "supported by... the Center for Tech and Civic Life," with CTCL Executive Director Tiana Epps-Johnson quoted: "CTCL is providing funding and technical support to numerous Michigan jurisdictions through its COVID-19 Response Grants." Issued via Michigan Secretary of State official govdelivery notification system (MISOS account).
Pennsylvania Department of State Used Official Communications to Direct Counties to CTCL Grants (PA)
On September 2, 2020, the Pennsylvania Department of State issued a broadcast communication to all county commissioners announcing that CTCL had made its grant program available to all local election jurisdictions nationally — a communication that came one day after Mark Zuckerberg and Priscilla Chan publicly announced a $250 million donation to CTCL on September 1. Emails obtained through Pennsylvania's Right-to-Know Law revealed, however, that Democratic-leaning southeastern counties — including Philadelphia, Delaware, Chester, and Montgomery — had been informed of and assisted with the grant process by DOS officials as early as July and August 2020, weeks before other counties received any notice. This selective advance outreach involved Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar directly and a Governor's Office staffer, Jessica Walls-Lavelle, who facilitated grant applications for Democratic-leaning counties; no email showed any similar outreach to Republican- leaning counties. More than $20 million in CTCL funds ultimately flowed to Pennsylvania jurisdictions, with over 92 percent of the dollar-weighted distribution going to counties that voted for Biden in 2020, including $10 million to Philadelphia alone. Funds were used for mail-ballot processing equipment, satellite voting offices, drop-box deployment, and voter outreach programs that critics characterized as one-sided get-out-the-vote infrastructure.<sup>,</sup> Separately, in July 2020, Governor Wolf withheld approximately $12.8 million in CARES Act Coronavirus Relief Fund money from Lebanon County, citing the county's defiance of his COVID-19 reopening orders; the county sued and reached a settlement in mid-August 2020, recovering the funds. Critics contended that this use of executive emergency powers to withhold legislatively-mandated funding — from a county whose Republican commissioners had defied the administration — illustrated executive overreach in the distribution of federally allocated relief resources.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Broad + Liberty, Todd Shepherd, "'Blue' Southeast PA Counties Had Head Start on Election Grants" (June 7, 2021): "Most other counties, however, were only sent an invitation to apply for CTCL grants by the DOS a day after Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg and his wife Priscilla Chan announced a $250 million donation to CTCL on Sept. 1." RTK-obtained emails, Broad + Liberty.
- "Delaware, Chester and Montgomery Counties each discussed the existence of the grants with officials at the Pennsylvania Department of State in August. Most other counties, however, were only sent an invitation to apply for CTCL grants by the DOS a day after… the Zuckerberg-Chan gift was announced on Sept. 1. That invitation makes no allusions to any previous communications about the existence of the grants, signaling this was the first most counties had ever heard of the available money from the DOS." Philadelphia Commissioners office submitted its grant request August 7 and was awarded $10 million August 21.
- Broad + Liberty, Todd Shepherd, "Former Sec. of State Boockvar and Gov. Wolf Staffer Helped Selectively Invite Counties for Election Grants" (Oct. 19, 2021): "On August 15, Boockvar emailed Bucks County Commissioner Diane Ellis-Marseglia (D) saying, 'Commissioner Marseglia, by this email I am connecting you with Jessica Walls-Lavelle. Jessica, I told Commissioner Marseglia that there may be some Election administration nonprofit grant funds available, and Bucks county is interested.'" "No email shows any official in either office providing similar information or assistance to any of the commonwealth's Republican-leaning counties."
- Foundation for Government Accountability, Trevor Carlsen & Hayden Dublois, "How 'Zuckerbucks' Infiltrated and Influenced the 2020 Pennsylvania Election" (March 16, 2021): "CTCL funneled more than $20 million into 23 Pennsylvania jurisdictions, plus the Pennsylvania Department of State." County totals documented: Philadelphia $10,016,074; Chester $2,558,080; Delaware $2,200,000; Allegheny $2,052,251; total tabulated $20,902,334. "Zuckerbucks-receiving counties that broke for Biden received the lion's share of the funds — more than $19 million, or 92 percent of the total amount spent in the commonwealth."
- Pennsylvania Voters Alliance v. Centre County, No. 4:20-CV-01761 (M.D. Pa. Oct. 21, 2020) (Brann, J.), ECF No. 75, p. 3–4: Confirming CTCL funds used to "purchase processing equipment for mail-in and absentee voting; create satellite election offices; install secure drop-boxes; pay for in-person voting expenses; and cover the cost of printing and postage." Court dismissed complaint for lack of Article III standing without reaching the merits.
- WHYY/PA Post, Benjamin Pontz, "Wolf Asserts Emergency Powers to Justify Withholding Federal Money from Lebanon County" (July 17, 2020): Wolf administration acknowledged withholding approximately $12.8 million in CARES Act Coronavirus Relief Fund money; stated justification was Lebanon County's defiance of COVID-19 reopening orders. Wolf: "Don't come and say you want something from the state when you haven't followed the rules." Rep. Meuser and legal scholars challenged the legal basis. Settlement reached August 14, 2020; county recovered full $12.8 million. LebTown, "Gov. Wolf, County Commissioners Announce Settlement of CARES Act Suit" (Aug. 14, 2020). — https://lebtown.com/2020/08/14/gov-wolf-county-commissioners-announce-settlement-of-cares-act-suit/
Pennsylvania Governor Withholds CARES Act Funds from Lebanon County (PA)
On September 2, 2020, the Pennsylvania Department of State broadcast a communication to all county commissioners announcing that CTCL had made its grant program available to all local election jurisdictions nationally — a notice that came one day after Zuckerberg and Chan publicly announced their $250 million donation to CTCL. Emails obtained under Pennsylvania's Right-to-Know Law had already shown, however, that Democratic-leaning southeastern counties received advance outreach from DOS officials weeks earlier. This official state facilitation of a privately funded election grant program prompted critics to characterize it as formal government promotion of an initiative funded by politically interested donors. More than $22 million in CTCL funds flowed to Pennsylvania jurisdictions; counties that voted for Biden received approximately 92 percent of the dollar-weighted distribution, with Philadelphia alone receiving over $10 million at a rate of nearly $10 per registered voter compared to $1.12 per registered voter in Trump-won counties. Funds were used for mail- ballot processing equipment, drop-box deployment, satellite election offices, and voter outreach programs that critics characterized as one-sided get-out-the-vote infrastructure rather than COVID- 19 safety measures. Separately, in July 2020, Governor Wolf withheld approximately $12.8 million in CARES Act Coronavirus Relief Fund money from Lebanon County, citing the county's defiance of his COVID-19 reopening orders; Lebanon filed suit, and a settlement was reached in mid-August 2020 under which the county recovered the full amount. Critics alleged that Wolf's use of emergency powers to withhold legislatively mandated relief funds — against a county governed by Republican commissioners who had openly defied his administration — demonstrated executive overreach and raised concerns about the use of federal funding as an instrument of political leverage, though Wolf maintained the withholding was a lawful consequence of the county's violation of his emergency orders.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Broad + Liberty, Todd Shepherd, "'Blue' Southeast PA Counties Had Head Start on Election Grants" (June 7, 2021): "Most other counties, however, were only sent an invitation to apply for CTCL grants by the DOS a day after Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg and his wife Priscilla Chan announced a $250 million donation to CTCL on Sept. 1." DOS communications with Democratic-leaning counties confirmed in July–August 2020, weeks prior. RTK-obtained emails.
- Broad + Liberty, Todd Shepherd, "Former Sec. of State Boockvar and Gov. Wolf Staffer Helped Selectively Invite Counties for Election Grants" (Oct. 19, 2021): Secretary Boockvar personally contacted Democratic-leaning counties; Wolf administration staffer Jessica Walls-Lavelle facilitated grant applications for Delaware, Chester, and Montgomery Counties. "No email shows any official in either office providing similar information or assistance to any of the commonwealth's Republican-leaning counties."
- Sam Adolphsen (Policy Director, Foundation for Government Accountability), Testimony before Pennsylvania House State Government Committee, April 8, 2021, p. 5: "Pennsylvania alone received well over $20 million of these Zuckerbucks. The funds were supposedly for personal protective equipment to help election officials guard against COVID-19. Instead, these funds went largely to get-out-the-vote efforts." Appended FGA research brief ("Zuckerbucks Followed Biden Voters in Pennsylvania," April 8, 2021) documents $22,542,308 across 23 Pennsylvania jurisdictions; Biden-winning counties received approximately 92% of total funds; Philadelphia received $10,516,074 ($9.97 per registered voter) vs. $1.12 per registered voter in Trump-won counties.
- WHYY/PA Post, Benjamin Pontz, "Wolf Asserts Emergency Powers to Justify Withholding Federal Money from Lebanon County" (July 17, 2020): Wolf administration acknowledged withholding approximately $12.8 million in CARES Act Coronavirus Relief Fund money from Lebanon County following the county's defiance of COVID-19 reopening orders. Wolf: "Don't come and say you want something from the state when you haven't followed the rules. There are consequences." Widener University law professor Michael Dimino: Wolf's emergency powers claim was "certainly an effort to stretch his power to — and perhaps beyond — the limit." Settlement reached August 14, 2020; county recovered full $12.8 million. Note: The withheld funds were general COVID relief funds distributed under Act 24 of 2020, not election-specific HAVA funds; Lebanon County's HAVA-CARES election fund allocation ($60,500) appears to have been separately distributed without interruption. — Settlement: https://lebtown.com/2020/08/14/gov-wolf-county-commissioners-announce-settlement-of-cares-act-suit/
CTCL Grant Scheme Found to Facially Violate Wisconsin Election Bribery Statute (WI)
The Office of Special Counsel (OSC), led by former Wisconsin Supreme Court Justice Michael Gableman and authorized by the Wisconsin State Assembly, formally concluded in its Second Interim Investigative Report (March 1, 2022) that CTCL's $8,800,000 grant program with the Zuckerberg 5 — Milwaukee, Madison, Racine, Kenosha, and Green Bay — "facially violates Wisconsin law prohibiting election bribery" under Wis. Stat. § 12.11, which prohibits giving anything of value to cause an election official to perform their duties. The grants were conditioned on recipient cities implementing election administration practices specified in the Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan, including expanded absentee voting, voter outreach programs, poll worker recruitment, and ballot curing operations; CTCL reserved the right to claw back funds from any city that failed to comply.<sup>,</sup> The Wisconsin Institute for Law and Liberty (WILL), conducting a comprehensive analysis through open records requests to all 200+ grant recipient municipalities, found that areas receiving CTCL grants saw a statistically significant increase in turnout for Democrats, estimating a potential electoral impact of more than 8,000 additional votes in the direction of Biden statewide, while the corresponding effect on Republican turnout did not reach statistical significance. The Zuckerberg 5 received approximately 86% of all CTCL funds distributed in Wisconsin despite representing five municipalities out of the more than 216 that received any CTCL funding; per-voter funding among the five largest cities ranged from $53.41 per 2016 voter in Racine to $0.00 in Oshkosh.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay; Kenosha; Madison; Milwaukee; Racine, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of Special Counsel (Michael Gableman), Second Interim Investigative Report on the Apparatus & Procedures of the Wisconsin Elections System, delivered to the Wisconsin State Assembly, March 1, 2022. Chapter 1 heading: "The Center for Tech and Civic Life's $8,800,000 Zuckerberg Plan Grant with the Cities of Milwaukee, Madison, Racine, Kenosha and Green Bay (the Zuckerberg 5 Cities) Facially Violates Wisconsin Law Prohibiting Election Bribery." Introduction, p. 7–8: "The Center for Tech and Civic Life's $8,800,000 Zuckerberg Plan Grants being run in the Cities of Milwaukee, Madison, Racine, Kenosha and Green Bay constituting Election Bribery Under Wis. Stat. § 12.11." Grant conditions quoted from the agreement: "The grant funds must be used exclusively for the public purpose of planning and operationalizing safe and secure election administration in the City of in accordance with the Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020." Note: This is the OSC's legal analysis; all court challenges to the CTCL grants were dismissed as lawful.
- Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty (Will Flanders, PhD; Kyle Koenen; Cori Petersen), "Finger on the Scale: Examining Private Funding of Elections in Wisconsin" (June 2021). Based on open records requests to 257 communities; records received from 196 municipalities totaling $10.3 million in CTCL funding statewide. Key findings: "The largest five cities in the state (Milwaukee, Madison, Green Bay, Kenosha, and Racine) received nearly 86% of all CTCL grant funds in Wisconsin." Per-voter funding table (Table 3): Racine $53.41/voter; Oshkosh $0.00/voter. Statistical analysis (p. 15): "For President Biden there was a statistically significant increase in turnout in cities that received CTCL grants.... Given the number of municipalities in the state that received grants, this a potential electoral impact of more than 8,000 votes in the direction of Biden." The effect on Trump turnout "did not reach traditional levels of statistical significance." Note: WILL characterizes the impact as "potential" and "correlated with" CTCL funding, not causally attributed; WILL also explicitly noted the grants did not result in fraudulent votes.
Systemic Failure to Preserve Drop Box-Related Ballot Images and Authentication Files (GA)
Of 148,318 absentee ballot images in Fulton County, authentication (SHA hash) files for 132,284 were selectively and willfully destroyed per the EOG Report — a finding independently corroborated by VoterGA's forensic analysis, which confirmed that "only 16,034 SHA files exist for 148,318 TIF ballot images," rendering 132,284 mail-in ballot images unable to be authenticated. All 374,128 in- person ballot images from Fulton County's original election count were also destroyed. A federal search warrant affidavit unsealed in February 2026 corroborates this picture: a witness "stated the missing SHA files were a red flag to her that someone had manipulated the data" and "believed the removal of the SHA files was an intentional act by someone." These records would have been the primary means of verifying the integrity of ballots deposited via drop boxes and processed through advance voting tabulators. Fulton County has since admitted in federal court that it "does not have scanned images of all the 528,777 ballots counted during the Original Count" and "has not preserved the majority of ballot images from in-person voting for the November 3, 2020, Original Count." A statewide VoterGA survey found that 74 of Georgia's 159 counties failed to produce all original 2020 ballot images, with 56 counties admitting that "most or all of the images created automatically by the Dominion voting system for results tabulation have been destroyed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Election Oversight Group Report (EOG Report), finding on Fulton County SHA hash file destruction: report concludes that Fulton County "selectively and willfully destroyed roughly 130,000 electronic ballot image authentication hash files."
- VoterGA, How Georgia 2020 Election Results Were Electronically ManipulatedHow Georgia 2020 Election Results Were Electronically Manipulated (March 2022), p. 6, 9: "Only 16,034 SHA files exist for 148,318 TIF ballot images. IMPACT: 132,284 Fulton mail-in ballot images cannot be authenticated." Available at
- VoterGA, Election, Fraud, Errors and Irregularities Abound in GeorgiaElection, Fraud, Errors and Irregularities Abound in Georgia (September 2023): "A VoterGA analysis of the 148,318 original Fulton Co. mail-in ballot images showed clear, direct signs of electronic tampering. 132,284 of those images were missing their corresponding SHA authentication files and thus, could not be authenticated." Available at
- VoterGA, How Georgia 2020 Election Results Were Electronically ManipulatedHow Georgia 2020 Election Results Were Electronically Manipulated (March 2022), p. 6, 8: "All 374,128 in-person ballot images for the original count are missing. IMPACT: None of the 374,128 in person votes cast can be authenticated." See alsoSee also VoterGA (September 2023): "374,000 original in-person ballot images were also destroyed." Available at
- AuditEngine / Citizens Oversight (COPS), 2020 Election Ballot Image Audit of Fulton County, GA2020 Election Ballot Image Audit of Fulton County, GA (Narrative Report), pp. 1, 11–12, 56: "380,458 images of ballot sheets were deleted and unavailable" — representing 72% of all ballots cast. Available at
- Search Warrant Affidavit (unsealed February 10, 2026), filed in connection with DOJ investigation of Fulton County 2020 election records, pp. 9–10: witness "stated the missing SHA files were a red flag to her that someone had manipulated the data. She believed the removal of the SHA files was an intentional act by someone." At p. 6, 10: Fulton County admitted it "does not have scanned images of all the 528,777 ballots counted during the Original Count" and "has not preserved the majority of ballot images from in- person voting for the November 3, 2020, Original Count." Available at
- VoterGA Press Release, VoterGA Announces 74 Georgia Counties Unable to Produce 2020 Ballot ImagesVoterGA Announces 74 Georgia Counties Unable to Produce 2020 Ballot Images (November 9, 2021): "74 Georgia counties have been unable to produce all the original ballot images from the November 2020 election. The team obtained admissions from 56 counties that most or all of the images created automatically by the Dominion voting system for results tabulation have been destroyed." Available at
Unmonitored 24/7 Drop Box Network Deployed Without Chain-of- Custody Logs; FOIA Evasion (MI)
A $7.4 million CTCL grant funded Detroit's deployment of 30 drop boxes across the city for the 2020 general election. Observers documented that absentee ballots were transported from these drop boxes and satellite centers to the Detroit Department of Elections and then onward to the TCF Center in large commercial Penske rental trucks — without chain-of-custody documentation meeting even the baseline standards set by Michigan's own collection log requirements: no log entries with ballot numbers, times, or names of transporters were recorded. When a citizen filed a FOIA request for drop box surveillance footage, the City of Detroit deleted the footage while the request was pending, responding that "the video is no longer available after 30 days and is recorded over" — prompting a lawsuit by the Republican National Committee alleging a direct violation of Michigan's FOIA statute. This evasion of public records obligations mirrors the pattern documented in Wisconsin and Georgia.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Capital Research Center, CTCL Michigan Grants Analysis (Form 990 data): Detroit received $7,435,000 from CTCL's COVID-19 Response Grant program. Available at
- City of Detroit, Department of Elections, Satellite Vote Centers & Drop Box SitesS (official flyer, October 2020): "This year Detroit has added 30 Drop Box Sites and 23 Satellite Vote Centers for Detroiters to register, vote and drop off their completed absentee ballot." Available at
- Philip O'Halloran, Michigan Citizens for Election Integrity, firsthand account and affidavit (November 2020), as reported in: Patty McMurray, "Back Alleys and Blank Ballots," The Gateway Pundit (November 12, 2021): "No meaningful chain of custody when thousands of voted absentee ballots were transported from any of 30 satellite centers or drop boxes to the Detroit Department of Elections (DOE) on West Grand Blvd or between the DOE and the TCF Center on Washington Blvd.... More ballots transferred from DOE to TCF Center in large Penske trucks with poor, if any, chain of custody methods; no log entries with ballot numbers, times, or names of transporters." [Note: This account rests on O'Halloran's personal affidavit; no independent government document corroborates the specific transport observations.] Available at
- Michigan Secretary of State, AV Drop Box Collection Log TemplateAV Drop Box Collection Log Template (official template): establishes required chain-of-custody documentation — name of collecting individual, date and time, drop box location. Available at
- Koch v. City of Detroit Department of Elections (filed October 2024), as reported by CBS Detroit (October 18, 2024): Jonathan Koch submitted a FOIA request on August 20, 2024 for drop box surveillance footage; the City acknowledged the request on August 21 then deleted the footage, responding on September 16 that "the video is no longer available after 30 days and is recorded over." The RNC stated: "Deleting footage that is the subject of a pending FOIA request — submitted more than two weeks before the footage was deleted — is a clear violation of FOIA." Available at
Undercapitalized Drop Box Surveillance in CTCL-Funded Jurisdictions (MI)
Muskegon County received a CTCL grant that was used, in part, for voting equipment and election infrastructure deployment in the 2020 general election. The absence of surveillance coverage — particularly given Michigan law's pre-October 2020 exemption of earlier-installed drop boxes from video monitoring requirements — was significant because Muskegon County was simultaneously the site of a documented voter registration fraud operation conducted by a canvasser employed by GBI Strategies, a Democratic-aligned voter registration firm that received over $4.6 million from Democratic campaigns and committees in the 2020 cycle. According to Michigan State Police reports obtained through FOIA requests, GBI Strategies canvasser Brianna Hawkins dropped off between 8,000 and 12,500 completed voter registration applications at the Muskegon city clerk's office in October 2020; investigators determined that some were "clearly fraudulent" or "highly suspicious" due to forged signatures, wrong addresses, and signatures appearing to have been made by the same hand. Michigan State Police and the Attorney General's office executed a search warrant at GBI Strategies' Southfield headquarters; the case was referred to the FBI in March 2021 as part of a national probe, and as of 2023 the FBI had denied FOIA requests citing an ongoing investigation. The Michigan Attorney General's office confirmed "at no point was it determined by state agencies that no crimes had been committed." These records would have been the primary means of verifying the integrity of ballots deposited via drop boxes. Under 52 U.S.C. § 20701, all election records — including electronic records relating to acts requisite to voting — are subject to a 22-month federal preservation requirement.
📍 Jurisdiction: Muskegon, Muskegon County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Supreme Court Electoral Policy Timeline (Appendix 1, filed in post-2020 election litigation), entry for September 16, 2020: "Muskegon, Michigan — CTCL grant is to be used for drive through voting, satellite election offices, voter education, PPE, cost associated with poll workers, and voting equipment and supplies." See also Capital Research Center, CTCL Michigan Grants (Form 990 data)
- Michigan Secretary of State, Drop Box Requirements (official guidance): "Except for drop boxes ordered or installed prior to October 1, 2020, municipalities must use video monitoring of drop boxes during the 75 days before each election." Boxes purchased or installed prior to that date were exempt. Available at
- InfluenceWatch, GBI Strategies: "GBI Strategies is a Democratic Party-aligned voter registration and get-out-the-vote (GOTV) organization. During the 2020 election cycle, GBI Strategies received payments of $4,691,623 from Democratic-aligned campaigns and committees, including $2,117,605 from the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC), $1,031,856 from the Democratic National Committee Services Corporation, and $450,000 from the 2020 presidential campaign of Joe Biden." Available at
- Michigan State Police report (obtained via FOIA, released August 2023), as reported by Bridge Michigan (August 14, 2023) and Epoch Times (February 23, 2024): GBI Strategies canvasser Brianna Hawkins dropped off between 8,000 and 12,500 voter registration applications at the Muskegon city clerk's office in October 2020; some were "clearly fraudulent" or "highly suspicious" due to forged signatures, wrong addresses, and similar-looking signatures. The Michigan AG's office stated: "At no point was it determined by state agencies that no crimes had been committed." [Note: No charges have been filed; the case was referred to the FBI. The AG characterized the fraud as coming from "the lowest levels of the company." No fraudulent registrations entered the qualified voter file per state officials.] Available at
- CBN News (September 28, 2023): "In 2020, the FBI took over an investigation into alleged voter registration fraud that happened in Muskegon, Michigan. Now that case is making headlines because the agency has denied a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request regarding the federal probe, claiming an exemption in the act protects ongoing investigations." Available at
- 52 U.S.C. § 20701 (Federal Election Records Retention): "Every officer of election shall retain and preserve, for a period of twenty-two months from the date of any general, special, or primary election... all records and papers which come into his possession relating to any application, registration, payment of poll tax, or other act requisite to voting in such election." [Note: The statute's applicability to drop box surveillance footage specifically has not been definitively adjudicated; its text covers "records and papers" relating to acts requisite to voting.] Available at
CTCL Grant Funding Concentrated in 2016-Clinton Jurisdictions; Rural Areas Excluded (MI)
Of Michigan's 135 CTCL grant recipients above the $5,000 minimum, 90 were jurisdictions won by Joe Biden in 2020 — receiving $14.6 million, or 86 percent of all CTCL funds distributed in the state — while the 45 Trump-plurality recipients received just 14 percent. The largest awards went to urban centers with strong Democratic voting histories: Detroit received $7.4 million, Lansing $488,390, Muskegon $433,580, Ann Arbor $417,268, and Saginaw $402,878 — all jurisdictions located in counties carried by Hillary Clinton in 2016, with the exception of Saginaw County, which Trump carried by 1,073 votes. CTCL's 39 largest per-capita grant recipients in Michigan were all cities won by Biden; those cities provided Biden with approximately one million votes, or nearly one-third of his statewide total. Rural, Republican-leaning areas received grants at dramatically lower per-capita rates: the minimum $5,000 award — sufficient for PPE and sanitation supplies but not drop box infrastructure — was the norm outside urban centers.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Capital Research Center, Shining a Light on Zuck Bucks in the 2020 Battleground States — Michigan (updated January 18, 2022): "CTCL distributed a total of 135 grants above the $5,000 minimum to Michigan cities and townships. Out of these grants just 45 of the recipient localities were won by Trump, while 90 were won by Biden. Together these 90 municipalities received $14.6 million or 86 percent of all CTCL funds in Michigan.... CTCL's 39 largest per capita grants all went to cities which Biden won. These 39 cities gave Biden approximately 1 million votes, a little under one-third of all votes he received across Michigan." Available at
- Capital Research Center, CTCL Michigan Grants Data (IRS Form 990): Detroit $7,436,450; Lansing $488,390; Muskegon $433,580; Ann Arbor $417,268; Saginaw $402,878. Available at
- 2016 Michigan Presidential Election Results by County (New York Times / Wikipedia): Wayne County (Detroit) — Clinton 519,444, Trump 228,993; Genesee County (Flint) — Clinton 102,751, Trump 84,175; Ingham County (Lansing) — Clinton 79,110, Trump 43,868; Washtenaw County (Ann Arbor) — Clinton 128,483, Trump 50,631; Saginaw County — Trump 45,469, Clinton 44,396 (margin: 1,073 votes, 1.13 percentage points). [Note: These are county-level results. The CTCL grants were awarded to the cities, not the counties; Saginaw city itself was almost certainly Clinton-plurality despite Saginaw County's narrow Trump margin.] Available at
- Bridge Michigan, 'Zuckerberg Bucks' fuel Michigan GOP push to ban private funds for elections (June 4, 2021): "Officials in 465 Michigan cities, townships and counties applied for and received 'COVID-19 response' grants from CTCL.... Detroit, the state's largest city and a Democratic stronghold, got the biggest award by far: $3.5 million.... Hundreds of other communities received grants of at least $5,000, the minimum provided by the group." [Note: Bridge Michigan's $3.5M figure for Detroit appears to have been drawn from pre-990 disclosures; the Form 990 shows $7,436,450.] Available at
Extreme Geographic and Per-Voter Drop Box Density Disparity Creating Two-Tiered Voter Access (PA)
CTCL's more than $22.5 million investment in Pennsylvania created a constitutionally suspect two- tiered system of voter access. In heavily Democratic Delaware County, private funding established 50 drop boxes — one for every 3.7 square miles and one for every approximately 8,500 registered voters. Across the 56 counties carried by Donald Trump in 2016, only 12 received any CTCL grants at all, collecting a combined $1.73 million — 7 percent of total Pennsylvania CTCL funds — while Biden- won counties received on average more than five times as much per registered voter.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Sam Adolphsen, Testimony before the Pennsylvania House State Government Committee, April 8, 2021, p. [unnumbered appendix table]: "CTCL actually allocated more than $22.5 million to Pennsylvania," citing a documented total of $22,542,308 across 24 Pennsylvania jurisdictions (excluding an undisclosed grant to the PA Department of State). Available at
- Foundation for Government Accountability, How "Zuckerbucks" Infiltrated (March 16, 2021), p. 3 [Table of grants to 21 named PA jurisdictions totaling $20,902,334, with three additional recipients not yet fully disclosed]. Available at
- Foundation for Government Accountability (March 2021), p. 7, fn. 32: "Delaware County announced it had accepted the $2.2 million grant on August 19, 2020 and that the money would be used to place 50 drop boxes, before the Pennsylvania Supreme Court had ruled on the legality of using drop boxes in the 2020 general election." (Citing Delaware County press release, original at delcopa.gov — no longer accessible.) Available at
- Delaware County land area: 183.84 square miles (U.S. Census Bureau, per Wayne County PA density table
- Pennsylvania Department of State, 2020 Voter Registration Statistics — November 3, 2020 Election, Division of Voter Registration: Delaware County registered voters = 425,406. Available at
- Capital Research Center, "Shining a Light on Zuck Bucks in the 2020 Battleground States" (updated May 2024): "In contrast, CTCL gave grants to 12 of the 54 counties Trump won statewide. These 12 counties received just $1.73 million, a mere 7 percent of all CTCL funds in the Keystone state." Per-capita comparison: $3.11 (Biden counties) vs. $0.57 (Trump counties). Available at
Pennsylvania Supreme Court Judicially Authorized Drop Boxes Not Provided in Act 77; Administrative Overreach Compounded Private Funding Disparity (PA)
On September 17, 2020, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled that county boards could accept hand-delivered mail-in ballots at locations other than official offices — including drop boxes — a provision absent from Act 77 as enacted by the Republican-controlled Legislature. This judicial modification, combined with CTCL's private funding of drop box infrastructure concentrated in Democratic-plurality jurisdictions, created a system in which both public law and private money jointly engineered asymmetric ballot return capacity. Articles of impeachment were subsequently filed against Justice David Wecht, citing among other grounds his failure to disclose that petitioners in the Boockvar case had contributed nearly $225,000 to his 2020 Supreme Court campaign.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Pennsylvania Democratic Party v. Boockvar, No. 133 MM 2020, 2020 WL 5554644 (Pa. Sept. 17, 2020). The Pennsylvania Supreme Court exercised extraordinary jurisdiction and held that the Election Code, read in light of Act 77's legislative intent, "permit[s] county boards of election to accept hand-delivered mail-in ballots at locations other than their office addresses including drop-boxes." Full opinion and order available via ACLU of Pennsylvania
- Act 77 of 2019, signed October 31, 2019, provided that mail-in ballots must be returned "by mail, postage prepaid, except where franked, or deliver[ed] in person to said county board of election." The statute made no mention of drop boxes — neither authorizing nor prohibiting them. The Republican-controlled Pennsylvania General Assembly subsequently passed legislation to close this gap. Pennsylvania Act 77 of 2019 overview
- The Federalist Society's case tracker on PA Democratic Party v. Boockvar summarizes: "the state supreme court determined that the county board of elections may accept mail-in ballots outside of their offices, including in unmanned drop-boxes." Chief Justice Saylor dissented as to the drop box holding and the ballot deadline extension. Federalist Society State Court Docket Watch
- Pennsylvania Senate Republicans, press release (April 13, 2022): "Drop boxes were permitted by a Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruling in 2020, despite the fact that they were never authorized or intended by the General Assembly through the legislative process." Sen. Cris Dush: "The General Assembly never voted to allow drop boxes in Act 77 or elsewhere, and the utter lack of reliable security surrounding these drop boxes is appalling and unacceptable." The Senate subsequently passed SB 1200, requiring all non-mailed ballots be returned only to the County Board of Elections office, effectively eliminating drop boxes. PA Senate Republicans official press release
- The same legislative session produced SB 982, banning acceptance of private funding by any state employee or county for election administration — a direct response to CTCL's 2020 grant program. Senate Majority Leader Kim Ward: "Pennsylvania's drop boxes have no statutory parameters as they were established by our Commonwealth's Supreme Court without legislative approval." Both bills passed the Senate and were transmitted to the House. PA Senate Republicans press release
- Pennsylvania House Resolution 1044, introduced October 6, 2020, called for the impeachment of Justice David N. Wecht for misbehavior in office — the first set of articles arising in the immediate aftermath of the Boockvar ruling. Referred to the Judiciary Committee; never voted on by the full House. HR 1044 information page
- A second set of articles, HR 58, was filed on February 24, 2021 by Rep. Frank Ryan and co-sponsors. Article VI specifically cited Pennsylvania Democratic Party v. Boockvar, No. 133 MM 2020 (Pa. Sept. 17, 2020), on the ground that Wecht failed to disclose that petitioners in that case had contributed $224,910.24 — nearly 8 percent of his $3.1 million 2015 campaign total — before he voted with the majority. Article VII cited the cumulative pattern of rulings as undermining judicial integrity. HR 58 was referred to the Judiciary Committee on February 24, 2021; it was not voted on by the full House. HR 58 full text
Butler County Formally Rejected CTCL Funding on Election Integrity Grounds, Documenting Partisan Design (PA)
The Butler County, Pennsylvania Board of Commissioners formally declined CTCL funding, with Commissioner Kimberly Geyer documenting in an official narrative submitted to the United States Department of Justice that acceptance would compromise election integrity by subjecting county operations to the influence of "a private/public entity." The same document, co-signed by Commissioner Leslie Osche as Chairman, identified Zuckerberg's media/tech philanthropy and Progress PA among the external forces that the commissioners concluded had targeted Butler County — a stronghold carried by Trump with 72% of the vote in 2016 — as part of a broader effort to influence the 2020 election outcome. The document further records that Governor Wolf withheld federal CARES Act election funding from Lebanon County for over a month in 2020, releasing it only on August 14, 2020 — a period during which CTCL private funding was simultaneously flowing to Democratic-leaning Pennsylvania counties that had received preferential early access to the grant program. This contemporaneous, official county-level record of CTCL rejection and documented concern about external targeting provides direct evidentiary support for the partisan design theory. The acceptance of CTCL funds by counties concurrently receiving federal HAVA and CARES Act assistance raises the additional question of whether the grant conditions subjected county election officials to the strictures of the federal program fraud statute.
📍 Jurisdiction: Butler County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Kimberly D. Geyer, Vice Chairman, Butler County Board of Commissioners, "Election Timeline for Butler County, Pennsylvania" (Nov. 12, 2020), at entry dated 9/2/20 ("Butler County declined to accept these funds to protect the integrity of their election system in Butler County from being influenced by a private/public entity."), produced as Exhibit 7 to Senate Judiciary Committee, Examination of the DOJ's Efforts to Investigate Alleged Election Fraud in the 2020 Election, transmitted by Rep. Scott Perry to Dep. AG Richard Donoghue, Dec. 27, 2020, available at
- For Butler County's non-receipt of CTCL funds, see Foundation for Government Accountability, "Pennsylvania Zuckerbucks Brief" (Mar. 16, 2021) (listing 23 Pennsylvania CTCL grant recipients; Butler County absent), available at
Illegal Drop Box Infrastructure Mandated by CTCL Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan (WSVP); Ruled Unlawful by State Courts (WI)
The Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan (WSVP) — a grant agreement executed between CTCL and Milwaukee, Madison, Racine, Kenosha, and Green Bay — allocated $216,500 specifically for absentee ballot drop boxes across the five cities. The Waukesha County Circuit Court in Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission (written order January 20, 2022) subsequently ruled that absentee ballot drop boxes lacked any statutory authority under Wis. Stat. § 6.87(4)(b)1, because the statute permits only two methods of absentee ballot return: mail to the municipal clerk, or personal delivery by the voter to the clerk. The Wisconsin Supreme Court affirmed 4-3 on July 8, 2022, holding that "only the legislature may permit absentee voting via ballot drop boxes" and that WEC's authorization of drop boxes was unlawful. The Teigen court thus determined that WEC lacked statutory authority to authorize the drop box infrastructure that CTCL funded for the 2020 election, though Teigen was subsequently overruled in 2024 by a reconstituted Wisconsin Supreme Court majority that read the same statute to permit drop boxes. The Wisconsin Legislature's 2023 impeachment resolution against WEC Administrator Meagan Wolfe independently characterized the CTCL-funded drop boxes as unlawful and cited the Teigen ruling as confirmation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay; Kenosha; Madison; Milwaukee; Racine, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020, submitted by the mayors of Milwaukee, Madison, Green Bay, Kenosha, and Racine to CTCL, June 15, 2020, Recommendation I, sub-section 2 (Green Bay $50,000; Kenosha $40,000; Madison $50,000; Milwaukee $58,500; Racine $18,000 = $216,500 for absentee ballot drop boxes). Available at
- Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, No. 2021CV000595 (Waukesha Cty. Cir. Ct.), oral ruling January 13, 2022, written order January 20, 2022. The court held that Wis. Stat. § 6.87(4)(b)1 — requiring absentee ballots be returned by mail to the municipal clerk or personal delivery by the voter to the clerk — does not authorize return to a drop box. The ruling invalidated WEC's March 2020 and August 2020 guidance memos authorizing drop boxes.
- Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, 2022 WI 64, No. 2022AP91 (Wis. July 8, 2022) (4-3 decision; Bradley, J., majority). Majority opinion: "Only the legislature may permit absentee voting via ballot drop boxes. WEC cannot. Ballot drop boxes appear nowhere in the detailed statutory system for absentee voting. WEC's authorization of ballot drop boxes was unlawful." Full opinion at
- Priorities USA v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, 8 N.W.3d 429 (Wis. July 5, 2024) (4-3 decision). The reconstituted Wisconsin Supreme Court expressly overruled Teigen, holding that Wis. Stat. § 6.87(4)(b)1 permits the use of absentee ballot drop boxes. Teigen therefore represents the law as it stood from July 2022 through July 2024 only; it is no longer controlling precedent in Wisconsin. See also Federalist Society State Court Docket Watch summary.
- Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020 — CTCL WSVP document
WEC Issued Unauthorized Drop Box Guidance Without Majority Vote at Noticed Public Meeting (WI)
The WEC issued a memo on August 19, 2020 — signed by Administrator Meagan Wolfe and her assistant administrator, but never voted on by the Commission — authorizing unstaffed absentee ballot drop boxes in contravention of then-existing Wisconsin law. The Wisconsin Assembly's Office of the Special Counsel (OSC) documented that this guidance was distributed without a majority vote of the Commission at a publicly noticed meeting, as required by Wis. Stat. § 5.05(1e) and § 5.05(5s)(a), and without going through the administrative rulemaking process required by Chapter 227. The Wisconsin Supreme Court independently confirmed that "WEC commissioners never voted on Memo two either," and held that WEC's authorization of ballot drop boxes was unlawful. The memos were declared invalid and the Commission was permanently enjoined from issuing further guidance in conflict with Wis. Stat. § 6.87(4)(b)1. The OSC further concluded that CTCL's agreement with the five cities for the $216,500 in drop box funding "was also unlawful and contrary to public policy," given that the WEC guidance that ostensibly authorized those drop boxes lacked lawful administrative authority.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- WEC, "Absentee Ballot Drop Box Information," dated August 19, 2020, signed by Administrator Meagan Wolfe and Assistant Administrator Richard Rydecki (the "August 2020 WEC Memo" or "Memo Two"). The memo states: "Ballot drop boxes can be staffed or unstaffed, temporary or permanent" and includes a dedicated section titled "Unstaffed, 24- Hour Ballot Drop Box." The memo was directed to "All Wisconsin Election Officials." Primary source preserved as Exhibit B to the Teigen litigation and filed with the U.S. Supreme Court
- Office of the Special Counsel (Wisconsin State Assembly), Second Interim Investigative Report on the Apparatus & Procedures of the Wisconsin Elections System, March 1, 2022, p. 44: "Wisconsin law requires that actions taken by WEC be accomplished by a majority vote, at a publicly noticed meeting. Wis. Stat. § 5.05(1e); Wis. Stat. § 5.05(5s)(a). Yet WEC… has impeded this investigation through obstructive litigation carried on without any record of an approval by the majority of the Commission at a public meeting of the Commission." Id. at pp. 44–45: "[N]ew election related polices were spread throughout the state (such as the expanded use of unlawful 'drop boxes'…) without having been approved by either the administrative rule-making process… or by receiving a majority vote of the Commission." Available at
- Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, 2022 WI 64, ¶7 (Wis. July 8, 2022): "A few months later, Administrator Wolfe and the assistant administrator issued the second document ('Memo two') ahead of the fall 2020 election. It encourages 'creative solutions' to facilitate the use of ballot drop boxes… WEC commissioners never voted on Memo two either." Majority holding at ¶87: "WEC's authorization of ballot drop boxes was unlawful." Full opinion
- OSC Second Interim Report, March 1, 2022, Chapter 6, p. 80: "Accordingly, the Zuckerberg 5's privately funded absentee ballot drop boxes in the 2020 election were unlawful under Wis. Stat. § 6.87(4)(b)1 and § 6.855. Thus, the Zuckerberg 5 and CTCL's agreement for CTCL-funded purchase and placement of absentee ballot drop boxes was also unlawful and contrary to public policy."
- 2023 Wisconsin Assembly Resolution 18 (AR18), Article 4, introduced November 2, 2023: "Ballot drop boxes were unfamiliar in Wisconsin before the 2020 presidential election cycle. Their use was mandated for the state's five largest cities through contracts signed with the 'Center for Tech and Civic Life' (CTCL)… Administrator Wolfe fully supported and promoted the use of these unauthorized drop boxes by issuing a series of memoranda (prepared by WEC staff under her supervision) to municipal clerks. This endorsement and promotion of ballot drop boxes ran counter to Wisconsin law, as highlighted in the Teigen case." Available at
Per-Voter Grant Disparity Demonstrates Structural Bias Favoring Democratic Strongholds (WI)
A June 2021 analysis by the Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty (WILL) — based on open-records data from 196 municipalities — calculated CTCL funding per 2016 voter for each of Wisconsin's ten largest cities. Among the five CTCL-targeted cities, Milwaukee received $13.82 per voter, Green Bay $36.00 per voter, and Racine $53.41 per voter. By contrast, Appleton received $0.51 per voter and Oshkosh received nothing. These figures — which CTCL has not specifically challenged arithmetically, though it disputes the partisan characterization of its grantmaking — demonstrate that funding was allocated in a mathematically disproportionate fashion: Milwaukee received approximately 27 times more per voter than Appleton, and Racine received approximately 105 times more. All five CTCL- targeted cities were among Wisconsin's largest, and all carried Hillary Clinton in the 2016 presidential election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Milwaukee, Milwaukee County, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty (WILL), "Finger on the Scale: Examining Private Funding of Elections in Wisconsin," June 2021, authored by Will Flanders, Research Director. Based on open-records requests to 257 Wisconsin municipalities; data received from 196. Table 3: "Spending Per 2016 Voter, Ten Largest Wisconsin Cities." Available at
- WILL, "Finger on the Scale," Table 3 (exact figures): Milwaukee $13.82/voter (total grant $3,409,500); Madison $8.30/voter ($1,271,788); Green Bay $36.00/voter ($1,600,000); Kenosha $20.94/voter ($862,799); Racine $53.41/voter ($1,699,100). The five cities together received approximately 86% of all CTCL funds in Wisconsin.
- WILL, "Finger on the Scale," Table 3 (exact figures): Appleton $0.51/voter (total grant $18,330); Waukesha $1.18/voter ($42,100); Eau Claire $2.01/voter ($71,000); Oshkosh $0.00/voter ($0 — received no CTCL grant); Janesville $6.11/voter ($183,292).
- CTCL has publicly maintained that its grants were distributed on a needs-based, non-partisan basis and has not issued a specific mathematical challenge to WILL's per-voter arithmetic. CTCL's own grant lists confirm the total dollar amounts in WILL's table. The Wisconsin Elections Commission, in a December 2021 bipartisan ruling, rejected a complaint alleging the grants were illegal. AP News, "Commission rejects claim that grants to cities were illegal" (Dec. 9, 2021)
- Calculated from WILL Table 3 figures: Milwaukee ($13.82) ÷ Appleton ($0.51) = 27.1-to-1; Racine ($53.41) ÷ Appleton ($0.51) = 104.7-to-1; Green Bay ($36.00) ÷ Appleton ($0.51) = 70.6-to-1; Kenosha ($20.94) ÷ Appleton ($0.51) = 41.1-to-1. Because Oshkosh received $0, no finite ratio can be calculated against it. These ratios are the author's derivation from WILL's data; WILL's report does not itself state these ratios. The OSC Second Interim Report independently reproduces WILL's table at Appendix 500
- WILL, "Finger on the Scale," p. 4: "According to the Amistad Project… CTCL's 20 largest donations, that come to $76.5 million, all went to cities that Hillary Clinton won in 2016." The five Wisconsin cities are Milwaukee (Clinton 65.5% in Milwaukee County), Madison (Clinton 70.4% in Dane County), Kenosha (approximately Clinton-carried at city level; county-level result was near-tied), Racine, and Green Bay. 2016 county-level results via Wikipedia. Note: at the county level, Brown County (Green Bay) went to Trump 52.1–41.4% and Racine County went to Trump 49.5–45.2%; city-level precincts within those counties voted more Democratic.
CTCL Grant Conditions Constituted Contractual Subordination of Public Officials to Private Directives; Facially Implicates Election Bribery Statute (WI)
CTCL's grant conditions were enforceable contractual obligations with claw-back provisions. Cities were required to: (a) use funds exclusively per the WSVP; (b) maintain existing municipal budgets; (c) obtain CTCL's approval before deviating from the WSVP's planned expenditures; and (d) submit full compliance reports to CTCL by January 31, 2021. Kenosha, for example, was required to seek and obtained CTCL permission before substituting ballot tabulators. The OSC concluded this arrangement facially violates Wis. Stat. § 12.11 — which prohibits offering or giving anything of value in order to induce an elector to vote or go to the polls — because the grant payment was conditioned on election officials facilitating voting according to CTCL's private program design.
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay; Kenosha; Madison; Milwaukee; Racine, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- CTCL WSVP Grant Acceptance Letters (OSC Second Interim Report, App. 588-601) (Milwaukee, Madison, Kenosha, Green Bay, Racine). Each acceptance letter provided: "The City of _____ shall not reduce or otherwise modify planned municipal spending on 2020 elections, including the budget of the City Clerk... Any amount reduced or not provided in contravention of this paragraph shall be repaid to CTCL up to the total amount of this grant." See also OSC Second Interim Report, Ch. 1, p. 28, legis.wi.gov.
- CTCL WSVP Grant Acceptance Letters, App. 588-601. On exclusivity: "The grant funds must be used exclusively for the public purpose of planning and operationalizing safe and secure election administration in the City of _____ in accordance with the Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020." On budget maintenance: "The City of _____ shall not reduce or otherwise modify planned municipal spending on 2020 elections, including the budget of the City Clerk of _____ ('the Clerk') or fail to appropriate or provide previously budgeted funds to the Clerk for the term of this grant." OSC Second Interim Report, Ch. 1, p. 28, legis.wi.gov.
- Because grant funds were required to be used "exclusively... in accordance with the Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020," any expenditure departing from the WSVP required CTCL's approval. App. 588-601. The acceptance letters also expressly required advance written CTCL approval before any sub-grants to third organizations. In practice, cities sought approval even for equipment changes: on August 31, 2020, Kenosha "sought and obtained CTCL permission for purchasing 3 DS450 high speed ballot tabulators for use at absentee central count locations at an amended cost of $180,000 instead of $172,000." OSC Second Interim Report, Ch. 4, p. 72, citing App. 378-380, legis.wi.gov.
- CTCL WSVP Grant Acceptance Letters, App. 588-601: each letter required "each city or county receiving the funds to report back to CTCL by January 31, 2021 regarding the moneys used to conduct federal elections." OSC Second Interim Report, Ch. 1, p. 26, legis.wi.gov. Accord Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. Pence, Application for Injunction, No. 20A75 (U.S. Oct. 26, 2020), Ex. D (Carlson Report) ("The claw back and reporting provisions in CTCL contracts with local counties and municipalities, if exercised, will result in skewed recordkeeping"), supremecourt.gov.
- OSC Second Interim Report, Ch. 4, p. 72: "On August 31, 2020, Kenosha sought and obtained CTCL permission for purchasing 3 DS450 high speed ballot tabulators for use at absentee central count locations at an amended cost of $180,000 instead of $172,000. App. 378-380." legis.wi.gov. The original WSVP had budgeted $172,000 for "high-speed scanner tabulators." Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020, p. 20, techandciviclife.org.
- OSC Second Interim Report, Ch. 1, p. 29: "The CTCL agreement facially violates the election bribery prohibition of Wis. Stat. § 12.11 because the participating cities and public officials received private money to facilitate in-person or absentee voting within such a city." Wis. Stat. § 12.11(1m)(1)(a) prohibits offering or giving "anything of value... in order to induce any elector to: 1. Go to... the polls. 2. Vote..." legis.wi.gov. See also Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. Wisconsin Elections Comm'n, Complaint at 13 (Sept. 10, 2020) (invoking § 12.11 against CTCL grant to all five cities), prnewswire.com.
- Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty, Finger on the Scale: How Outside Groups Are Manipulating Wisconsin Elections 5 (June 2021): "In CTCL's responses to the cities awarding the grants, CTCL stipulates, among other things, that the municipalities must hold to the 'Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan' or 'CTCL may discontinue, modify, withhold part of, or ask for the return of all or part of the grant funds.'" will-law.org. Accord Wisconsin Voters Alliance v. Pence, No. 20A75, Ex. D (Carlson Report) (confirming claw-back and reporting provisions), supremecourt.gov.
Private CTCL Operative Exercised Physical Control Over Election Night Ballot and Machine Environment, Including Drop Box Processing (WI)
Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein, a Brooklyn-based CTCL "grant mentor," gained physical control over Green Bay's election night facility - including control of the secret Wi-Fi access point to which all ESS voting machines were connected. He wrote to the City Attorney at 9:29 PM on November 3, 2020, making a dispositive legal determination that late-arriving ballots (including those from drop boxes) should be counted because "no one had challenged them." Green Bay City Clerk Kris Teske confirmed in sworn WEC proceedings that unauthorized private actors made official election administration decisions. Elections Group employee Ryan Chew emailed Milwaukee official Claire Woodall-Vogg at 4:07 AM on November 4, 2020, stating she had "delivered just the margin needed at 3:00 a.m."
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Office of the Special Counsel, Second Interim Investigative Report on the Apparatus & Procedures of the Wisconsin Elections System (March 1, 2022), pp. 13, 25, 55, 67–70 & App. 262–266, 304 (
- Id. at App. 304; see also WEC Complaint (Green Bay election irregularities filing), paras. 95, 97, 312 (
- Wisconsin Office of the Special Counsel, Second Interim Investigative Report, pp. 57, 66–67 & App. 249–251, 318–319, 674. (Green Bay City Clerk Kris Teske’s sworn statements/answer in WEC proceedings confirm unauthorized private actors—including NVAHI/CTCL partners like Spitzer-Rubenstein—made official election administration decisions; she described meetings and decisions driven by the Mayor’s office and outside advisors without the Clerk’s knowledge or consent, leading to her FMLA leave and the private actors assuming control over ballot curing, Central Count protocols, and operations.)
- Wisconsin Office of the Special Counsel, Second Interim Investigative Report, p. 71 & App. 610. (Reproduces the exact email from Elections Group employee Ryan Chew to Milwaukee Election Commission Executive Director Claire Woodall-Vogg at 4:07 a.m. on November 4, 2020: “Damn Claire, you have a flair for drama, delivering just the margin needed at 3:00 a.m. I bet you had those votes counted at midnight, and just wanted to keep the world waiting!”)
- Id. at pp. 55–56, 64–65 (cross-referencing The Elections Group’s role as CTCL technical partner in Milwaukee and Green Bay). (Confirms Ryan Chew’s affiliation with The Elections Group, one of CTCL’s designated “technical assistance partners” embedded in city election operations alongside NVAHI/Spitzer-Rubenstein.)
CTCL and CEIR Operated as Unregistered Partisan Turnout Apparatus Through Drop Box and Infrastructure Funding (US)
The WILL Report found a statistically significant increase in Biden votes — estimated at more than 8,000 additional votes in Wisconsin alone — attributable to CTCL grants in the state. The OSC concluded that CTCL's real motive was to "facilitate increased in-person and absentee voting" in targeted areas among voters fitting a "Biden profile," with "safe voting" as pretext. CTCL's designated technical partners included no public health or medical experts — all were election administration, voter outreach, or civic mobilization specialists. The WSVP was submitted to CTCL on June 15, 2020.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty, Finger on the Scale: Examining Private Funding of Elections in Wisconsin 13–15 (June 2021). WILL's OLS regression measured the change in per-municipality Democratic turnout (Biden vs. Clinton 2016) against CTCL grant receipt across 1,869 Wisconsin municipalities, controlling for 2016 turnout, third-party vote, percent African American, household income, and municipality size. CTCL Grant coefficient: 40.93 (p<0.01) for Biden-Clinton; 8.359 (not significant) for Trump. Conclusion: "For President Biden there was a statistically significant increase in turnout in cities that received CTCL grants. In those cities, President Biden received approximately 41 votes more on average... Given the number of municipalities in the state that received grants, this is a potential electoral impact of more than 8,000 votes in the direction of Biden." Available at will-law.org. The OSC reproduced this finding at Ch. 1, p. 31 (App. 503), available at justthenews.com. Counterpoint: A 2024 peer-reviewed study in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Warshaw, Goldstein & McCrain) applying synthetic difference-in-differences methodology found CTCL grants increased Democratic vote share by 0.03–0.36 percentage points in Wisconsin — and concluded that the OLS approach used by WILL "is a dramatic overestimate" because grant-receiving areas already trended Democratic before 2020 and the parallel-trends assumption required by simple difference-in-differences is not satisfied. Available at pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov.
- OSC Second Interim Report, Ch. 4, p. 71: "Safe voting was a pretext — the real reason for CTCL's WSVP grants was to facilitate increased in-person and absentee voting in specific targeted areas inside the Zuckerberg 5." Ch. 4, p. 38: "[T]he private funding... targeted only the 'Biden profile voter.'" See also Ch. 2, p. 43 ("The Zuckerberg-funded CTCL/Zuckerberg 5 scheme would prove to be an effective way to accomplish the partisan effort to 'turnout' their desired voters"); Ch. 4, p. 72 (CTCL asking cities on June 10, 2020: "What steps can you take to update registered voters' addresses before November? What steps can you take to register new voters? How much would each cost?"). Available at justthenews.com. Note: The composite phrase "facilitate increased in-person and absentee voting among Biden profile voters" synthesizes Ch. 4, pp. 38 and 71; it is not a single verbatim OSC quotation.
- OSC Second Interim Report, Ch. 4, pp. 55–57. The eleven CTCL-designated partners were: (1) National Vote At Home Institute (absentee voting/ballot curing); (2) Elections Group / Ryan Chew (drop boxes/voter outreach); (3) Ideas42 (behavioral science communications); (4) Power the Polls (poll worker recruitment); (5) Mikva Challenge (Chicago- based student poll workers); (6) US Digital Response (absentee curing/onboarding); (7) Center for Civic Design (ballot design); (8) CSME Communications (advertising); (9) Brennan Center (election integrity/cybersecurity); (10) HVS Productions (voter navigator content); (11) Modern Elections (Spanish language). OSC at p. 56: "Importantly, none of the referenced 'partners' mandated by CTCL were health or medical experts that one might expect for efforts tied to the COVID pandemic; rather, as the grant contracts required, these were 'experts' in 'election administration.'" And: "CTCL's partners had nothing to do with Covid-19 safety. Neither CTCL nor its 'partners' were medical or health professionals. Instead, CTCL boasted that it had a 'network of current and former election administrators and election experts available' to 'scale up your vote by mail processes.'" Available at justthenews.com.
- Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020, cover page: "Submitted to the Center for Tech & Civic Life June 15, 2020." Available at techandciviclife.org. Note: The WSVP itself is extensively framed around COVID-19 from its first page, citing the April 2020 Wisconsin primary disaster, pandemic-driven absentee surges, PPE procurement, DMV closures, and polling place capacity constraints throughout. Any characterization that the WSVP predated widespread COVID accommodation discussions is not supported by the document.
- OSC Second Interim Report, Ch. 4, p. 32: "The relative funding levels for personal protective equipment also gives the lie to a claim that the extraordinary injection of 'Zuckerbucks' into this election was necessitated by or intended primarily to ensure the election did not worsen the public health as opposed to influencing voting patterns." See also WILL, Finger on the Scale 7 (spending breakdown showing 2.4% of total CTCL grants to Wisconsin on "Polling Place Rental & Cleaning Expenses" — the category most directly tied to COVID mitigation; the majority was spent on poll worker recruitment/pay, temporary staffing, voter outreach, and voter education). Available at justthenews.com; will- law.org.
- OSC Second Interim Report, Ch. 4, p. 72: "On June 10, 2020, Vicky Selkowe informed the representatives of the other Zuckerberg 5 that: '[o]ur national funding partner, the Center for Tech & Civic Life, has one additional question area they'd like answered: "What steps can you take to update registered voters' addresses before November? What steps can you take to register new voters? How much would each cost?"'" This contemporaneous CTCL communication — conditioning grant funding on cities detailing voter registration plans — corroborates the OSC's finding that CTCL's programmatic priority was voter mobilization rather than pandemic safety. Available at justthenews.com.
CTCL GIS Siting Algorithms Optimized Drop Box Placement for Partisan Demographic Capture Rather Than Neutral Civic Access (US)
CTCL and the Center for Civic Design (CCD) used internal GIS mapping and geolocation data to determine the physical placement of drop boxes. The documented result - extreme per-voter and per-square-mile disparities favoring Democratic urban precincts nationwide (e.g. 1 box per 4,000 voters in Delaware County, PA vs. 1 per 72,000 in Trump counties) - is consistent with placement algorithms optimized to capture specific demographic and partisan voting blocs rather than for neutral geographic accessibility. Internal CTCL siting data has not been produced pursuant to any subpoena.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Center for Tech and Civic Life (CTCL), “Organizing Ballot Dropoff Locations” (COVID-19 Webinar Resource Packet, June 2020)
- The Elections Group (CTCL technical partner), Guide to Ballot Drop Boxes (2023, referencing 2020 CTCL resources)
- Kanekoa, “Exposing America’s Ballot Trafficking Cartel – Part I,” Kanekoa News, January 31, 2022
- Id. (cross-referenced with public 2020 drop-box counts). (The same analysis notes the per-square-mile disparity—e.g., one box per ~1,100 square miles in Trump-won Pennsylvania counties—consistent with siting optimized for dense Democratic voting blocs rather than neutral statewide accessibility; CTCL grants flowed disproportionately to Clinton-won jurisdictions [$13M+ in PA Clinton counties vs. <$700k in Trump counties].)
- CTCL, “Richland County, IL — Checklist from CTCL Webinars” (2020)
- See Kanekoa, supra note 3; see also CTCL grant agreements and planner documents (no comprehensive internal GIS/geolocation siting datasets have been released or produced in response to public-records requests or related investigations). (CTCL’s internal siting data, geolocation analyses, and full planner application records used for 2020 drop-box decisions have not been produced pursuant to any subpoena or FOIA-equivalent disclosure; only the high-level criteria planner and aggregate grant outcomes are public.)
CTCL‑Conditioned Drop‑Box and Poll‑Worker Deployment (GA)
CTCL grant agreements with Georgia counties including Fulton and DeKalb funded the deployment of additional early-vote sites and enhanced staffing, with funding heavily favoring urban Democratic strongholds. In Georgia, over 94 percent of CTCL's $45 million in grants went to 17 counties won by Biden, while less than 6 percent reached 26 counties won by Trump. This concentration of election infrastructure investment in Biden-leaning jurisdictions created an operational landscape where convenient access and in-person assistance were systematically more available in Democratic- leaning precincts than in Republican-leaning rural areas.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County received $6,000,000 in CTCL grants ($5.64 per capita). Capital Research Center, Known Grants to Georgia Counties by CTCL, 2020 General Election, capitalresearch.org. The Fulton County Auditor confirmed two CTCL grants (CTC1 and CTC2) used for election operations, personnel, and equipment. Fulton County Office of the County Auditor, Registration & Elections Financial Review (Aug. 3, 2021), at 2, fultoncountyga.gov. Grant funds were used to open additional early voting locations, hire staff, and purchase high-speed tabulators. Timeline of Electoral Policy Activities, SCOTUS App. p. 14, supremecourt.gov. Note: Fulton's 25 ballot drop boxes were separately funded by an $85,000 SPLC grant, not CTCL. Fulton County Auditor, id. at 6.
- DeKalb County received a $4.8M CTCL grant ($5.27 per capita). Stated uses: "hire more personnel, purchase additional voting and mail ballot sorting equipment, open and operate additional early voting and Election Day locations, ensure sanitization of voting equipment and purchase sufficient personal protective equipment (PPE) for both poll workers and voters." Atlanta Voice (Oct. 12, 2020), theatlantavoice.com. Confirmed by SCOTUS Timeline: "DeKalb County, Georgia receives a $4.8M CTCL grant for election related workers, processing equipment, and early voting locations." SCOTUS App. p. 14, supremecourt.gov.
- H.R. Rep. No. 118-509, at 9 (House Comm. on House Administration, 2024): "In Georgia, CTCL provided $45 million in grants... $42.4 million, or over 94 percent of all CTCL funds [went] to 17 counties won by Biden. In contrast, the remaining $2.6 million, or less than 6 percent of CTCL funds, were received by 26 counties won by Trump." Available at govinfo.gov. The five largest Georgia recipients were all Biden-won counties: Cobb ($5.6M), Fulton ($6M), Gwinnett ($4.1M), DeKalb ($4M), and Clayton ($3.1M). Capital Research Center data, capitalresearch.org.
- H.R. Rep. No. 118-509, at 9: "the 43 counties that received funds swung, on average, two-point three percentage points towards Biden but the 116 counties that did not receive funds saw no change." In CTCL-funded counties, Biden received 73% of his statewide vote total and Trump received 55% of his statewide total. Id. Biden's turnout in those counties surged roughly 35% vs. Clinton 2016, netting 510,000 additional votes; Trump's turnout increased only 18%, netting 203,000 additional votes. Id. Available at govinfo.gov.
- Nationally, CTCL awarded $217M to Biden-won states vs. $114M to Trump-won states. Ballotpedia. In eight contested swing states, 90% of CTCL's $144.2M went to Democrat-leaning counties. Rep. Claudia Tenney (R-NY), Press Release (Dec. 20, 2021), tenney.house.gov. PNAS (2024) independently confirms CTCL reached 65% of heavily Democratic counties vs. 30% of heavily Republican counties. Warshaw et al., pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov.
- Election Oversight Group, LLC, Fulton County: Report of Investigation of the 2020 General Election, Private Funding section (Jan. 2026), submitted to Georgia State Election Board, scribd.com.
CTCL‑Funded Detroit Satellite Centers and Mobile GOTV Units (MI)
Detroit accepted CTCL grants totaling between 3.5 and 7.4 million dollars, conditioned on adding 14 satellite voting centers, 30 drop boxes, and sharply increased poll‑worker pay; Muskegon received funds for a branded GOTV trailer. These privately designed deployments materially reshaped local election operations and access patterns in ways that boosted turnout in heavily Democratic precincts.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Citizens for Election Integrity (MC4EI), TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit (January 2022), pp. 4–5
- Id. at p. 4; see also Natalia Mittelstadt, “Zuckerberg group gave Detroit $7.4 million to ‘dramatically’ expand vote in city key to Biden win,” Just The News, April 13, 2021
- “Winfrey, Benson announce partnership to support Detroit Elections,” Michigan Secretary of State press release (Sept. 2, 2020), cross-referenced in MC4EI TCF Timeline, p. 4. (Documents the conditional partnership with CTCL/Wayne County for the 14 satellite clerk offices/satellite voting centers [bringing total to 21–23] and 30 drop boxes as part of the funded expansion.)
- “Muskegon launches mobile clerk’s office,” WGVU News, Oct. 16, 2020
- Capital Research Center, “Shining a Light on Zuck Bucks in Key States” (May 28, 2024)
- MC4EI TCF Timeline, supra note 1, pp. 4–8; see also BridgeDetroit, “Without extra election funding, how will Detroit manage in 2021?,” Oct. 28, 2021
WisVote/BadgerBooks Data Sharing with CTCL Partners (WI)
The Zuckerberg-5 cities shared WisVote voter-file data—available to the public only as periodic snapshots at $12,500 per copy—with CTCL-aligned private partners at no cost, in violation of Wisconsin Elections Commission security policies. In at least one city, officials apparently provided those partners with API access to WisVote and BadgerBooks, enabling real-time, free data feeds that were used for "selective, racially-targeted get-out-the-vote purposes."
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel (Michael Gableman), Second Interim Investigative Report, p. 8 (Mar. 1, 2022): "The Cities of Milwaukee, Madison, Racine, Kenosha and Green Bay engaging private companies in election administration in unprecedented ways, including tolerating unauthorized users and unauthorized uses of WisVote private voter data under Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) policies, such as sharing voter data for free that would have cost the public $12,500." Available at
- OSC Second Interim Report, p. 50: "CTCL and its partners did not follow this process and yet obtained WisVote data from Zuckerberg 5's election officials. By contrast, the public receives WisVote only as WEC updates the information and for a charge of $12,500 for a daily snapshot of statewide data. Accordingly, under Wisconsin Elections Commission's security policies, CTCL's and its partners were allowed to access to WisVote in this way, opening the system up to unauthorized uses by unauthorized users. The Zuckerberg 5's WisVote data sharing with CTCL and its partners was thus unlawful." Available at
- OSC Second Interim Report, p. 16: "Ms. Wolfe also told the Commission that there was no API (Application Programming Interface that allows direct access) into the WisVote or BadgerBooks system. Yet cities have provided information that they do have access to statewide WisVote and BadgerBooks data. At least one city apparently provided an API to the WisVote and BadgerBooks systems, which provided real time, free information to special interest groups who used that information for selective, racially-targeted get-out- the-vote purposes under the contracts. That application may still have an active API and may remain viable, so that it might be used by the private groups in future elections." Available at
- OSC Second Interim Report, pp. 61–62 (App. 388–391): Documenting email exchanges in which Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein (NVAHI/National Vote at Home Institute) requested from Claire Woodall-Vogg (Milwaukee Election Commission) raw WisVote export data by ward, asked whether WisVote had an API or similar connectivity, and requested race/demographics-correlated ballot-return data — "what percentage of ballots are unreturned in areas with predominantly minorities?" Available at
- OSC Second Interim Report, p. 73: "CTCL's and its private corporate partners engage in aspects of election administration—including exclusive free access to WisVote data not available to the public and not for free (e.g., $12,500 for copy of statewide WisVote data)." Available at
CTCL/Alliance Funding and Dropbox–GOTV Bias in Maricopa (AZ)
Arizona jurisdictions, led by Maricopa County, accepted CTCL grants that were disproportionately concentrated in Democratic‑leaning areas, with funds used for drop‑box deployment, satellite offices, and targeted voter‑outreach infrastructure. These privately steered operational choices shifted the geographic pattern of convenient voting access in ways that aligned with one party’s base rather than neutral administrative criteria.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Capital Research Center, “UPDATED: Shining a Light on Zuck Bucks in the 2020 Battleground States” (updated Dec. 31, 2021)
- Foundation for Government Accountability, “How ‘Zuckerbucks’ Infiltrated and Influenced the 2020 Election in Arizona” (March 12, 2021)
- Ballotpedia, “Center for Tech and Civic Life’s (CTCL) grants to election agencies, 2020” (updated post-2020 disclosures)
- Capital Research Center, “How CTCL Helped Biden in Arizona and Nevada” (Jan. 22, 2021)
- Id. at Capital Research Center “Shining a Light” (supra note 1); see also FGA Arizona brief (supra note 2) at pp. 3–5. (The privately designed/steered CTCL deployments—drop boxes, satellite polling infrastructure, and targeted outreach—shifted geographic access patterns in Democratic-leaning areas [e.g., Maricopa flipped to Biden while receiving the largest grant]; Biden-won counties saw Democratic vote increases of 36–48% vs. far lower gains in non-funded Democratic areas, demonstrating non-neutral optimization aligned with one party’s base rather than uniform administrative criteria.)
ERIC–CEIR Data Pipeline and CTCL‑Funded GOTV (GA)
In Georgia, over 94% of CTCL funds — $42.4 million of a total $45 million — flowed to 17 counties won by Biden, while the remaining $2.6 million reached 26 Trump-won counties. Separately, Georgia's membership in ERIC generated "Eligible but Unregistered" lists that were transmitted to CEIR — a $69.5 million Zuckerberg-funded nonprofit — which created targeted mailing lists from that data and returned them to state officials through ERIC's distribution channel. CEIR simultaneously received $5.59 million in direct grants to Georgia election officials. The convergence of concentrated private election funding and CEIR-directed registration targeting prompted the Center for Renewing America to allege that the full pattern "clearly operated as a de facto get-out- the-vote effort for the Democrat party."
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- H.R. Rep. 118-509, p. 9 (House Comm. on House Admin., 118th Cong.): "CTCL granted Georgia counties $45 million with $42.4 million, or over 94 percent of all CTCL funds going to 17 counties won by Biden. In contrast, the remaining $2.6 million, or less than 6 percent of CTCL funds, were received by 26 counties won by Trump." Available at
- Scott Walter, Capital Research Center (June 7, 2022): "Over 94 percent of the $42 million in Zuck bucks that flowed to Georgia went to counties Biden won." See also CRC CTCL Georgia grants spreadsheet (Dec. 2020), available at
- Verity Vote, Threats to Election Integrity: ERIC-CEIR-REVERE (Aug. 2022), citing Georgia Secretary of State FOIA records: "An email received from a FOIA request submitted to the GA Secretary of State's office reveals that ERIC is transferring EBU data to CEIR. This is NOT voter registration data but data from people who have chosen not to register to vote. CEIR is creating targeted mailing lists from the EBU data. [Jenny Lovell, former research manager of CEIR] explains that the data from GA should be sent to ERIC for transfer to CEIR. That transfer process is reversed so GA can download the mailing lists from ERIC." Available at
- Election Fairness Institute (Mar. 22, 2023), summarizing same Georgia FOIA records: "A September 2020 email obtained via public records request by Verity Vote reveals a complex process wherein Georgia elections officials transmit data through ERIC to CEIR, generates a list of eligible-but-unregistered individuals to target with registration mailers (paid for by states). That list is then transmitted from CEIR back to ERIC, and finally on to the states." Available at
- InfluenceWatch, Center for Election Innovation & Research (CEIR), citing CEIR grant records: "In October 2020, CEIR granted $830,779 to Pennsylvania for postcard 'outreach to additional citizens included on the ERIC EBU refresh list' totaling 2.1 million individuals." (Confirming the operational CEIR/ERIC EBU mailing pipeline; Georgia EBU activity documented separately through FOIA records cited in fn–.) Available at
- InfluenceWatch, Center for Election Innovation & Research (CEIR), CEIR 2020 grantmaking table: Georgia — $5,591,800. CEIR "ultimately received $69.5 million from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative." Available at
- Center for Renewing America, IRS Complaint against CTCL, CEIR, and National Vote at Home Institute (Sept. 22, 2022), quoted in InfluenceWatch: "the pattern of Zuckerbucks spending and how these organizations targeted, penetrated into, and harvested data out of local election offices clearly operated as a de facto get-out-the-vote effort for the Democrat party." Available at
Biden Voter Bias in MCELA–CEIR Grant for “Voter Education” as In‑Kind GOTV (MI)
Jocelyn Benson’s Michigan Center for Election Law and Administration (MCELA) received a multi‑million‑dollar grant from CEIR to fund “voter education” and digital outreach. The national and Michigan reports document that state resources and CEIR funds were used to produce and distribute messaging tailored to demographics associated with “Biden profile” voters, notwithstanding sufficient available public funding for core administration.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- InfluenceWatch, “The Michigan Center for Election Law and Administration,”
- Id.; see also Frank Daniel Miele, “Zuckerberg-Funded Nonprofit Paid $11.8 Million to Democrat Political Consulting Firms for ‘Nonpartisan Voter Education’ in Michigan 2020 Election,” Star News Network, August 5, 2021
- Breitbart, “Zuckerberg-Funded Group Gave $11.8M to Democrat Consulting Firms for ‘Nonpartisan Voter Education’ in Michigan,” August 6, 2021
- Tom Gantert, “Michigan Democratic Activists Took Zuckerberg Money for ‘Nonpartisan’ Get-Out-the-Vote Work,” Michigan Capitol Confidential, October 25, 2021
- InfluenceWatch supra note 1 (citing MCELA Form 990 history). (MCELA reported annual revenues under $50,000 (often near zero) from 2010–2019 and no revenue in 2019, yet received the multi-million-dollar private CEIR grant for voter-education activities that state and local election offices were already funded to administer, raising questions about necessity and the blending of private funds with official operations.)
CTCL Concentration in Philadelphia and Delaware County (PA)
Pennsylvania received approximately $25 million in CTCL grants, including exactly $10 million to Philadelphia and $2.2 million to Democratic-stronghold Delaware County — which ranked second in the state for per-capita CTCL funding at $3.77 per registered voter. The ten Biden-won counties receiving CTCL funds averaged approximately $5 per registered voter, versus roughly $1 per voter for the thirteen Trump-won counties that received grants. In Delaware County, CTCL-funded drop box deployment placed one box per four square miles and one per 4,000 voters; in the 59 Pennsylvania counties carried by Trump in 2016, the comparable figure was one drop box per 1,159 square miles — a geographic disparity of more than 280-to-one.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- H.R. Rep. 118-509, p. 11 (House Comm. on House Administration, 118th Cong.): "Pennsylvania counties received $25 million in CTCL grants of which 10 of the 13 counties won by Biden received almost $21 million or over 80 percent of all CTCL grants in Pennsylvania. In stark contrast, only $1.73 million, or seven percent of all CTCL grants in Pennsylvania were received in 12 of the 54 counties won by Trump." Available at
- Wisconsin Voters Alliance et al. v. Wolf et al., Case No. 1:20-cv-03791, Complaint, p. 9 (D.D.C. Dec. 22, 2020) (Amistad Project / Thomas More Society): "CTCL provided funds to 100% of the Pennsylvania counties carried by Hillary Clinton in 2016, including over $10 million to Philadelphia County." Accord WHYY (May 28, 2021): "Philadelphia, which received $10 million from CTCL..." Available at
- Broad+Liberty (Todd Shepherd, June 7, 2021), citing CTCL grant records: Delaware County "was awarded $2.2 million on Aug. 18" 2020. H.R. Rep. 118-509, p. 12: Delaware County ranked second in Pennsylvania for per-capita CTCL funding at $3.77/registered voter. Available at
- H.R. Rep. 118-509, p. 12: "The 5 biggest grants per capita in CTCL-funded counties all went to counties which Biden won: Philadelphia: $6.56, Centre: $5.46, Chester: $4.79, Delaware: $3.77, Lehigh: $2.04. In contrast, the largest per capita grant to a Trump won county went to Berks County at $1.10." Accord WHYY (May 28, 2021): "Those [Trump- won] counties received, on average, about $1 per registered voter, while 10 counties Biden won received, on average, about $5 per registered voter." Available at
- Wisconsin Voters Alliance et al. v. Wolf et al., Case No. 1:20-cv-03791, Complaint, p. 9 (D.D.C. Dec. 22, 2020): "In neighboring Democratic Delaware County, Pennsylvania one drop box was available for every 4,000 voters and one drop box was placed for every four-square-miles." Available at
- Wisconsin Voters Alliance et al. v. Wolf et al., Case No. 1:20-cv-03791, Complaint, p. 9: "President Trump carried 59 of 67 Pennsylvania counties in 2016. CTCL contributed to 22% of those counties providing much smaller grants. There was one drop box for every 72,000 voters and every 1,159 square-miles in those counties." Available at
- Pennsylvania Senate Republicans press release (Apr. 13, 2022): "Philadelphia and its surrounding counties received more than $18 million from CTCL in the 2020 Election, while other counties received significantly less. For example, Philadelphia received $8.83 per voter in CTCL funding in 2020. On the other side of the state, Venango County, with a Republican voter registration advantage, received only $.64 per voter in CTCL funding in 2020." Available at
Democrat Bias in CTCL “Zuckerberg 5” Grants and Election‑Bribery Exposure (WI)
CTCL provided approximately 8.8 million dollars to Milwaukee, Madison, Green Bay, Racine, and Kenosha—about 86% of all CTCL funds in Wisconsin—with contracts (Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan) containing claw‑back provisions and detailed operational requirements for drop boxes, “voter navigators,” and outreach programs in “communities of color.” The OSC Gableman report concluded this scheme “facially violates” Wisconsin’s election‑bribery statute by offering “anything of value” to induce officials to perform election duties in a prescribed way.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Assembly Office of Special Counsel, Second Interim Investigative Report on the Apparatus & Procedures of the Wisconsin Elections System (March 1, 2022), Chapter 1, p. 1 et seq. (
- Id. at Chapter 1 (citing the Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan and grant agreements). (Details the contracts’ claw-back provisions: “Any amount reduced or not provided in contravention of this paragraph shall be repaid to CTCL up to the total amount of this grant”; cities were required to submit detailed spending reports to CTCL by January 31, 2021, with funds subject to repayment/recapture for non-compliance.)
- Center for Tech and Civic Life, Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020 (July 2020), pp. 4–14 & Table 3 (
- Id. at Recommendations I–IV (detailed per-city budgets). (The plan imposed detailed operational mandates on the cities — including specific drop-box locations and staffing, voter-navigator roles, expanded early/absentee access, and outreach programs — as conditions of receiving the private CTCL funds.)
- Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty (WILL), Finger on the Scale (June 2021), pp. 19–20 (
- Wisconsin Assembly Office of Special Counsel, Second Interim Investigative Report, supra note 1, Chapter 1. (Concludes the entire scheme “facially violates” Wisconsin’s election-bribery statute: “The CTCL agreement facially violates the election bribery prohibition of Wis. Stat. § 12.11 because the participating cities and public officials received private money to facilitate in-person or absentee voting within such a city”; the report explains this as offering “anything of value” (defined to include any amount of money) to induce officials to perform election duties in the precise manner prescribed by the grant/plan.)
MI SoS Using State Resources for Partisan Projects (MI)
MI Department of State Director of “Special Projects” Sally Marsh used state resources to conduct partisan GOTV projects targeting youth and ex-convicts as well as poll worker recruitment efforts. As the former Deputy Campaign Manager for the MI Secretary of State, her efforts as a state employee were likely biased in favor of Democrat interests especially considering the poll worker political party demographics evident in cities such as Detroit.1612 ,1613 ,1614 ,1615 A-7Privatized Election Operations Privatized Election Operations
Sinaloa Cartel Election Influence (AZ)
In February 2023, attorney John Thaler and his investigator Jacqueline Breger presented allegations before the Arizona Legislature's joint House and Senate Elections Committees claiming that the Sinaloa Cartel had laundered drug proceeds through Arizona real estate transactions and used bribed public officials — including the Governor, county supervisors, and Superior Court judges — to manipulate the outcomes of the 2020 and 2022 general elections. Republican legislative leaders in both chambers immediately disavowed the presentation as unsubstantiated; Rep. Liz Harris, who organized the hearing, was subsequently expelled from the Arizona House in a bipartisan vote. The Maricopa County Sheriff's Office conducted an inquiry and concluded that "no predicate existed for lawful investigation," with FBI partners reaching the same determination that the evidence "did not meet a predicate for continued investigation." The federal civil lawsuit in which Thaler advanced the same allegations was dismissed with prejudice by U.S. District Judge Douglas Rayes, who characterized the complaint as a "delusional and fantastical narrative that does not comport with federal pleading standards."
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
Cartel Election Influence (US)
The U.S. Treasury Department and State Department have both designated Cartel de los Soles as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist and Foreign Terrorist Organization, respectively, based on documented material support to the Sinaloa Cartel and Tren de Aragua in narcotics trafficking into the United States Federal prosecutors in New York charged Nicolás Maduro and associates in 2020 with narco-terrorism conspiracy and cocaine importation conspiracy, with Cartel de los Soles referenced throughout as a drug trafficking network operating through Venezuelan state institutions.1421, 1422, 1423, 1424
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🏢 Privatized Election Operations 45
Dominion License Terms Blocking Independent Forensic Audits (MI)
Dominion Voting Systems and its Michigan reseller ElectionSource used software license agreements that expressly prohibited local clerks from allowing independent third-party analysis or forensic review of voting systems purchased with public funds and threatened "immediate legal action" if such audits were attempted. This contractual structure allowed state and local officials to claim they lacked authority to permit audits, effectively giving a private vendor veto power over technical scrutiny of public election infrastructure.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- State of Michigan Dominion Voting Systems Contract #071B7700117 (Schedule B) — LetsFixStuff.org
- Michigan's top election official and Dominion warn counties about audits — Washington Post
WEC Administrator Citing Private Contract to Block Legislative Oversight (WI)
Wisconsin Elections Commission Administrator Meagan Wolfe refused to produce certain WEC records to the Assembly Committee on Campaigns and Elections, asserting she was prohibited from doing so "by private contract." This reliance on vendor or NGO NDAs as a barrier to compliance with statutory subpoena and open-records duties illustrates how illusory contracts can be weaponized to override legislative oversight and Wisconsin's strong open-records law.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Brater Memorandum - Clerks Prohibited from Independent Verification; Uncertified Vendors Given Exclusive Access (MI)
Michigan Director of Elections Jonathan Brater issued a memorandum on August 4, 2021, directing all Michigan clerks that they "should never allow access to election equipment to entities other than election officials and staff, licensed vendors, and accredited VSTLs." The memo warned that granting access to unauthorized personnel "may result in the decertification of election equipment" and that "the Bureau may determine, depending on the specific circumstances, that the equipment in question is no longer certified for use in Michigan." The permitted-access list explicitly included ElectionSource — Dominion's licensed Michigan reseller — alongside Dominion, ES&S, and Hart, giving those vendors continued access for programming, testing, software updates, and preventative maintenance, while independent technical experts retained by clerks were categorically excluded. This structure ensured that the only entities authorized to inspect and service voting equipment were the same vendors with a commercial interest in that equipment's continued use.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Access to Election Records and Equipment Memorandum — Michigan Department of State
WisVote Real-Time API Access Provided to Private NGOs (WI)
WEC Administrator Meagan Wolfe falsely denied before the Assembly Committee that any API into the WisVote or BadgerBooks systems existed. Documentary evidence established that at least one Zuckerberg 5 city provided CTCL partners with real-time Application Programming Interface (API) access into WisVote and BadgerBooks - giving live voter data to private interest groups for targeted get-out-the-vote operations. A daily snapshot of statewide WisVote data costs the public $12,500; CTCL received equivalent real-time access at no cost. The API may still be active.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
ACLU Operatives Deputized as Election Registrars with Access to Voter Registration Platform (GA)
The ACLU of Georgia recruited lawyers to serve as Fulton County Deputy Registrars on Election Day, November 3, 2020, deploying volunteers to each Fulton polling location with authority to cancel absentee ballots directly through county election software — a role that required access to ENET (ElectionNet), the voter registration platform linked to the Georgia Secretary of State. Volunteers were sworn in under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-213, which vests appointment authority in the county board of registrars; however, monthly reports indicate that while 255 ACLU workers were designated as deputy registrars, zero received the required training from March 2020 through October 2020 — raising questions about whether those individuals were qualified to exercise the access granted. A poll manager who served on Election Day reported that an ACLU clerk, unable to access the county- provided laptop, accessed ENET on her personal computer, an account that has not been independently corroborated by a government document or court record.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ACLU of Georgia Recruiting for Fulton County Deputy Registrars — ACLU Press Release
- Update: ACLU Workers in Fulton County, GA Had Access to Election Net Software on Their PERSONAL Computers — The Gateway Pundit
Subordination of Municipal Clerks to Private CTCL Operatives - De Facto Takeover of Election Night Operations (WI)
CTCL embedded operatives from the National Vote at Home Institute (NVAHI), specifically Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein (a Brooklyn-based attorney), into Zuckerberg 5 municipal election offices. Spitzer- Rubenstein: (1) managed absentee ballot transportation; (2) took physical possession of keys to the Green Bay central count facility; (3) formally requested direct API access to the WisVote statewide Green Bay; Kenosha; Madison; Milwaukee; voter database; (4) directed ballot curing procedures; (5) controlled the secret, hidden Wi-Fi access point at the Grand Hyatt hotel to which all Green Bay ESS voting machines were connected; and (6) at 9:29 PM on November 3, 2020, made a dispositive legal determination that late-arriving ballots should be counted - "I think we're probably okay. I don't think anyone challenged the ballots when they came in." Green Bay City Clerk Kris Teske confirmed in sworn WEC proceedings that "many of these election administration decisions were made by people who were not authorized to do so and some were made by people not qualified to make them."
📍 Jurisdiction: Racine, Milwaukee County, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Assembly Office of Special Counsel, Second Interim Investigative Report on the Apparatus & Procedures of the Wisconsin Elections System (March 1, 2022), pp. 11, 25, 55–63 (
- Controversial Wisconsin Clerk Admits To Violating Election Law — Public Interest Legal Foundation
- Lawsuit Challenges Legality of Absentee Drop Boxes in Wisconsin — Breitbart
Elections Group Operative Email on Election Night References "Delivering the Margin" (WI)
[Established Fact - As to the email's existence and content] At 4:07 AM on November 4, 2020 - during ongoing vote counting - Elections Group employee Ryan Chew emailed Milwaukee election official Claire Woodall-Vogg, writing that "she delivered just the margin needed at 3:00 a.m." This private contractor, embedded via CTCL funding, was in active communication with a government election official during the vote counting process at an hour when the election result was outstanding. The nature and scope of Chew's real-time operational role - what "margin needed" referred to, what information Chew had about the count at that hour, and what operational decisions he influenced - has never been formally investigated.
📍 Jurisdiction: Milwaukee, Milwaukee County, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Gableman Second Interim Report — Just The News; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
- Controversial Milwaukee Election Director Claire Woodall-Vogg Terminated — The Gateway Pundit
Manipulation of Election Results - Elections Group Operative Email on Election Night References "Delivering the Margin" (WI)
[Reasonable Inference - As to operational significance] At 4:07 AM on November 4, 2020 - during ongoing vote counting - Elections Group employee Ryan Chew emailed Milwaukee election official Claire Woodall-Vogg, writing that "she delivered just the margin needed at 3:00 a.m." This private contractor, embedded via CTCL funding, was in active communication with a government election official during the vote counting process at an hour when the election result was outstanding. The nature and scope of Chew's real-time operational role - what "margin needed" referred to, what information Chew had about the count at that hour, and what operational decisions he influenced - has never been formally investigated.
📍 Jurisdiction: Milwaukee, Milwaukee County, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- BREAKING EXCLUSIVE: Uncovered Email Shows Milwaukee Elections Executive Woodall-Vogg Laughing About the Election Steal on Election Night
- Pro-Trump news site targets election workers, inspiring wave of menace — Reuters
- Wisconsin Assembly Office of Special Counsel, Second Interim Investigative Report on the Apparatus & Procedures of the Wisconsin Elections System (March 1, 2022), p. 71 & App. 610 (
Elections Group Embedded Personnel with Operational Access to Drop Box Infrastructure and Tabulator Programming (GA)
CTCL-funded Elections Group personnel were embedded in Fulton County election operations without authorization from the Fulton County Board of Registration and Elections (FCBRE) - the sole statutory superintendent under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40. These private personnel had daily access to absentee ballot request information, drop box planning, tabulator programming, and Logic Accuracy testing. One Elections Group employee, Geetha Lingham, was given access to the signature verification server and a county government email address despite not being a county employee. No executed MOU between FCBRE and The Elections Group exists.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Election Oversight Group, LLC, Fulton County 2020 General Election Report (January 6, 2026; V2.0), (
- Moncla and Rossi Complaint — Georgia State Election Board Complaint
U.S. Alliance for Election Excellence Membership Bypassing State Funding Bans (AZ)
Coconino County joined the U.S. Alliance for Election Excellence — a program operated by the Center for Tech and Civic Life (CTCL) — as a "basic member" in January 2023, paying annual membership fees in exchange for consulting credits, coaching, and access to resources from Alliance partners. Internal emails obtained via open records request show that county officials shared elections office practices, planning documents, and prior election mailing materials with Alliance partners as part of the program. Arizona's private election funding ban, A.R.S. § 16-407.01 (enacted 2021), prohibits counties from "receiv[ing] or expend[ing] private monies for preparing for, administering or conducting an election." County attorney review concluded the membership did not violate state law — a conclusion critics dispute, arguing that consulting credits and in-kind services from a CTCL-affiliated program constitute private support for election administration regardless of form. Indiana addressed this specific gap by enacting separate legislation prohibiting counties from joining "the membership of, or participat[ing] in a program offered by, a person who has directly financed" election administration activities; Arizona has not enacted equivalent language.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
CIS Albert Sensor MOAs Waiving Election-Network Privacy (MI)
The Center for Internet Security (CIS) executed Memoranda of Agreement with local governments, including Wayne County, for Albert sensor monitoring. The MOAs granted CIS the right to inspect network traffic "in a decrypted state" and explicitly stated that users "have no reasonable expectation of privacy" on those monitored networks. In practice, this centralized sensitive election- related traffic and gave a private NGO access to decrypted data streams outside the reach of ordinary FOIA or state-audit mechanisms.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dominion Vendor Exclusive Control of Administrative iButtons - No County Access (AZ)
Maricopa County did not possess the administrative iButtons (hardware authentication tokens) required to independently access, configure, or validate its own Dominion Voting Systems tabulation infrastructure. Only Dominion Voting Systems retained these tokens, meaning the county was structurally incapable of independently verifying that systems were operating in their certified configuration - a direct violation of A.R.S. § 16-602 and the Arizona Election Procedures Manual (EPM), which requires counties to maintain access controls and audit logs. The Arizona Senate's cover letter stated: "No private company should be trusted with the keys to our democracy. If a county doesn't even have administrator passwords for its vote-counting machines, the county cannot properly monitor its own elections."
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Single Shared Credential Across All EMS Components - Never Rotated Through 2020 Election (AZ)
During the Cyber Ninjas audit of Maricopa County's 2020 election, IT subcontractor Ben Cotton testified before the Arizona Senate on July 15, 2021, that Maricopa County lacked the administrative iButton hardware tokens required for multi-factor authentication into Dominion's tabulation system at the technician/configuration level. Cotton testified that "only the contract Dominion employees, contracted by Maricopa county, have access to configure those ICPs and to get access to the configuration or technician aspects of those ICPs," and confirmed that the county could not independently validate that the systems were in their certified configuration. Arizona Senate member Warren Petersen summarized: "It appears that only Dominion has that” to which Cotton responded, "Correct." While the county possessed software-level admin passwords, the iButton hardware tokens needed for the second authentication factor to access configuration-level functions were held exclusively by Dominion-contracted technicians, meaning independent county-level validation of the certified configuration required vendor participation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Ben Cotton Update Report for AZ Senate — Scribd
- The Case Against Electronic Voting Systems — LetsFixStuff.org
- True the Vote Newsletter on Dominion Encryption Keys — TrueTheVote.org
Alliance for Election Excellence - CTCL Successor NGO Granted Access to Local Election Practices (AZ)
Coconino County entered into a membership agreement with the U.S. Alliance for Election Excellence - CTCL's successor network - granting this private NGO privileged access to sensitive election information and the inner workings of local election practices and administration. This agreement bypassed Arizona's statutory ban on private election funding and the constitutional chain of election authority, allowing a politically-aligned private organization to gain ongoing visibility into and influence over the administration of elections funded and governed by the public.
📍 Jurisdiction: Coconino County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
CEIR and ERIC Voter Roll Data Laundering - Private NGO Access to State Voter Registration Data (GA)
The Georgia Secretary of State participated in a program through which Eligible But Unregistered (EBU) voter data was transmitted through the Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC) to the Center for Election Innovation and Research (CEIR), which used that data to generate targeted voter registration mailing lists that were then returned through ERIC to the participating state. A September 2020 email obtained through a public records request from the Georgia Secretary of State's office confirms that Georgia was among the states whose EBU data was routed in this manner, with CEIR's research manager instructing that "the data from GA should be sent to ERIC for transfer to CEIR." CEIR then randomized each state's EBU list into treatment and control groups and coordinated outreach mailers to targeted individuals. This multi-step routing — from state election offices through ERIC to CEIR and back — was not reflected in ERIC's publicly disclosed data flow diagrams and became known only through FOIA litigation. While ERIC and CEIR characterize the program as nonpartisan academic research measuring whether government outreach increases registration rates, critics have argued that use of state-generated voter data by a private nonprofit chain to produce targeted voter contact lists — without competitive public contracting or voter disclosure — raises substantial transparency concerns.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Verity Vote, National ERIC Data SharingNational ERIC Data Sharing (Aug. 2022), pp. 1–3 — Verity Vote
- Hans von Spakovsky & J. Christian Adams, The Problems with the Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC)The Problems with the Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC), Heritage Foundation Legal Memorandum No. 328 (Apr. 19, 2023), p. 9 — Public Interest Legal
- Election Fairness Institute, ERIC Caught Sharing Voter Data with CEIRERIC Caught Sharing Voter Data with CEIR (Mar. 22, 2023) — Election Fairness Institute
CIS Albert Sensor MOA - Private NGO Access to Decrypted Election Network Traffic (MI)
Wayne County executed a Memorandum of Agreement granting the Center for Internet Security (CIS) - operating as MS-ISAC/EI-ISAC - the right to inspect network traffic in a decrypted state via Albert Sensor endpoint access to county election infrastructure. This gave a federally-affiliated private NGO - not subject to direct democratic accountability and not a county government entity - unfettered, unvetted, real-time access to sensitive election records, voter data, and tabulation results traversing the county's election networks. The scope of what data was intercepted, retained, analyzed, or transmitted to third parties has never been subjected to independent review or public disclosure.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wayne County Clerk-CIS Endpoint Security Services MOA — Election Crime Bureau (official doc); see also Wayne County Database Files Appeal.pdf, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1ahRyyd74ZmkiKhRTvb1jmff6rgGduKpN/view
- Who Has Access To Election Records — LetsFixStuff.org
- Albert Sensor Systems Article — The Gateway Pundit
Rock the Vote API Access to Qualified Voter File - 25,000 Unvetted Third- Party Partners (MI)
The Michigan Department of State, under Secretary Jocelyn Benson, established API contracts granting Rock the Vote and approximately 25,000 partner organizations direct remote access to Michigan's Qualified Voter File (QVF), which contains voters' Personally Identifiable Information (PII), including partial Social Security Numbers and driver's license numbers. These access agreements were executed without NIST-compliant security vetting of the 25,000 partner entities and without individualized Organizational Conflict of Interest (OCI) review. The QVF is the foundational voter roll database for all Michigan election administration; its exposure to 25,000 unvetted third parties created both a data security vulnerability and a structural pathway for partisan database manipulation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Department of State, New Tool Allows Civic Groups to Conduct Voter Registration Drives Digitally (June 15, 2020)
- Michigan Fair Elections, What's This Fuss about the QVF? (July 2023)
- Rock the Vote “Rocky RESTFUL API Specifications
- Rock the Vote, Rocky RESTful API Version 4.0, § "Release Notes: V2.2"; § "registrations" and "gregistrations" interface definitions (noting the prior existence of GET methods for both)
- MCL § 168.509aa et seq. (QVF confidentiality and security requirements)
- Under V2 and V3, partners had synchronous, on-demand, authenticated read access to all registrant PII records submitted through their partner ID, via: • GET /api/v2/registrations.json — returns registrant records directly in the API response body, filterable by since datetime and email • GET /api/v2/gregistrations.json — same, for government-redirect registrant records These endpoints required only a valid partner_id and partner_API_key to execute. A successful call returned the full registrant data set — including name, DOB, address, id_number (SSN or driver's license), email, and all opt-in preference fields — synchronously, inline, in the response body.
CTCL Clawback Provisions Created Ongoing Private Control Over Governmental Election Administration (US)
[Reasonable Inference - As to functional governmental subordination] Across all CTCL grant jurisdictions reviewed, grant agreements included enforceable contractual clawback provisions authorizing CTCL, in its sole discretion, to demand the full return of disbursed funds if recipients failed to comply with CTCL's programmatic directives. This financial penalty regime - operating over duly sworn public officials - functionally subordinated governmental election administration to private direction. Cities were required to seek CTCL's advance written approval before modifying their election spending, including operational decisions such as substituting tabulation equipment. The CTCL GitHub repository additionally listed a developer (username "tanderegg") simultaneously employed at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), a federal government agency - raising Hatch Act concerns about federal employee involvement in developing election administration software.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Center for Tech and Civic Life, Grant Agreement with City of Philadelphia (executed Aug. 21, 2020), §9, available at
- Kathleen McCarthy, Iowa Voter Alliance Suing Scott County Over Private Funding of Public Elections, River Cities' Reader (Oct. 7, 2020) ("[CTCL's] grant agreement states that at their full discretion they can claw back all of the funds, leaving taxpayers footing the bill if CTCL doesn't like the outcome")
- Gableman Report (Second Interim Investigative Report), at 17–20
- ZoomInfo, Timothy Anderegg – Data Lab Head of Engineering, World Resources Institute (professional profile documenting prior CFPB employment)
- Center for Tech and Civic Life, Grant Agreement with City of Philadelphia, executed Aug. 21, 2020, signed by CTCL Chief Grants Officer Ashley Del Bianco and Deputy Commissioner Nick Custodio (City of Philadelphia), available at
Hatch Act Concerns Raised by CTCL Clawback Provisions Created Ongoing Private Control Over Governmental Election Administration
[Disputed Fact - As to Hatch Act nexus] Across CTCL grant jurisdictions reviewed, grant agreements included enforceable contractual clawback provisions authorizing CTCL, in its sole judgement, to demand the return of all or part of disbursed funds if recipients failed to comply with the grant's conditions. In the Wisconsin five-city agreement, this provision applied to the entire $6,324,527 disbursed to Green Bay, Madison, Milwaukee, Kenosha, and Racine. Recipient cities were prohibited from sub-granting any portion of CTCL funds to another organization "unless CTCL agrees to the specific sub-recipient in advance, in writing." A senior city official in Green Bay documented that she was "taking all of my cues from CTCL," reflecting the degree of operational direction these grant conditions imposed on elected and appointed municipal officials.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Election Commission Complaint (Fox11/WEC), State of Wisconsin v. Green Bay et al.State of Wisconsin v. Green Bay et al., filed April 8, 2021, ¶¶ 39, 55, quoting City of Green Bay–CTCL Grant Agreement (July 24, 2020), pp. 017–019
- Amistad Project of the Thomas More Society, press release (Dec. 16, 2020), as reported in Michael Patrick Leahy, Breitbart News, Dec. 18, 2020
Judicial Remedy Arrives Post-Certification; Drop Box Legality Unresolved at Time of Election (AZ)
Unlike Wisconsin, Arizona courts did not issue a definitive pre-certification ruling on the legality of drop box placement and operational standards under CTCL-funded plans. The election was thus administered under unverified private-grant-driven drop box protocols while no judicial or statutory framework governed collection schedules, two-person collection requirements, or surveillance coverage mandates.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona Auditor General, Arizona Secretary of State, Maricopa County, and Pima County — Use of Private, Nongovernmental Grant Monies and Maricopa County Voting System Procurement, Report No. 22-301, at 12, 16 (Mar. 2022)
- Post-election lawsuits related to the 2020 U.S. presidential election from Arizona, Wikipedia compilation (documenting all filed Arizona post-election cases)
- Arizona certified Biden's victory on November 30, 2020. No court had by that date ruled on the legality of the drop box framework under which the election had been administered. See CNN, Arizona Certifies Biden's Victory (Nov. 30, 2020)
- Teigen v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, 2022 WI 64 (Wis. July 8, 2022)
CTCL Grant Claw-Backs Nullifying County Independence (GA)
Georgia counties including Fulton and DeKalb accepted multi-million-dollar CTCL grants in 2020 — Fulton County $6,309,436 and DeKalb County approximately $4.7 million for the general election plus an additional $4.6 million for the December runoff — and used the funds to operate voting locations, hire election staff, purchase processing equipment, and deploy drop boxes. CTCL grant agreements, as documented in Wisconsin where verbatim agreement text was produced in litigation, incorporated clawback provisions allowing CTCL to "discontinue, modify, withhold part of, or ask for the return of all or part of the grant funds if it determines, in its sole judgement, that" the county had not met the agreement's conditions. Whether the Fulton and DeKalb agreements contained identical language has not been established in publicly available documents retrieved for this analysis, but CTCL used a standardized grant template across jurisdictions. Georgia subsequently prohibited local election boards from accepting private grants other than from government sources, enacting Ga. Code Ann. § 21-2-71(b) and § 21-2-212(f) through S.B. 202 in 2021 — legislation that would have barred the 2020 grants had it been in effect at the time.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County, Georgia accepted a CTCL grant of $6,309,436 on September 15, 2020, used for 240 voting locations and high-speed tabulators. See Capital Research Center, CTCL Grants to Georgia Counties — 2020 (spreadsheet)
- DeKalb County, Georgia received a $4.7 million CTCL grant for the November 2020 general election and an additional $4.6 million for the December 2020 runoff. See DeKalb County, Ga., Press Release, "DeKalb Receives $4.7 Million Grant to Improve Elections Process" (Oct. 2020)
- DeKalb's press releases confirm the grant funded hiring of new staff, ballot-processing equipment, and early voting locations. Fulton's grant funded 240 voting locations.
- The quoted clawback language is drawn from the verbatim text of CTCL grant agreements as produced in Wisconsin election integrity litigation. See Wisconsin Election Commission Complaint (Final Draft), ¶55, p. 018: "CTCL may discontinue, modify, withhold part of, or ask for the return of all or part of the grant funds if it determines, in its sole judgement, that (a) any of the above conditions have not been met."
- Georgia S.B. 202 (2021), codified at Ga. Code Ann. § 21-2-71(b) and § 21-2-212(f), prohibits county election boards from accepting private grants other than from governmental entities. This prohibition was enacted after the 2020 election; the 2020 grants did not violate this law as it did not yet exist. See Honest Elections Project, Letter to Georgia Attorney General, at 2–3 (Feb. 2023)
CTCL Detroit Grant with Unilateral Claw-Back Authority (MI)
Detroit's CTCL grant (approx. 3.5-7.4 million dollars depending on tranche) included a clause granting CTCL the right, "in its sole judgment," to demand return of funds if Detroit did not adhere to the grant's conditions (e.g. implementing specified satellite offices, drop boxes, and staffing models). This placed core questions of compliance with election-administration plans under the NGO's unilateral discretion, converting a "grant" into a control instrument over how statutory duties were executed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- City of Detroit, Office of Development and Grants, Request to Accept and Appropriate the Safe Voting Plan Grant, Aug. 17, 2020 (CTCL Grant Agreement, $3,512,000, executed by CTCL Executive Director Tiana Epps Johnson), FOIA-obtained, available at
- The executed $3,512,000 CTCL–Detroit grant agreement, signed by CTCL Executive Director Tiana Epps Johnson, contains the following at §7: "CTCL may discontinue, modify, withhold part of, or ask for the return all or part of the grant funds if it determines, in its sole judgment, that (a) any of the above conditions have not been met or (b) it must do so to comply with applicable laws or regulations." This language is unambiguous. CTCL's determination of noncompliance — and consequent right to reclaim grant funds — was committed entirely to CTCL's own unilateral assessment, without any role for a neutral arbiter, state election authority, or judicial review.
- John Solomon, Detroit Bragged That Use of Zuckerberg Funding 'Created a New Normal', Just the News (May 12, 2021)
- The Wisconsin Purchase, The American Conservative (Dec. 24, 2021) (quoting Green Bay CTCL grant agreement)
CTCL Claw-Back Leverage Over Philadelphia Operations (PA)
Philadelphia accepted millions in CTCL funds under agreements with claw-back provisions that, in practical effect, made noncompliance with CTCL's specified operational model (including drop-box deployment, staffing, and outreach) "not an option." Local officials described the terms as binding, and the grant documents empowered CTCL to demand repayment for deviations, granting a Chicago- based NGO substantial de facto control over how Philadelphia ran critical elements of the 2020 election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Center for Tech and Civic Life, Grant Agreement with City of Philadelphia (executed Aug. 21, 2020), signed by CTCL Executive Director Tiana Epps Johnson and Philadelphia Chief Grants Officer Ashley Del Bianco, available at
- Texas v. Pennsylvania, No. 22O155, Supreme Court of the United States, Appendix § 1 (Timeline of Electoral Policy Activities, Issues, and Litigation), at APP. 9 (Aug. 24, 2020 entry)
- The Supreme Court appendix filing confirms the grant and its operational scope: The timeline appended to the Texas v. Pennsylvania Supreme Court filing records that on August 24, 2020, "CTCL grant to Philadelphia $10M for 15 in-person election offices, 15 drop boxes, tabulators, and poll worker pay" was finalized, noting that "$5.5M is earmarked for 'ballot processing equipment'" and "$2.2M is earmarked for Delaware County," and that "this deal was negotiated by the CTCL and the three city commissioners who run elections."
- Amistad Project of the Thomas More Society, Press Release (Oct. 28, 2020)
Zuckerberg 5 "Safe Voting Plan" Contractual Penalties (WI)
The five "Zuckerberg 5" cities — Milwaukee, Madison, Green Bay, Racine, and Kenosha — together requested and received $6,324,527 in CTCL grants in July 2020 to implement the Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan, a document the cities themselves submitted to CTCL specifying drop box locations, staffing increases, poll worker recruitment, and voter outreach programs. The grant agreements required that funds be used "exclusively for the public purpose of planning and operationalizing safe and secure election administration... in accordance with the Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020." Section 7 of the Green Bay revised grant agreement — representative of the five-city template — expressly provided that "The City of Green Bay shall not reduce or otherwise modify planned municipal spending on 2020 elections, including the budget of the City Clerk of Green Bay ('the Clerk') or fail to appropriate or provide previously budgeted funds to the Clerk for the term of this grant. Any amount reduced or not provided in contravention of this paragraph shall be repaid to CTCL up to the total amount of this grant." The five-city agreements were structured so that all five cities would be required to remit back the entire $6,324,527 if CTCL, "at its sole discretion, determined these cities had not complied with CTCL's terms." A separate clawback clause permitted CTCL to "discontinue, modify, withhold part of, or ask for the return of all or part of the grant funds if it determines, in its sole judgement, that (a) any of the above conditions have not been met." These financial conditions operationally bound the municipalities to CTCL's prescribed election plan under threat of full repayment.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020, submitted to the Center for Tech and Civic Life by the Mayors of Milwaukee, Madison, Green Bay, Racine, and Kenosha (dated June 15, 2020; approved July 2020): total grant request $6,324,527; plan details drop box placements, staffing increases, poll worker recruitment, and voter outreach by city.
- WEC Complaint (Final Draft), ¶55, p. 017 (quoting Green Bay CTCL grant agreement, Section 3): "The grant funds must be used exclusively for the public purpose of planning and operationalizing safe and secure election administration in the City of Green Bay in accordance with the Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020."
- The verbatim Section 7 text of the revised Green Bay CTCL grant agreement (revised July 25, 2020; signed July 28, 2020) is reproduced in two independent primary sources: (a) InfluenceWatch, Green Bay CTCL/CSME 2020 Election Emails (compilation of CTCL–Green Bay correspondence), at p. [email dated Jul 25, 2020]
- WEC Complaint (Final Draft), ¶39, p. 017–018: "Under the terms of the CTCL conditional grant agreement, the five cities adopting the conditions would be required to remit back to CTCL the entire $6,324,527 if CTCL, at its sole discretion, determined these cities had not complied with CTCL's terms." Separate sole-discretion clawback: ¶55, p. 018: "CTCL may discontinue, modify, withhold part of, or ask for the return of all or part of the grant funds if it determines, in its sole judgement, that (a) any of the above conditions have not been met."
- The WILL report further documents that with subsequent funding rounds the five cities received approximately $8.8 million total from CTCL, with Milwaukee receiving $3,409,500, Green Bay $1,600,000, Racine $1,699,100, Madison $1,271,788, and Kenosha $862,799.
- Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020 — Center for Tech and Civic Life
Vendor-Directed Obstruction of Legislative Audit - County Directed Dominion Not to Cooperate (AZ)
During the Arizona State Senate's 2021 forensic audit of Maricopa County's 2020 election results, both Maricopa County and its election system vendor Dominion Voting Systems refused to comply with Senate subpoenas for administrative passwords, security tokens, and routers used in the election. The county informed Senate liaison Ken Bennett on May 3, 2021 that it was "not in possession of the requested password and security token," stating those credentials resided exclusively with Dominion's contracted personnel. Dominion, for its part, independently refused the Senate's subpoenas, calling them "illegal and unenforceable" and asserting that releasing proprietary security access to Cyber Ninjas — an unaccredited and uncertified firm — "would be reckless, causing irreparable damage to the commercial interests of the company and the election security interests of the country." The county also repeatedly refused to provide network routers on security grounds, a refusal the Arizona Attorney General characterized as a violation of state law. The Cyber Ninjas audit report found that "by the County withholding subpoena items, their unwillingness to answer questions as is normal between auditor and auditee, and in some cases actively interfering with audit research, the County prevented a complete audit," and recommended that legislation be considered with "financial and criminal penalties for purposely inhibiting a legislative investigation, or an officially sanctioned audit of an election." Neither state nor federal authorities charged obstruction under A.R.S. § 13-2402 or 18 U.S.C. § 1505 in connection with these events.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County Board of Supervisors and Dominion Voting Systems both refused Senate subpoenas issued July 26, 2021 by Arizona Senate President Karen Fann and Judiciary Chairman Warren Petersen. SeeSee CBS News, "Maricopa County and Dominion refuse to comply with subpoenas" (Aug. 4, 2021)
- Maricopa County Elections Department, Technical Response to Chain of Custody and Ballot Organization and Election Management System Databases (May 17, 2021), at 2: "As for the Dominion password and security token. The County is not in possession of the requested password and security token.... The County notified Ken Bennett, the Senate's Liaison on 5/03/2021 that we were not in possession of the password and security token."
- Dominion Voting Systems statement (May 2021), quoted in FOX 10 Phoenix (Aug. 2, 2021): "Releasing Dominion's intellectual property to an unaccredited, biased, and plainly unreliable actor such as Cyber Ninjas would be reckless, causing irreparable damage to the commercial interests of the company and the election security interests of the country." Dominion's counsel separately described the July 26 subpoena as "illegal and unenforceable" in correspondence to Senate attorneys. SeeSee
- Arizona Attorney General Mark Brnovich stated that the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors "violated state law by not complying with election audit subpoena." SeeSee Wikipedia, 2021 Maricopa County Presidential Ballot Audit (August 2021 section), citing contemporaneous reporting
- Cyber Ninjas, Maricopa County Forensic Audit — Volume I, Executive Summary (Sept. 19–24, 2021), Finding Summary ("Audit Interference," "Missing Subpoena Items," "Subpoenaed Equipment Not Provided") and Recommendation § 4.6: "Legislation should be considered with financial and criminal penalties for purposely inhibiting a legislative investigation, or an officially sanctioned audit of an election."
The Elections Group - Unauthorized Embedded Personnel with No Executed MOU (GA)
The Elections Group (TEG) personnel were embedded inside Fulton County election operations with daily access to absentee ballot request data, drop box planning, tabulator programming, and Logic and Accuracy (LA) testing - despite no executed Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between TEG and the Fulton County Board of Registration and Elections (FCBRE), the sole statutory superintendent under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40. TEG employee Geetha Lingham was given access to the signature verification server and a Fulton County government email address despite never being a county employee. No formal authorization from the FCBRE existed for any TEG operational role.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Georgia Record, Fulton County Knew…Who Else Knew And When? (Jan. 31, 2026)
- InfluenceWatch, The Elections Group
- SEB Complaint 2023-025 (Kevin Moncla & Joseph Rossi, filed July 8, 2022)
- No approved TEG contract with Fulton County (post-2020): Georgia Star News (Aug. 19, 2021), cited in InfluenceWatch, The Elections Group, supra.
CTCL-Funded Former State Officials Deployed as Election Advisors in Major Cities (GA)
CTCL grant agreements in Georgia and other battleground states funded the deployment of private election consultants — including former federal and county election officials working through CTCL- affiliated NGOs — in operational roles inside local election offices. In Fulton County, Georgia, the consulting firm The Elections Group, founded by former Democratic county election officials, was embedded inside the county's election operations for the 2020 general election, hand-count audit, recount, and Senate runoff — performing hands-on functions including signature verification, reprogramming of Election Day tabulators, logic-and-accuracy testing, and management of Dominion Voting Systems personnel. In Wisconsin, CTCL itself "put forth the idea" of embedding an operative from the National Vote at Home Institute inside Green Bay's election office; that operative "appeared to supervise the counting of ballots" on Election Day and held keys to the central counting facility. CTCL's grant terms required written approval before any outside help could be used, and CTCL typically provided election offices with its own partner organizations. These arrangements were structured to route through private grant funding — the Fulton County Attorney confirmed that The Elections Group "came to us on a grant. No agreement was signed with them. They were paid by the Elections Group. The county paid zero for them to be here." This arrangement bypassed standard county procurement and placed operational control in the hands of individuals whose authorization was not approved by the county board of elections — the body vested by Georgia law with the powers of the election superintendent.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Complainants' Supplemental and Amended Factual Response to Investigation Report of SEB2023-025, Georgia State Election Board, at pp. 8, 44–52 (hereinafter "SEB Factual Response"), available at
- Elaine Mallon, *Zucked Up: Private Election Funding's New Form*, The Spectator (July 25, 2022)
- SEB Factual Response at p. 46 (County Attorney statement: "The Elections Group came to us on a grant. No agreement was signed with them. They were paid by the Elections Group. The county paid zero for them to be here. They chose Fulton County. They would have to request records from them. No responsive records exist."); id.at p. 44 (ORRs for contracts, agreements, payments, or proposals for Macias/Elections Group/RSM Technologies returned "no such records"; no records appear in BRE meeting minutes, agenda items, or resolutions).
- Election Oversight Group (Kevin Moncla et al.), *Fulton County: Report of Investigation of the 2020 General Election* (Jan. 6, 2026) (263-page report; published by the Election Oversight Group and referenced in the FBI search warrant affidavit unsealed Feb. 10, 2026, available at
- O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40 (2024) (authorizing the General Assembly to create county boards of elections "empowered with the powers and duties of the election superintendent relating to the conduct of primaries and elections"), available at
ElectionSource - Simultaneous Multi-County EMS Access Across 26+ Michigan Counties (MI)
Dominion Voting Systems' authorized service provider, ElectionSource (operating as MC&E, Inc. of Grand Rapids, Michigan), was documented to have had access to project files for at least 22 County Michigan counties on the Antrim County election management system server, including Alcona, Alger, Alpena, Arenac, Berrien, Calhoun, Charlevoix, Cheboygan, Gogebic, Houghton, Iosco, Isabella, Keweenaw, Manistee, Marquette, Menominee, Midland, Otsego, Presque Isle, Schoolcraft, Wayne, and Wexford. ElectionSource was not elected by any of those jurisdictions, was not individually licensed by each county, and has not been shown to have been subject to independent oversight with respect to its access to those counties' election configurations. In a letter dated January 4, 2021, ElectionSource asserted that any independent forensic analysis of county election equipment would require approval from the Michigan Secretary of State's office, and threatened legal action against any county clerk who allowed the equipment to be transferred to a third party without such coordination — effectively positioning the vendor and a state executive agency as co-gatekeepers over access to equipment administered by locally elected officials.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- People v. Lambert, Case No. 2023-285759-FH (Oakland County Circuit Court), Motion to Quash Indictment, filed September 30, 2024, pp. 24, 33–34. The motion, filed by defense attorney Stefanie Lambert, quotes from an expert report by James Penrose stating that "ElectionSource technicians responsible for deploying the project files to Antrim County also had access to numerous other counties project files," and then enumerates 22 counties by name. The same section reproduces the January 4, 2021 ElectionSource letter threatening legal action against any clerk who allowed equipment transfer without Michigan Secretary of State coordination. Available at
- The ASOG forensic report (December 13, 2020) identifies ElectionSource as the entity that "provided" ballot design and configuration for Antrim County's Dominion ImageCast Precinct and VAT systems, and identifies it as "owned by MC&E, Inc of Grand Rapids, MI." Allied Security Operations Group, Antrim Michigan Forensics Report (Dec. 13, 2020), p. 13, available at
Chris Thomas - Former State Elections Director Given Operational Control of Detroit Elections as a Private Consultant (MI)
Detroit City Clerk Janice Winfrey retained Chris Thomas — former Director of the Michigan Bureau of Elections for 36 years under both Republican and Democratic secretaries of state — as a senior election consultant for the 2020 general election, as part of a partnership with the Michigan Secretary of State’s office. Thomas possessed comprehensive institutional knowledge of Michigan election law, system configurations, and state-vendor relationships accumulated across a career as the state’s chief election administrator. His role placed a private consultant with no direct statutory authority and no independent public accountability structure in operational control alongside the city clerk’s office during a contested presidential election. Thomas subsequently served as a key witness against fraud claims at multiple proceedings, including Wayne County Circuit Court and the Michigan Board of State Canvassers.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Christopher Thomas served as Director of the Michigan Bureau of Elections for 36 years (1981–2017) under both Republican and Democratic secretaries of state. Detroit Free Press, “Retiring Michigan elections director warns of ‘dark money,’” June 25, 2017, available at
- Detroit City Clerk Janice Winfrey retained Thomas as a consultant for the November 2020 election “as part of a partnership” with Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson, following significant issues in Detroit’s August 2020 primary. Gongwer Michigan, “Slandering Chris Thomas Is New Low,” Nov. 9, 2020, available at
- Thomas testified in a Wayne County Circuit Court proceeding challenging Detroit’s election certification, and addressed the Michigan Board of State Canvassers on November 23, 2020. His affidavit was cited as “compelling” by Judge Timothy Kenny (Nov. 13 opinion). The Republican-controlled Michigan Senate Oversight Committee cited Thomas more than any other witness in its report finding “no evidence of widespread or systemic fraud.” Alex Ebert, Bloomberg Government, “Meet the Technocrat Who Keeps Killing Trump Voter Fraud Claims,” available at
- Chris Thomas is the one who could not describe the absentee ballot vote tally chain of custody at the TCF Center in Detroit. TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit — MC4EI; see also https://rumble.com/v2m08qg-2020-pre-election-tcf-walkthru.html; see also https://rumble.com/v2lp7eq-detroit-election-officials-attempt-to-explain-vote-tabulation-process.html
- https://about.bgov.com/insights/news/meet-the-technocrat-who-keeps-killing-trump-voter-fraud-claims/AlexEbert,BloombergGovernment,“MeettheTechnocratWhoKeepsKillingTrumpVoterFraudClaims”(2021)(“Detroitofficialsdecidedtheyneededsomeexperthelp”;ThomashiredasconsultanttohelpDetroitprepareforthe2020electionandanysubsequentrecount),availableat:https://about.bgov.com/insights/news/meet-the-technocrat-who-keeps-killing-trump-voter-fraud-claims/
Spitzer-Rubenstein Ballot Curing and Counting Decisions - Usurpation of Statutory Election Functions (WI)
Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein, Wisconsin State Lead for the National Vote at Home Institute (NVAHI) acting under CTCL authority, exercised substantive election administration authority in Green Bay that is exclusively vested by Wisconsin statute in municipal clerks: he assigned poll workers, performed check-in and supervision duties, developed Central Count procedures, directed ballot transport logistics, supervised ballot counting operations, made determinations on whether to accept ballots delivered after the 8 p.m. statutory deadline, and coordinated three Wi-Fi networks — including a hidden, non-password-protected network reaching his 8th-floor hotel room — to which all ESS voting machines in Green Bay’s Central Count were connected. These actions were taken without governmental appointment, statutory authority, or executed agreement with the City of Green Bay. Wis. Stat. § 7.15(1) vests exclusive “charge and supervision of elections” in the municipal clerk. Former Green Bay City Clerk Kris Teske stated in sworn WEC proceedings that her election obligations were “hindered and diminished by outside interference.”
📍 Jurisdiction: Green Bay, Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of Special Counsel, Second Interim Investigative Report (Gableman Report, Mar. 2022), pp. 14, 69 (Spitzer-Rubenstein “had unfettered access on election day to the Central Count floor”; set up voting machines and patterns in Central Count; coordinated three Wi-Fi networks including a “hidden, non-password-protected network” reaching his 8th-floor hotel room; all ESS machines at Green Bay connected to this network), available at
- WEC Complaint (Final Draft), ¶92c–97 (Spitzer-Rubenstein as “on-site contact” providing “supervision and check-in duties”; assigned poll workers; created Central Count procedures, diagrams, and ballot transport logs; directed which wards were assigned to which machines; determined acceptance of ballots delivered after 8 p.m. deadline), available at
- Former Green Bay City Clerk Kris Teske confirmed in WEC proceedings that “others in the Mayor’s office began to hold meetings and make decisions relating to the election outside of the Clerk’s office,” causing her election obligations to be “hindered and diminished by outside interference.” Gableman Report, App. 674–677.
- https://docs.legis.wisconsin.gov/2023/related/proposals/ar18.pdfWisconsin2023AssemblyResolution18,findingthatSpitzer-Rubensteinlacked“therequisitetraining,certification,andoathofofficenecessarytoworkinWisconsinelections”andthathe“overrid[ed]theClerk’srecommendations,sign[ed]contracts,control[led]accesstoakeylocation,anddetermin[ed]theacceptanceofballotsafterthe8p.m.deadline,”availableat:https://docs.legis.wisconsin.gov/2023/related/proposals/ar18.pdf
- https://law.justia.com/codes/wisconsin/chapter-7/section-7-15/Wis.Stat.§7.15(1)(“[e]achmunicipalclerkhaschargeandsupervisionofelectionsandregistrationinthemunicipality”);Wis.Stat.§6.87(absenteeballotreceiptanddeadlineprocedures).Justia,WisconsinStatutes§7.15,availableat:https://law.justia.com/codes/wisconsin/chapter-7/section-7-15/
- https://www.thegatewaypundit.com/2024/01/wisconsin-pennsylvania-highlights-explosive-summary-election-fraud-2020/OfficeofSpecialCounsel,SecondInterimInvestigativeReport(GablemanReport,Mar.2022)(confirmingSpitzer-Rubenstein’selectionnightauthorityinGreenBay,Wi-Finetworkcontrol,andballot-countingdecisions),availableat:https://justthenews.com/sites/default/files/2022-03/GablemanReport.pdf;seealsoWisconsin2023AssemblyResolution18,https://docs.legis.wisconsin.gov/2023/related/proposals/ar18.pdf
CTCL Grant Operational Control - Private Supervisory Authority Over Five Wisconsin Cities (WI)
[Established Fact — Grant conditions] CTCL grant agreements with the “Zuckerberg 5” Wisconsin cities (Milwaukee, Madison, Green Bay, Kenosha, Racine) required recipient cities to implement CTCL’s Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan (WSVP) or face clawback of all disbursed funds. As a condition of receiving the grant, CTCL required cities to report how the money was spent. These conditions transformed CTCL into a de facto supervisory authority over governmental election administration decisions in five of Wisconsin’s largest cities. The WILL statistical analysis found CTCL grants produced an estimated Biden vote advantage of approximately 41 votes per municipality on average, with a potential statewide impact exceeding Wisconsin’s certified margin of victory.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Center for Tech and Civic Life, Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020 (approved grant proposal, July 2020) (detailing the four programmatic commitments cities were required to implement as a condition of CTCL funding: expand absentee voting, voter outreach, poll worker recruitment/training, and safe Election Day administration; claw-back provision conditions the return of funds on compliance with programmatic directives), available at
- Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty (WILL), “Finger on the Scale: Examining Private Funding of Elections in Wisconsin” (June 2021) (statistical regression analysis finding CTCL grants produced an estimated 41 additional Biden votes per municipality on average, with a potential electoral impact exceeding 8,000 votes statewide; CTCL required communities to report how grant money was spent and to hold to the Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan or face clawback), available at
- WEC Complaint (Final Draft), ¶86 (sub-grant to NVAHI/Spitzer-Rubenstein made without prior written CTCL approval, violating grant condition prohibiting sub-grants without approval), available at
- Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty (WILL), “Finger on the Scale” (2021) (CTCL required recipients to report how funds were spent and to implement the Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan; failure to comply would trigger clawback of all or part of grant funds), available at
- CTCL Partners with 5 Wisconsin Cities to Implement Safe Voting Plan — Center for Tech and Civic Life
- The Wisconsin \"Zuckerbucks\" Problem: New Data Reveals Private Funding Favored Democrat Strongholds
Intent to Influence Outcome Enabled by CTCL Grant Operational Control - Private Supervisory Authority Over Five Wisconsin Cities (WI)
[Reasonable Inference — As to intent to influence outcome] CTCL grant conditions required recipient cities to implement CTCL’s Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan and report on spending; failure to comply triggered full clawback. The WILL statistical analysis found CTCL grants produced an estimated Biden vote advantage of approximately 41 votes per municipality on average, with a potential statewide impact exceeding Wisconsin’s certified margin of victory. These facts, taken together, are consistent with the inference that the grant structure was designed to influence electoral outcomes in favor of Democratic candidates. This finding is classified as a Reasonable Inference: the grant conditions and statistical disparity are established facts; the intent attribution is an inference drawn from the totality of the documented pattern.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty (WILL), “Finger on the Scale” (2021) (regression analysis: CTCL grants estimated to produce ~41 additional Biden votes per municipality; statistically significant at p<0.01; no significant effect for Trump turnout), available at
- Center for Tech and Civic Life, Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020 (grant proposal specifying the four programmatic areas cities were required to implement), available at
- WEC Complaint (Final Draft), ¶74–98 (documenting CTCL partner NVAHI’s operational activities in Green Bay, including Spitzer-Rubenstein’s election night control and the sub-grant made without required prior CTCL approval), available at
- FINGER ON THE SCALE: Examining Private Funding of Elections in Wisconsin
- Wisconsin Safe Voting Plan 2020 — Center for Tech and Civic Life
- InfluenceWatch, “Green Bay 2020 Election Emails,” Nov. 2021 (CTCL email records showing grant implementation coordination among CTCL, Elections Group, NVAHI/Spitzer- Rubenstein, and City of Green Bay), available at
Unauthorized Private Operatives in Maricopa County Election Administration (AZ)
CTCL-affiliated operatives and private partner organizations were embedded in Maricopa County election operations without legislative authorization, mirroring the model deployed in Wisconsin and Georgia. Their presence created a parallel, unaccountable decision-making structure operating alongside - and in some instances superseding - the statutory county election authority. The Cyber Ninjas audit subsequently identified chain-of-custody failures and tabulator anomalies consistent with an election environment in which non-governmental actors had operational access.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County Board of Supervisors and Dominion Voting Systems declined to comply with the Arizona State Senate’s subpoena for equipment access during the 2021 forensic audit, directing auditors to the Attorney General instead of cooperating directly. Maricopa County Technical Response to Chain of Custody Questions, May 17, 2021, available at
- Arizona Attorney General’s 2020 General Election Investigation Summary (2025) (summarizing investigative findings regarding election administration irregularities in Maricopa County during the 2020 election cycle), available at
- Cyber Ninjas, Maricopa County Forensic Audit — Volume I, Executive Summary, Sept. 19–24, 2021 (identifying chain-of-custody failures and tabulator anomalies; describing non-governmental operational access issues), available at
- Arizona Attorney General’s 2020 General Election Investigation Summary (2025), available at
- Cyber Ninjas, Maricopa County Forensic Audit — Volume I, Executive Summary (Sept. 19–24, 2021) (chain-of-custody failures and tabulator anomalies identified during forensic audit; inconsistencies consistent with non-governmental operational access), available at
Third-Party Usurpation of Fulton County Poll Worker Hiring - Partisan Filtration of Applicants (GA)
The Fulton County Department of Registration and Elections delegated poll worker hiring to third- party organizations rather than directly hiring from candidate lists submitted by political parties — an arrangement the FCBRE, the body vested with statutory authority under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40, never formally authorized. In a 2024 lawsuit, the Republican National Committee alleged that only 9 of 45 qualified Republican poll workers submitted for early voting were hired, and only 6 of 62 for Election Day — with the county having delegated selection to temp agencies and individual polling location managers. A Fulton County Superior Court judge declined to order immediate relief but acknowledged further litigation was needed. The EOG Report separately found that CTCL-funded third parties administered nearly all facets of the 2020 Fulton County election without FCBRE authorization.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40 (2024) (vesting the Fulton County Board of Registration and Elections with “the powers and duties of the election superintendent relating to the conduct of primaries and elections”), available at
- Complainants’ Supplemental and Amended Factual Response, SEB2023-025, p. 46 (Fulton County attorney’s statement: “The Elections Group came to us on a grant. No agreement was signed with them. They were paid by the Elections Group. The county paid zero for them to be here”; confirming FCBRE never authorized the arrangement), available at
- Election Oversight Group (EOG), Report of Investigation of the 2020 Fulton County General Election (Jan. 6, 2026) (262-page report finding that three CTCL-funded groups administered and controlled nearly all facets of the Fulton County 2020 election without FCBRE authorization; Count 11 identifies The Elections Group, ACLU, and NVAHI as having obtained unauthorized access to election systems and processes), cited in: Georgia Political Insight, Fulton County, GA 2020 General Election Report for Georgia State Election Board, Election Oversight Group, LLC
- Republican National Committee v. Williams, Fulton County Superior Court (filed Oct. 3, 2024) (alleging Fulton County Director of Registration and Elections delegated poll worker hiring to third parties rather than directly hiring from the Fulton GOP’s list of qualified candidates; alleging only 9 of 45 qualified Republican poll workers were hired for the early voting period and 6 of 62 for Election Day). Democracy Docket, “Judge Rejects RNC Request for More Republican Poll Workers in Fulton County,” Nov. 1, 2024, available at
- Fulton County Superior Court declined to order immediate relief on the eve of the 2024 election but acknowledged further litigation would be needed to determine whether county officials fully considered proposed Republican poll workers. Democracy Docket, “Judge Rejects RNC Request for More Republican Poll Workers in Fulton County,” Nov. 1, 2024, available at
ACLU Volunteers Deputized as Registrars with E-Net Access - Unauthorized Partisan Access to Voter Registration System (GA)
The ACLU of Georgia was engaged by Fulton County to recruit attorneys as volunteer Deputy Registrars for Election Day 2020, assigned to manage absentee ballot cancellation at Fulton County polling locations through county election software. FOIA records subsequently disclosed that approximately 255 ACLU workers were deputized as registrars with access to the ENET (ElectioNet) voter registration platform. A veteran poll manager with over nine years of Fulton County experience reported that an ACLU clerk accessed the “entire ENET system” from her personal computer and could “clear any voter she wanted to vote.” No Deputy Registrar training sessions were recorded from March through October 2020, despite the Election Day deployment. This arrangement was accomplished without documented FCBRE authorization, the body vested with statutory authority under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ACLU of Georgia, “ACLU of Georgia Recruiting for Fulton County Deputy Registrars,” Oct. 2020 (ACLU of Georgia recruited attorneys as volunteer Deputy Registrars, sworn in and assigned to Fulton County polling locations on Election Day to manage the absentee ballot cancellation process through county election software), available at
- FOIA records disclosed by investigative reporter Paul Sperry (Aug. 24, 2023) show Fulton election officials deputized approximately 255 ACLU workers as Deputy Registrars with access to the ENET (ElectioNet) voter registration software. Poll manager Bridget Thorne (9+ years Fulton experience) stated that an ACLU clerk accessed the “entire ENET system” from her personal computer and “could clear any voter she wanted to vote.” Source: Brian Lupo, Gateway Pundit, “Update: ACLU Workers in Fulton County, GA Had Access to Election Net Software on Their Personal Computers,” Aug. 29, 2023, available at
- Monthly training records show zero Fulton County Deputy Registrar training sessions from March through October 2020, despite 255 ACLU workers being deployed on Election Day — raising questions about the adequacy of vetting and training for individuals granted access to county election software. Source: FOIA records via Gateway Pundit, Aug. 29, 2023, supra fn. 2.
- ACLU of Georgia Recruiting for Fulton County Deputy Registrars — ACLU.org
- Update: ACLU Workers in Fulton County, GA Had Access to Election Net Software — The Gateway Pundit
- Election Oversight Group Releases 262-Page Investigative Report on Fulton County's 2020 General Election — Georgia Political Insight
Elections Group LLC - Uncredentialed Operatives with Full System Access to Fulton County Election Infrastructure (GA)
Elections Group LLC personnel — funded through CTCL grants — had daily operational access to Fulton County’s 2020 General Election, including participating in and managing the programming and Logic & Accuracy testing of Election Day voting systems by Dominion staff. Elections Group staff member Geetha Lingham was given a Fulton County government email address and access to the signature verification server despite not being a county employee. The county attorney’s office later stated: “The Elections Group came to us on a grant. No agreement was signed with them. They were paid by the Elections Group. The county paid zero for them to be here.” A Memorandum of Understanding was signed by the County Attorney and County Manager but no FCBRE board resolution authorizing the arrangement has been produced; O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40 vests election superintendent authority exclusively in the Board. The SEB investigation of these claims was found “unsubstantiated” on the basis of the county-manager-level MOU, without resolving whether board authorization was required.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Complainants’ Supplemental and Amended Factual Response, SEB2023-025 (“Mr. Prendergast, Mr. Macias and the Elections Group participated in, and managed the programming and Logic & Accuracy testing of the Election Day voting systems by Dominion staff, behind closed doors”; Fulton County Elections Director Rick Barron asked Macias “Who assigns the Dominion people to show up?”), available at
- Complainants’ Supplemental and Amended Factual Response, SEB2023-025 (“Geetha L was given a Fulton County email address and access to the signature verification server” despite not being a county employee; county attorney’s office statement: “The Elections Group came to us on a grant. No agreement was signed with them. They were paid by the Elections Group. The county paid zero for them to be here”), available at
- O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40 (the Fulton County Board of Registration and Elections, as election superintendent, is the body whose authorization is required before third-party consultants may exercise superintendent functions; no record of FCBRE board resolution authorizing Elections Group’s hands-on operational role has been produced), available at
- SEB2023-025 Report of Investigation (July 2025): The SEB investigation found Complaint #4 (regarding Ryan Macias/Elections Group) “unsubstantiated” on the basis that Fulton County produced a Memorandum of Understanding signed by the County Attorney and County Manager. The SEB investigation did not address whether the FCBRE (the board vested with statutory authority under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40) authorized the arrangement. Available at
- Fulton County Election Raid Court Motion — US District Court N.D. Georgia
- Here's What We Know Regarding Recent Developments in Fulton — The Gateway Pundit
Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein - Private CTCL Operative as De Facto Election Night Director in Green Bay (WI)
Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein, an operative of the National Vote at Home Institute (NVAHI) acting under CTCL authority — without any governmental appointment, statutory authority, or executed agreement with the City of Green Bay — exercised operational control over Green Bay’s election night environment on November 3, 2020. He was designated on the hotel contract as “on-site contact for the group,” had his own table in the Central Count area with unlimited access to workers and ballots, controlled ballot transport and counting operations, set up all voting machines and their Central Count configurations, and directed three Wi-Fi networks including a hidden, non-password- protected network that reached his 8th-floor hotel room and to which all ESS voting machines were connected. At 9:29 p.m. on Election Night, he determined that ballots arriving after the 8 p.m. statutory deadline should be counted because “no one challenged the ballots.” Green Bay City Clerk Kris Teske stated in sworn proceedings that her election obligations were “hindered and diminished by outside interference.”
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of Special Counsel, Second Interim Investigative Report (Gableman Report, Mar. 2022), pp. 14, 69, App. 257–311 (Spitzer-Rubenstein had unfettered election night access to Central Count floor; controlled ballot transport and counting logistics; set up voting machine configurations; directed three Wi-Fi networks including hidden network reaching his hotel room; 47 ballot drop boxes expected, some arriving after 8 p.m. deadline — Spitzer-Rubenstein determined they should be counted because “no one challenged the ballots”), available at
- WEC Complaint (Final Draft), ¶85–98 (Spitzer-Rubenstein designated on hotel contract as “on-site contact for the group” on Election Day; had “his own table within the central count area and unlimited access to workers and ballots unlike all other election observers”; negotiated Wi-Fi access reaching his 8th-floor hotel room; decided acceptance of delayed ballots), available at
- Former Green Bay City Clerk Kris Teske’s sworn WEC proceeding filings confirm: “others in the Mayor’s office began to hold meetings and make decisions relating to the election outside of the Clerk’s office”; her election obligations were “hindered and diminished by outside interference.” Kris Teske excluded from CTCL grant discussions; advisors from grant organization “helping” without her knowledge or consent. Gableman Report, App. 674–677.
- Wisconsin Assembly Resolution 18 — Wisconsin Legislature; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
Private contractor Election Source Responsible for Configuration and Deployment of Electronic Voting Systems (MI)
ElectionSource (operating as MC&E, Inc. Grand Rapids, MI), Dominion Voting Systems’ authorized service provider and designated Michigan support contact, functioned as the de facto election system administrator for at least 22 Michigan counties during the 2020 election cycle, with ElectionSource technicians — not elected clerks — responsible for determining configuration settings, deploying project files, and conducting maintenance. ElectionSource’s role created a structural layer of operational obscurity: state-level oversight documents referenced the Dominion contract, while the entity with actual hands-on system access was a private vendor whose multi- county access was only revealed through forensic examination. In a January 4, 2021 letter, ElectionSource threatened legal action against any county clerk who allowed independent forensic review of the equipment without Michigan Secretary of State coordination.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- People v. Lambert, Case No. 2023-285759-FH (Oakland County Circuit Court), Motion to Quash Indictment, filed Sept. 30, 2024, pp. 24, 33–34 (quoting James Penrose expert report: “ElectionSource technicians responsible for deploying the project files to Antrim County also had access to numerous other counties project files”, listing 22 counties by name), available at
- Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG), Antrim Michigan Forensics Report, Revised Preliminary Summary v2, Dec. 13, 2020, p. 13 (identifying ElectionSource.com, owned by MC&E, Inc. of Grand Rapids, MI, as the entity that provided ballot design and configuration for Antrim County’s Dominion ImageCast Precinct and VAT systems), available at
- Michigan Secretary of State, Voting System Purchase and Support Contacts (“For all Dominion Voting Equipment & Systems: Please direct any questions or concerns to Election Source at: 888-742-8037” — confirming ElectionSource as Dominion’s designated Michigan support contact), available at
- Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG), "Antrim Michigan Forensics Report," Revised Preliminary Summary v2, December 13, 2020, p. 3, Finding 15 (confirming ElectionSource access during forensic examination of Antrim County EMS)
- State of Michigan Voting System Contract #071B7700117 with Dominion Voting Systems, Schedule A, pp. 128–129 (project files: Exhibit_C_071B7700117_Dominion_SOM_Contract.pdf and Exhibit_D_071B7700117_Dominion_555356_7_3and_4_.pdf — confirming ElectionSource's subcontractor status under the state contract). Footnote 3. ElectionSource letter to Oceana County Clerk (cited in 2020-coup-final.pdf, pp. 159–160)
- Jeffrey Lenberg report, May 3, 2021 (project file: 07_Penrose_2_ElectionSource_050221.pdf)
- Michigan state contract #071B7700117, preventative maintenance checklist (project files cited in fn. 1 above — contract review confirms battery removal not specified as scheduled maintenance item). MI_Election_Investigation_Report_2026.docx, Section III (Established Fact as to battery removal being directed hypothesis as to destruction characterization). See also The 2020 Coup, p. 160 ("The directive from Election Source also raises an important question for consideration: Who really runs our elections? Our elected officials or the vendors which are supposed to serve them?"). Footnote 4. Lenberg Report, May 3, 2021 (fn. 1 above — scope of access only discovered through forensic examination)
Private Contractor Runbeck Responsible for Configuration and Deployment of Electronic Voting Systems (GA)
Runbeck Election Services (RES), a Phoenix, Arizona-based ballot printing and processing company, served as the direct contractor for absentee ballot production and envelope-level processing for Maricopa County and all 159 Georgia counties in 2020, producing an estimated 3.6 million ballot packets for Maricopa alone and mailing an estimated 40–50 million pieces nationally. RES is not an electronic voting system vendor and does not deploy, configure, or maintain EAC-certified tabulation equipment; it operates in the physical ballot production and custody chain — a category of election infrastructure without EAC certification requirements, competitive bidding mandates, or federal oversight comparable to that applied to voting system vendors. RES states it “does not tabulate or adjudicate ballots” and has no financial relationship with Dominion Voting Systems. A post-2020 investigation recommended subpoenaing Runbeck records for absentee ballot printing and mailing logs.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Runbeck Election Services, “About Us” (company history and service description: Phoenix, AZ-based ballot printing and processing company), available at
- Runbeck Election Services, “Printing and Mailing” (163,000 sq. ft. facility; ballot printing, mailing, inserting, and sorting services described; no tabulation functions), available at
- Runbeck Election Services, “Claims vs. Facts” (“RES does not tabulate or adjudicate ballots. RES has no financial affiliation and/or relationship with Dominion Voting Systems”), available at
- Runbeck Election Services, "About Us,"
- Runbeck Election Services, "Printing and Mailing,"
- Just the News, “Runbeck: Election Firm Involved in Maricopa County’s Alleged Chain-of-Custody Violations,” Jan. 10, 2022, available at
- InfluenceWatch, "Runbeck Election Services,"
- Votebeat, "Maricopa County to Replace Ballot Printers at Cost of $8 Million," June 5, 2023
- InfluenceWatch, “Runbeck Election Services” (describing 40–50 million mail pieces nationally; services to every county in Georgia and seven other states), available at
- Votebeat, “Maricopa County to Replace Ballot Printers at Cost of $8 Million,” June 5, 2023 (Maricopa County’s $8 million ballot printer replacement after 2022 Election Day failures; noting no competitive bidding process for original Runbeck contract), available at
- The Georgia Election Investigation Report (cited in OC-22 row, project file GA_Election_Investigation_Report.docx) recommends a grand jury subpoena to Runbeck for all absentee ballot printing records, mail logs, and communications with the Georgia SOS and Fulton County for the 2020 election. The “315K missing ballots” claim referencing Dominion invoice records is a Disputed Fact requiring independent forensic verification.
- Votebeat, “Maricopa County to Replace Ballot Printers,” supra (no competitive bidding described for the contract modification process).
- Runbeck Election Services is not an EAC-certified voting system vendor and is not subject to the same federal certification requirements applicable to tabulation equipment manufacturers. InfluenceWatch, “Runbeck Election Services,” supra.
Private Contractors Not Subject to FOIA Requests Responsible for Configuration and Deployment of Electronic Voting Systems (US)
Private election technology contractors — including electronic poll book (EPB) providers such as KnowInk, ballot printing companies, and EMS configuration vendors — play critical roles in the deployment and operation of election infrastructure while operating entirely outside state and federal open-records laws. Because they are not governmental entities, public records requests cannot generally compel production of their internal communications, system logs, or configuration electronic voting systems (US) records. This FOIA-proof operational layer means that the entities with direct access to voter data, poll book systems, and election management configurations operate without the transparency obligations imposed on the public officials nominally responsible for elections.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- KnowInk is a private company providing electronic poll book (EPB) systems used by counties in Michigan and other states. EPB providers like KnowInk often operate under contracts with county election offices or as subcontractors through voting system vendors, creating layers of private intermediaries in election administration. KnowInk, “About,” available at
- Private election technology contractors, including ballot printing companies, EPB providers, and EMS configuration vendors, are generally not subject to state or federal FOIA/open-records laws because they are not governmental entities. Public records requests directed to counties often cannot compel production of vendor records, internal communications, or system logs held by private contractors. See generally Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty (WILL), “Finger on the Scale” (2021) at pp. 1–5 (discussing FOIA- proof nature of private election operatives), available at
- Michigan Secretary of State, Voting System Purchase and Support Contacts (listing private vendors — including ElectionSource for Dominion, and others for ES&S and Hart InterCivic — as support contacts for Michigan counties’ voting systems), available at
Private Contractor Tyler Technologies Responsible for Election System Infrastructure (US)
Tyler Technologies is a major direct government contractor providing software services to state and local governments in all 50 states, including voter registration systems and election night result display platforms. Tyler's election-adjacent role was implicated in the 2020 election cycle when its internal systems were subjected to a ransomware attack in September 2020, six weeks before Election Day, with the company subsequently disclosing suspicious logins to client systems. Tyler Technologies is not, based on available evidence, a subcontractor to electronic voting system vendors; rather, it is a direct contractor to government entities providing data infrastructure that intersects with election administration.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- During the 2020 election, the State of Michigan provided election results via MIElections.US. This domain was owned by Michigan Interactive LLC. Michigan Interactive, LLC (also known as Tyler Michigan or dba Tyler Michigan) is the Michigan-specific subsidiary/operating entity of NIC Inc. (National Information Consortium), which was acquired by Tyler Technologies in 2021. Tyler Technologies is owned by BlackRock, Inc..
- Reuters, "Tyler Technologies Says Unknown Party Hacked Its Internal Systems," Sept. 24, 2020
- NBC News, "A Software Provider to U.S. Counties Says It Was Hacked," Sept. 24, 2020
- Reuters, "Tyler Technologies Says Unknown Party Hacked Its Internal Systems," Sept. 24, 2020
- NBC News, "U.S. Patchwork of State, County Election Computer Networks Still Vulnerable to Cyberattacks," Oct. 2, 2020
- Tyler not identified as subcontractor to Dominion, ES&S, Hart InterCivic, or other certified voting system manufacturers)
- Fox News, "Election Software Firm Tyler Technologies Discloses System Hack," Sept. 24, 2020 (noting Tyler "offers a variety of services to governments at the state and local level, including tax software, emergency management systems and election-related products")
- Footnote 5. Tyler Technologies, Inc., Annual Report (Form 10-K), SEC EDGAR
Unauthorized Access & Control of Fulton County’s Election Operations, Voting Systems and Data (GA)
Three CTCL-funded private groups — The Elections Group, the ACLU of Georgia, and the National Vote at Home Institute (NVAHI) — administered and controlled nearly all facets of the Fulton County 2020 General Election, hand-count/audit, candidate-requested recount, and Senate runoff elections without authorization, consent, or the knowledge of the Fulton County Board of Registration and Elections (FCBRE), the body vested with election superintendent authority under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-40. The Elections Group managed tabulator programming and L&A testing; ACLU volunteers were granted ENET voter registration system access; NVAHI provided advisory and operational support. The EOG Report (January 6, 2026) documents these findings across 26 counts of irregularities.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Complainants’ Supplemental and Amended Factual Response, SEB2023-025 (documenting The Elections Group’s hands-on operational role in programming tabulators, managing L&A testing, absentee ballot operations, and accessing voter data; Geetha Lingham given Fulton County email and signature verification server access without FCBRE authorization; county attorney confirmed no agreement was signed with Elections Group), available at
- ACLU of Georgia, “ACLU of Georgia Recruiting for Fulton County Deputy Registrars” (Oct. 2020) (ACLU volunteers deputized as registrars with access to county election software on Election Day); FOIA records showing approximately 255 ACLU workers given ENET system access. Source: ACLU.org
- Wisconsin 2023 Assembly Resolution 18 and Gableman Report (confirming NVAHI/Spitzer-Rubenstein model for Green Bay; parallel to Fulton County private operative deployment), cited for structural comparison. Gableman Report available at
- Election Oversight Group (EOG), Report of Investigation of the 2020 Fulton County General Election (Jan. 6, 2026) (262-page report finding that three CTCL-funded groups — The Elections Group, ACLU, and NVAHI — administered and controlled nearly all facets of the Fulton County 2020 General Election, hand-count/audit, candidate-requested recount, and Senate runoff elections without authorization, consent, or knowledge of the FCBRE), cited in: Georgia Political Insight, available at
ES&S Provided FOIA Policy Directives to Local Clerks (MI)
On October 6, 2021, Macomb County Clerk Michael Grix contacted the Michigan Department of State and ES&S for FOIA policy guidance regarding a Pro V&V analysis of ES&S voting systems in use in the county. ES&S responded by recommending specific provisions of Michigan Compiled Law that county officials could use to deny public access to the analysis — effectively providing the county with a vendor-drafted FOIA obstruction playbook. This language was subsequently used by Macomb County as the basis for denying access to the detailed Pro V&V technical report. A private voting system vendor thereby directed the FOIA response posture of a governmental entity with respect to records concerning that vendor’s own systems.
📍 Jurisdiction: Macomb County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- On October 6, 2021, Macomb County Clerk Michael Grix contacted the Michigan Department of State and ES&S for FOIA policy guidance regarding a Pro V&V analysis of ES&S voting systems in use in the county. Source: October 6, 2021 email from Michael Grix (obtained through FOIA request by Patrick Colbeck, responded to by Macomb County’s Peter Jensen on September 23, 2025).
- ES&S responded to the Macomb County clerk’s FOIA inquiry by recommending specific provisions of Michigan Compiled Law that could be used to deny public access to the Pro V&V analysis, amounting to vendor-directed FOIA obstruction guidance. Source: October 7, 2021 response from ES&S employee (same FOIA record set, see fn. 141).
- The MCL provisions recommended by ES&S were subsequently used by Macomb County officials as the basis for denying access to the detailed technical report from the Pro V&V analysis. Source: same FOIA record set.
- October 6, 2021 email from Michael Grix. October 7, 2021 response from unnamed ES&S employee. September 23, 2025 FOIA response issued by Peter Jensen of Macomb County to FOIA request made by Patrick Colbeck pertaining to "detailed technical report" pertaining to Pro V&V analysis.
League of Women Voters Conducting GOTV Operations at USCIS Events. (US)
On December 15, 2025 at the federal courthouse in Detroit, MI, partisan organizations such as the League of Women Voters (LWV), Fems for Democracy (affiliated with Dems for Democracy PAC), and Promise for Change were conducting voter registration activities. Such activities place private partisan advocacy organizations in contact with newly naturalized citizens at government-conducted civic events and is in conflict with the USCIS policy in effect at that time. NGO’s such as these have conducted voter registration activities at USCIS administrative naturalization ceremonies in federal facilities under prior administrations. On August 29, 2025, USCIS issued a policy memo barring all third-party NGOs from participating in naturalization ceremonies, limiting voter registration services to state and local election officials. LWV characterized the ban as “an attempt to… suppress voter registration” and filed suit against USCIS in November 2025, with the Campaign Legal Center arguing the ban violates the APA and the First Amendment. The case was pending in U.S. District Court as of the date of this report.
📍 Jurisdiction: Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The League of Women Voters (LWV) and other voter advocacy NGOs conducted voter registration activities at U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) administrative naturalization ceremonies, operating under a partnership that gave private organizations access to newly naturalized citizens at government-conducted civic events. This practice was authorized by USCIS under prior administrations.
- On August 29, 2025, the Trump administration’s USCIS issued a policy memo barring all third-party NGOs — including LWV — from participating in administrative naturalization ceremonies, limiting voter registration services to state and local election officials only. USCIS cited concerns about the partisan character of NGO voter registration activities at government events.
- LWV characterized the USCIS ban as “an attempt to… suppress voter registration.” LWV subsequently filed suit against USCIS in November 2025 (represented by the Campaign Legal Center), arguing the ban violates the Administrative Procedure Act and the First Amendment. The case was pending in U.S. District Court as of the date of this report.
- FOIA request for surveillance video pertaining to December 15, 2025 USCIS event has been denied due to “Privacy Act” concerns.
Dominion Had Deep Operational Control of Livonia Election Operations (MI)
Dominion Voting Systems had deep, undisclosed access to Livonia’s election infrastructure at every stage of the 2020 election cycle, based on FOIA records, legislative subpoena documentation, Dominion vendor correspondence, and citizen testimony compiled in the City of Livonia 2020 General Election Anomaly Analysis Investigative Report. Pre-election: precinct configuration data transmitted to Dominion in 2017 without formal authorization; ballot image saving disabled at Dominion’s direction in August 2020. Election period: confidential election status data transmitted to Dominion four days before Election Day. Post-election: a non-cancellable on-site technician contract providing Dominion with physical access to active voting equipment during canvassing. None of this access was disclosed in FOIA responses, and the scope of Dominion’s activities during each phase remains undocumented in publicly available records. A-8Seditious Conspiracy
📍 Jurisdiction: Livonia, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
🕵️ Seditious Conspiracy 73
Targeted Poll Worker Infiltration and Exclusion of Conservatives (AZ)
Activist networks including the Brennan Center for Justice and All Voting is Local published targeted Arizona-specific poll worker guides that described qualification standards, administrative procedures, and screening criteria for poll workers. The Brennan Center’s 2020 Arizona guide addressed prospective poll worker appointment processes; a 2022 joint guide addressed screening criteria including adherence to legal requirements. The campaign was coordinated at the organizational level and aimed at influencing election administration from within.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Brennan Center for Justice, Arizona Poll Worker Guide (2020) (describing Arizona poll worker eligibility, requirements, and how prospective poll workers can seek appointment).
- All Voting Is Local, Arizona Poll Worker Rules and Constraints (2022 ed.) (joint guide with Brennan Center detailing Arizona poll worker qualification standards and administrative screening procedures).
- Brennan Center for Justice, Arizona Poll Workers: Rules and Constraints (summarizing Arizona law governing poll worker appointment, qualification requirements, and removal grounds).
- Brennan Center for Justice & All Voting Is Local, Arizona poll worker guides (2020–2022) (on file; documenting coordinated organizational targeting of Arizona for poll worker recruitment and screening guidance).
- U.S. Const. amend. XIV (equal protection applicable to election administration).
- 18 U.S.C. § 245 (federally protected activities — voting administration).
Consent Decree Modification of Signature Verification - Unauthorized Pre-Election Administrative Change (AZ)
[Established Fact — Federal court injunction entered; stayed by Ninth Circuit before election] Arizona Democratic Party v. Hobbs, No. 2:20-cv-01143 (D. Ariz. 2020), was a federal court action (not a consent decree) in which a district court entered an injunction requiring an extended cure period for unsigned absentee ballots. The Ninth Circuit stayed the injunction on October 6, 2020, before it took effect. As a result, no pre-election modification to Arizona’s signature verification procedures was operative during the 2020 election. U.S. Const. art. I, § 4 (Elections Clause) arguments regarding the injunction were not adjudicated on the merits before the election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona Democratic Party v. Hobbs, No. 2:20-cv-01143 (D. Ariz. 2020) (federal court order requiring extension of cure period for unsigned absentee ballots; subsequently stayed by the Ninth Circuit on October 6, 2020, before taking effect).
- Stanford Healthy Elections Project — Case Tracker: AZ Democratic Party v. Hobbs (summarizing district court order and Ninth Circuit stay).
- Ninth Circuit Stay Order, AZ Democratic Party v. Hobbs, No. 20-16759 (9th Cir. Oct. 6, 2020), Justia (staying district court injunction pending appeal; order entered prior to the November 2020 election, such that the injunction never took effect).
- U.S. Const. art. I, § 4 (Elections Clause — state legislature authority over the time, place, and manner of elections).
- A.R.S. § 16-550(A) (Arizona signature verification requirement for absentee ballots).
Deliberate Relaxation of Election Security Via Consent Decree Modification of Signature Verification - Unauthorized Pre-Election Administrative Change (AZ)
[Disputed Fact — As to coordinated intent] Arizona Democratic Party v. Hobbs, No. 2:20-cv-01143 (D. Ariz. 2020), was a federal court action in which a district court entered an injunction extending cure deadlines for unsigned absentee ballots. The Ninth Circuit stayed the injunction on October 6, 2020, before it took effect. Whether the litigation reflected coordinated intent to weaken Arizona’s election security procedures is a disputed inference; the injunction’s stay renders its operational effect on the 2020 election unestablished.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona Democratic Party v. Hobbs, No. 2:20-cv-01143 (D. Ariz. 2020); see also Ninth Circuit stay, No. 20-16759 (Oct. 6, 2020) (injunction stayed before election; see fn10–12 above).
- U.S. Const. art. I, § 4 (Elections Clause).
- A.R.S. § 16-550(A).
"The Count" - Pre-Election Manifesto for Capitol Takeover (US)
“The Count” was a pre-election contingency document attributed to operatives from the Real Justice PAC — Zack Malitz, Becky Bond, and Brandon Evans — explicitly calling for “mass civil disobedience to shut down the capital and delay votes” and to make it “physically impossible for Congress to meet” if the Electoral College count favored Trump. The document was written and distributed before the election. Its language — “physically impossible for Congress to meet” — tracks the operative statutory language of 18 U.S.C. § 2384 with striking precision. Note: the primary Scribd document could not be independently accessed during research; content confirmed via archived snippet.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- "The Count" (pre-election planning document attributed to Zack Malitz, Becky Bond, and Brandon Evans), archived at Scribd (document calls for mass civil disobedience to “shut down the capital and delay votes” and to make it “physically impossible for Congress to meet” in the event the Electoral College count favored Trump; primary document could not be independently accessed during research; Scribd snippet confirmed content).
- Zack Malitz identified as managing director of Swing Left (formerly Beto O’Rourke campaign); Becky Bond identified as progressive political consultant; attribution confirmed in contemporaneous press reporting.
- 18 U.S.C. § 2384 (seditious conspiracy — conspiring to prevent, hinder, or delay execution of any law of the United States).
"Feds for Democracy" - Federal Employee Network (US)
[Established Fact — Federal employee training sessions documented; participant self-identification recorded] Federal employees from multiple agencies attended pre-election training sessions hosted by ShutDown DC addressing “go slow” tactics, workplace obstruction, and resistance planning in the event of a contested election outcome. Identified participants included individuals who identified their agency affiliations during sessions. Independent investigation of named participants and official government status has not been confirmed by primary sources accessible during research. This conduct, if substantiated by independent investigation, would constitute among the most serious federal-employee violations in the evidentiary record.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ShutDown DC, pre-election “Feds for Democracy” Zoom training sessions (on file in project sources; documenting federal employee attendance and “go slow” and workplace obstruction training).
- Hatch Act, 5 U.S.C. § 7323 (prohibiting federal employees from using official authority or influence to interfere with or affect the result of an election).
- 18 U.S.C. § 1505 (obstruction of proceedings before departments, agencies, and committees).
- Washington Times, “Federal Workers Organizing Resistance” (Nov. 2020) (documenting pre-election federal employee organizing activity directed at post-election resistance; note: contemporaneous 2020 reporting; independent investigation of named participants has not been confirmed by primary sources accessible during research).
Obstruction Tactics Planned by Federal Employees (US)
[Disputed Fact — Official government status of participants unconfirmed by independent investigation] Federal employees from multiple agencies attended pre-election training sessions hosted by ShutDown DC addressing “go slow” tactics, workplace obstruction, and resistance planning in the event of a contested election outcome. Identified participants included individuals who identified their agency affiliations during sessions. Whether those self-identifications are accurate and whether the conduct constitutes an organized insider subversion network is disputed.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ShutDown DC, “Feds for Democracy” training records obtained by Millie Weaver (
- Hatch Act, 5 U.S.C. § 7323.
- 18 U.S.C. § 1505 (obstruction of agency proceedings).
- The Gateway Pundit, “Federal Employees Organize Against Trump” (Jan. 2021) (reporting on post-election “Feds for Democracy” organizing; note: single secondary source; independent corroboration from named government participants not established in research).
- Washington Times, “Federal Workers Organizing Resistance” (Nov. 2020) (contemporaneous reporting on federal employee organizing; note: article confirms organizing activity but does not independently establish sabotage training claims attributed to specific named individuals).
Pre-Election Targeting of Capitol Vulnerabilities (US)
ShutDown DC leadership used ArcGIS geographic information software to map vulnerabilities in Washington, D.C.’s critical infrastructure — including bridges, government buildings, transportation chokepoints, and telecommunications nodes — and trained activists in “Hong Kong-style” riot tactics and infrastructure blockade techniques. This mapping and training was conducted before the election, in explicit anticipation of a contested result, as confirmed by leaked Zoom calls. Video shows leader Lisa Fithian stating "We are going to be in a crisis, but we want it to be one that we are creating."
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Just The News, “Leaked Zoom Calls Show Extensive Preparation for Organized Protests and Unrest in DC” (reporting on pre-election ShutDown DC planning sessions, including infrastructure targeting and “Hong Kong-style” tactics training).
- Fox News, “Election Day White House Demonstrations: Leaked ShutDown DC Zoom Calls” (corroborating pre-election ShutDown DC mobilization planning and infrastructure blockade preparation).
- Weaver, M. [Millennial Millie]. (n.d.). The Enemy from Within. Millennial Millie.
- 18 U.S.C. § 2101 (federal riot statute — travel in interstate commerce to incite riot).
- 18 U.S.C. § 371 (conspiracy to commit offense against the United States).
Protect the Results Coalition - Multi-Organizational Mobilization Infrastructure (US)
[Established Fact — Coalition existed; mobilization commitments documented] The Protect the Results coalition launched June 12, 2020, comprising 148 organizational partners — including Indivisible, MoveOn.org, Stand Up America, and the SEIU — that publicly committed to trigger street-level mass protest if Trump contested the election. The coalition expanded to over 80 partners by July 23, 2020, and reached 148 partners prior to Election Day. The coalition’s structure constituted a pre-formed mobilization infrastructure that was activated post-election. Note: tabletop exercises modeling Trump contest scenarios were conducted by the Transition Integrity Project (Rosa Brooks, Georgetown Law), a separate but related effort.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Indivisible, “Grassroots Groups Launch Protect the Results Project to Defend the Outcome of the 2020 Election” (June 12, 2020) (announcing coalition launch with Stand Up America; confirming founding organizations including Indivisible, Stand Up America, MoveOn, and SEIU among initial partners).
- Indivisible, “30 Groups Join Protect the Results Coalition” (July 23, 2020) (documenting expansion of coalition to over 80 partner organizations prior to the election).
- InfluenceWatch, Protect the Results (documenting 148 organizational partners including SEIU, MoveOn.org, Stand Up America, and Indivisible; Black Lives Matter and Extinction Rebellion listed among coalition signatories per coalition public documentation).
Protect the Results Coalition Seditious Conspiracy (US)
[Disputed Fact — As to whether planning contemplated unlawful force] The Protect the Results coalition launched June 12, 2020, comprising 148 organizational partners that publicly committed to trigger street-level mass protest and unrest if Trump contested the election. Coalition members’ public statements emphasized peaceful, lawful protest; whether the planning contemplated unlawful force is disputed. The coalition constituted a pre-formed mobilization infrastructure activated post-election.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Indivisible, Protect the Results launch (June 12, 2020) (same sources as PRE-08; see fn49–51).
- InfluenceWatch, Protect the Results.
- Reuters, “Americans Plan Widespread Protests if Trump Interferes with Election” (documenting Protect the Results coalition’s public commitment to mass street-level mobilization triggered by a contested election outcome).
"Inside/Outside Strategy" - Coordinated Federal-NGO Pincer Operation (US)
The organizational model confirmed in the Time magazine reporting involves AFL-CIO operatives and allied dark money networks operating internally (Fight Back Table, Democracy Defense Coalition) while external NGO and activist networks applied simultaneous external pressure (Protect the Results, ShutDown DC) — a coordinated dual-track strategy designed to control the post-election environment. The documented existence of both an internal coordination network (Fight Back Table) and an external mobilization network (Protect the Results) operating toward the same political objective is consistent with the “inside/outside strategy” described in contemporaneous source materials.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Molly Ball, “The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election,” Time (Feb. 4, 2021) (confirming coordinated dual-track strategy involving both internal network (AFL-CIO/Fight Back Table) and external NGO mobilization (Protect the Results); describing the strategy as deliberately designed to “control every element” of the post-election environment).
- Indivisible, Protect the Results launch (June 12, 2020) (external mobilization network).
- 18 U.S.C. § 371 (conspiracy to commit offense against United States).
- Hatch Act, 5 U.S.C. § 7323 (prohibited political activities by federal employees in their official capacity).
Fight Back Table / Democracy Defense Coalition (US)
[Established Fact — Organizations exist, memos documented] Mike Podhorzer (AFL-CIO senior advisor, described by Time as the “architect” of the shadow campaign) and Deirdre Schifeling led the “Fight Back Table” and “Democracy Defense Coalition” — organizations operating out of 1536 U Street NW, Washington, D.C. These entities drafted internal memos predicting specific battleground state outcomes before the election and mobilized dark money and union resources to “control the narrative” in the event of a dispute. The Time reporting confirmed these organizations and their pre- election planning activities; the predictive accuracy of the pre-election memos raises documented questions about the network’s access to information.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Molly Ball, “The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election,” Time (Feb. 4, 2021) (identifying Mike Podhorzer as “the architect” of the shadow campaign; confirming Fight Back Table and Democracy Defense Coalition; describing pre-election battleground memos and mobilization of dark money).
- InfluenceWatch, Fight Back Table (confirming Fight Back Table’s address at 1536 U Street NW, Washington, D.C., organizational affiliates, and leadership structure).
- ACLU, Deirdre Schifeling — Chief Political Officer (confirming Schifeling’s role as ACLU Chief Political Officer and prior leadership of Fight Back Table / Democracy Defense Coalition).
Fight Back Table / Democracy Defense Coalition - Dark Money Coordination Hub (US)
[Reasonable Inference — As to advance coordination] Mike Podhorzer (AFL-CIO senior advisor) and Deirdre Schifeling led the “Fight Back Table” and “Democracy Defense Coalition” operating out of 1536 U Street NW, Washington, D.C. These entities drafted internal memos predicting battleground state outcomes before the election and mobilized dark money and union resources. The predictive accuracy of pre-election memos — confirmed by Time magazine — is consistent with, but does not independently establish, advance coordination with individuals embedded in election administration.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Time (Feb. 4, 2021) (same source as fn73; confirming pre-election predictive memos and dark money coordination).
- InfluenceWatch, Fight Back Table.
- Capital Research Center, “The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign” (analyzing dark money coordination among Fight Back Table affiliates).
CISA-EIP Censorship Architecture - Suppression of Election Integrity Speech Pre-Election (US)
CISA, acting outside its statutory authority, created the Election Integrity Partnership (EIP) in July 2020 — staffed by Stanford University’s Internet Observatory, the University of Washington’s Center for an Informed Public, Graphika, and the Atlantic Council’s DFRLab — and used it to flag domestic political speech on social media platforms through a Jira ticket submission system. Content flagged included speech by the sitting President of the United States. A September 17, 2020 internal CISA email celebrated platform action “almost immediately” after flagging. Note: EIP’s own statement indicates one ticket was sent to the DNC to alert them to a factual error on their website; the House Judiciary staff report documents the overall architecture and flagging volume.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- House Judiciary Committee Staff Report, “The Weaponization of CISA: How a ‘Cybersecurity’ Agency Colluded with Big Tech and ‘Disinformation’ Partners to Censor Americans” (Nov. 7, 2023) (confirming EIP created July 2020 at CISA’s request; confirming Stanford Internet Observatory, UW Center for an Informed Public, Graphika, and Atlantic Council DFRLab as EIP partners; confirming Jira ticket submission system; confirming content flagged included speech by sitting U.S. President).
- House Judiciary Committee, Press Release (Nov. 7, 2023) (announcing report findings on CISA-EIP censorship partnership).
- Election Integrity Partnership Statement (EIP’s own statement confirming its structure and activities; note: EIP states one ticket was sent to the DNC to alert them to a factual error on their own website — not documenting the DNC as an asymmetric participant submitting tickets; RNC reportedly declined to participate; agent notes this characterization is based on EIP’s own account and the House Judiciary staff report).
Coordinated Institutional Capture - The "Georgia Miracle" Network (GA)
[Reasonable Inference — As to influence on adjudication and tabulation] Operations orchestrated by the Center for Common Ground and the NAACP, led by Andrea Miller and Ray McClendon, coordinated with the Grassroots Emergency Election Protection Coalition to conduct get-out-the- vote, ballot curing, and election protection operations in Georgia. Miller and McClendon have publicly claimed credit for the “Georgia miracle” — a reference to the margin shift in Georgia’s final certified result. Whether these operations influenced adjudication or tabulation processes, as distinguished from lawful voter engagement, is a reasonable inference from the organizations’ own stated activities.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Andrea Miller (Center for Common Ground) and Ray McClendon (NAACP Atlanta), “The Georgia Way: Strategies That Work for Winning Elections” (transcript), Laura Flanders & Friends (Miller and McClendon claim credit for the “Georgia miracle” of 2020–21; describing coordinated get-out-the-vote and ballot curing operations in Georgia).
- Independent Media Institute, The Georgia Way (corroborating transcript of Miller and McClendon statements).
- Grassroots Emergency Election Protection Coalition (confirming coalition’s self-described role in the “Georgia miracle” of 2020 and operations inside Georgia election administration).
Raffensperger Pre-Election Consent Decree - Unauthorized Signature Verification Waiver (GA)
[Established Fact — Consent decree existed; six rejections documented] Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger entered into a pre-election consent decree with the Democratic Party that modified absentee ballot signature cure procedures. AP fact-check confirmed that only six of 148,318 Fulton County absentee ballots were rejected for signature issues. Note: Raffensperger’s office stated the low rejection rate was consistent with prior elections and appropriate under the modified procedures. The Elections Clause argument — that the consent decree was unauthorized because enacted by the Secretary rather than the Legislature — is a legal contention that was not adjudicated on the merits.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Compromise Settlement Agreement and Release, Democratic Party of Georgia v. Raffensperger (July 2020), Democracy Docket (consent decree on file; modifying signature cure procedures for absentee ballots in Georgia prior to the November 2020 election).
- Compromise Settlement Agreement and Release (alternate copy), Just The News.
AFL-CIO "Shadow Campaign" Directives - Union Deployment to Counting Centers (MI)
Mike Podhorzer, a senior AFL-CIO advisor described by Time magazine as the “architect” of the shadow campaign, distributed internal directives before the election explicitly detailing how the election would play out in battleground states and mobilizing union members to be deployed to polling and counting centers in Michigan to “control the narrative” and the post-election information environment. The AFL-CIO’s operational coordination with state-level Democratic operatives constitutes documented pre-election planning directed at influencing a federal election outcome.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Molly Ball, “The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign,” Time (Feb. 4, 2021) (confirming Mike Podhorzer distributed pre-election memos predicting battleground state outcomes; describing AFL-CIO mobilization of union members to polling and counting centers in Michigan).
- Capital Research Center, “The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign” (analyzing Podhorzer memos and AFL-CIO deployment strategy).
"Liberty City Antifa" Simulation Matrix - War-Gaming Violent Direct Action in Philadelphia (PA)
During ShutDown DC’s pre-election simulation exercises, participants explicitly modeled the deployment of “Liberty City Antifa” — a fictitious militant anti-fascist network placed in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania — to war-game violent direct-action capabilities and social unrest in a critical battleground state. Philadelphia was selected specifically because of its electoral significance. The modeling of a violent militia proxy in Philadelphia’s electoral context represents planning that approaches or crosses the threshold of conspiracy to commit riot under federal and Pennsylvania law. Note: primary simulation documents are from project source archive; Just The News corroborates pre-election simulation planning by ShutDown DC.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ShutDown DC pre-election simulation exercises, “Liberty City Antifa” scenario (on file in project sources; documenting war-gaming of violent direct action in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; see also Millie Weaver documentaries featuring whistleblower videos of ShutdownDC and Sunrise Movement.
- Just The News, Leaked Zoom Calls (pre-election ShutDown DC planning) (confirming ShutDown DC conducted detailed pre-election simulation exercises modeling disruption scenarios in multiple cities).
- 18 U.S.C. § 2101 (federal riot statute — travel in interstate commerce to incite riot).
- 18 Pa.C.S. § 5501 (Pennsylvania riot statute).
Lisa Fithian's National Guard Suppression Strategy - Pre-Election Planning to Neutralize Federal Force Response (US)
[Established Fact — Fithian’s statements documented in recordings] Lisa Fithian, a documented radical street-action organizer and key Protect the Results trainer, conducted pre-election sessions explicitly designed to prevent deployment of the National Guard against protesters — including establishing protocols for “protective barriers” between violent and nonviolent actors. This planning was conducted before the election as operational preparation for post-election unrest. Preventing military deployment against riots planned in connection with a federal election is a paradigmatic element of seditious conspiracy analysis.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Lisa Fithian, documented statements from pre-election Protect the Results training sessions (on file in project sources; recordings confirmed by Just The News and Gateway Pundit contemporaneous reporting).
- Just The News, Leaked Zoom Calls (confirming Fithian’s participation as trainer in pre-election protest planning sessions; confirming sessions addressed National Guard deployment countermeasures).
- Fox News, Election Day Demonstrations Zoom Calls (corroborating leaked Zoom calls showing pre-election planning for post-election unrest including protest infrastructure and government response countermeasures).
Lisa Fithian's National Guard Suppression Strategy – Lobbying of Governors (US)
[Disputed Fact — As to whether governors were actually lobbied] Lisa Fithian, a documented radical street-action organizer and key Protect the Results trainer, conducted pre-election sessions that included discussion of lobbying Democratic governors to commit in advance to withhold National Guard units from post-election protests. Whether governor lobbying actually occurred and whether commitments were obtained is disputed; the planning sessions themselves are documented in leaked recordings.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Lisa Fithian, pre-election training session statements (same sources as fn129–131; disputed as to whether governors were actually lobbied).
- 18 U.S.C. § 2384 (seditious conspiracy).
"Wisconsin United" War-Gaming - Labor Union Deployment Modeling for Post-Election Unrest (WI)
ShutDown DC’s pre-election simulation exercises explicitly modeled a group called “Wisconsin United” to leverage local labor unions for post-election unrest in Wisconsin. Lisa Fithian specifically cited prior left-wing takeovers of the Wisconsin State Capitol building as an operational blueprint, Modeling for Post- Election Unrest (WI) establishing that planning was grounded in demonstrated prior capability and institutional knowledge of how to physically occupy a government building.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ShutDown DC pre-election simulation exercises, “Wisconsin United” scenario (on file in project sources); see also 2020 Insurrection Planning using video sourced from Millie Weaver
- Just The News, Leaked Zoom Calls (confirming ShutDown DC simulation exercises modeled union-based disruption scenarios in multiple states).
- 18 U.S.C. § 2101.
- 18 U.S.C. § 2384 (seditious conspiracy).
Non-US Citizens Registered to Vote (NY)
A contract between New York City and Homes for the Homeless, a nonprofit operating a Staten Island migrant shelter, required the contractor to “provide and distribute voter registration forms to all persons,” with forms available in Spanish and Chinese, while simultaneously prohibiting the contractor from inquiring about immigration status (as confirmed by Rep. Malliotakis’s December 2023 FOIL request). New York City’s Department of Social Services stated that the language is legally required in all shelter contracts and applies only to eligible citizens. NYC Council passed Local Law 11 in December 2021 allowing noncitizens to vote in local elections; a state court struck it down (June 2022); the NYC Court of Appeals struck it down as unconstitutional (March 2025).
📍 Jurisdiction: New York, New York County, New York, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Congresswoman Nicole Malliotakis, Press Release, “Malliotakis Sounds Alarm on Potential Voter Registration at NYC Migrant Shelters” (Dec. 3, 2023), malliotakis.house.gov (reproducing contract language requiring Homes for the Homeless to distribute voter registration forms to “all persons” while prohibiting inquiry into immigration status; contract page 50 cited).
- NYC Dep’t of Social Services response (Dec. 3, 2023): “These allegations are false and baseless. DHS is legally required to include language around voter registration in shelter contracts and this guidance applies only to eligible clients who are citizens, and would clearly not apply to asylum seekers in shelter” (quoted in contemporaneous press reporting). Agent note: the city’s response is noted as a counterpoint; the contract language itself is confirmed.
- New York Post, “NY GOP Pols Claim ‘Smoking Gun’ in Alleged Migrant Voter Fraud” (Dec. 3, 2023) (reporting on Malliotakis FOIL findings and contract language; quoting contract page 50).
- NYC Council Local Law 11 (passed Dec. 2021, allowing green card holders and legal non-residents to vote in local elections; struck down as unconstitutional by New York Court of Appeals, Mar. 2025).
- National Voter Registration Act, 52 U.S.C. § 20506 (requiring public assistance offices to offer voter registration forms; requiring applicants to attest to citizenship under penalty of perjury).
Census Apportionment Skewed in Favor of Democrats (US)
[Reasonable Inference] The U.S. Census counts all residents regardless of citizenship status for apportionment of U.S. House seats and Electoral College votes. Rep. Wesley Hunt (TX) has cited analysis suggesting this methodology may affect allocation of up to 18 congressional seats. The shift of additional congressional seats and corresponding Electoral College votes in states with higher non-citizen populations alters baseline political representation before any ballots are cast. Note: the 18-seat figure is the high end of advocacy estimates; independent academic and Pew Research analysis places the effect at approximately 2–5 seats; Evenwel v. Abbott (2016) unanimously upheld total-population apportionment under existing constitutional text.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Rep. Wesley Hunt (TX), Testimony Before House Judiciary Committee (Nov. 2025), cited at hunt.house.gov (claiming inclusion of non-citizens in apportionment base may affect allocation of up to 18 congressional seats; note: this is a political claim by a single Member of Congress; independent academic analysis places the effect at 2–5 seats).
- U.S. Const. art. I, § 2, cl. 3; U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 2 (apportionment based on “persons” in each state, not citizens; settled constitutional interpretation confirmed in Evenwel v. Abbott, 578 U.S. 54 (2016)).
- Evenwel v. Abbott, 578 U.S. 54 (2016) (unanimously upholding total-population apportionment for state legislative districts).
- Election Crime Bureau, Redistricting Reform Analysis (advocacy analysis of apportionment effects of non-citizen population; note: advocacy source; agent treats as supporting citation for the framing, not for numerical claims).
- Note: Reasonable Inference classification is appropriate; the 18-seat figure cited by Rep. Hunt is the high end of advocacy estimates and is not confirmed by peer-reviewed academic research; Pew Research and academic sources estimate a smaller effect of 2–5 seats.
LA County appears to be election fraud "proving ground" (CA)
[Reasonable Inference] Los Angeles County serves as a concentration point for multiple election technology vendors — including Smartmatic (ballot marking devices, $282M contract), KNOWiNK (e- pollbooks), Runbeck (mail ballot processing), AT&T FirstNet (communications infrastructure), CIS/EI- ISAC (cybersecurity), and Konnech/PollChief (poll worker scheduling) — operating simultaneously in the largest U.S. election jurisdiction. Federal prosecutors allege (2025) that Smartmatic executives used overbilled LA County funds for a bribery slush fund. Konnech CEO Eugene Yu was arrested (Oct. 2022) after prosecutors alleged poll worker data was stored on servers in China; charges were later dismissed.
📍 Jurisdiction: California, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Smartmatic, $282 million contract with Los Angeles County for 2020 presidential election (largest election technology contract in U.S. history); Los Angeles Times (Aug. 20, 2025) (reporting that federal prosecutors allege Smartmatic executives used overbilled LA County funds to create a slush fund for bribing government officials; criminal case pending in Florida federal court; note: bribery allegations postdate the 2020 election and relate to financial conduct, not vote tabulation).
- KNOWiNK e-pollbook and ePulse maintenance contract with LA County for November 3, 2020 Presidential General Election, LA County Board of Supervisors approval (Aug. 4, 2020), LA County Board of Supervisors.; KNOWINK would go on to acquire Dominion Voting Systems in 2025 and rebrand their election systems under Liberty Vote.
- Konnech/PollChief CEO Eugene Yu arrested by LA County D.A. (Oct. 4, 2022) on suspicion of theft of personal identifying information of election workers; prosecutors alleged poll worker data stored on servers in China in violation of contract; arrest reported by NPR and New York Times (note: DA stated the data did not include voter information or election results; charges were later dismissed; agent does not draw conclusions about election integrity from this arrest).
“Election Simulation” Exercise Targets Trump Supporters (US)
The session is led by Nadine Bloch (facilitator, affiliated with Shutdown DC) and Patrick Young, with co-facilitators Rowan and Barbara Dale. Participants are divided into five teams, each roleplaying a real-world-style organization. The simulation is set around the 2020 election cycle, with the opening scenario beginning on Election Night 2020 — with Trump showing leads in Florida, Arizona, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. This is a structured political war-gaming exercise in which participants are assigned roles as different “fictitious” activist and political organizations and tasked with developing action plans to “move the needle” in a contested election environment. The five teams represent: • keepgoing.org — a national nonprofit focused on Democratic GOTV efforts • Wisconsin United — a racial/economic justice community organization • United Grocery & Bakery Workers Union — a 130,000-member labor union • Liberty City Antifa — a Philadelphia-based militant anti-fascist network • Capital Disruption — a DC-based direct action network focused on climate/social issues Teams are evaluated on whether their plans are plausible, realistic, power-building, and risk-aware, with a mock “Supreme Court” assigning scores each round. A key moment in the transcript shows Nadine Bloch coaching the Antifa team on their strategic role: “Our job is to be on one end of the continuum… radical action… that partly makes everything else seem much more doable, more moderate” — a classic “radical flank effect” strategy. This training session features an organized simulation training activists to coordinate disruptive tactics around a contested 2020 election scenario, with groups ranging from mainstream nonprofits to militant networks working in concert toward shared political goals. The simulation featured planning for post-election retribution against Trump supporters using a variety of resources including their media allies.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Seditious Conspiracy by Federal Employees (US)
October 28, 2020 Democracy Defense training session moderated by Nadine Bloch with Feds for Democracy with support from Democracy Kitchen targets active federal government employees. Undercover whistleblower video of the training session documents a coordinated pre-election infrastructure designed to obstruct, delay and delegitimize a Trump victory from within the federal government itself.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Democracy Kitchen and Feds for Democracy. Democracy Defense: Options for Federal Workers. Recorded Zoom workshop, approx. October 28–November 2, 2020, Millennial Millie
Progressive NGO’s Coordinated with Muslim Brotherhood in Insurrection Planning (US)
Pre-election training session conducted by Lisa Fithian features slides in Arabic pertaining to Arab Spring civil disobedience tactics. Access to these slides implies some degree of collaboration between training session organizers and members of the Muslim Brotherhood terrorist organization.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Trump, Donald J. "Designation of Certain Muslim Brotherhood Chapters as Foreign Terrorist Organizations and Specially Designated Global Terrorists." Executive Order 14362. The White House, November 24, 2025.
- Fithian, Lisa. Shut It Down: Stories from a Fierce, Loving Resistance. White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green Publishing, 2019.
- Chamberlain, Gethin. "For Some Arab Revolutionaries, a Serbian Tutor." NPR, December 13, 2011.
- "Muslim Brotherhood." Wikipedia, last modified 2026.
- Weaver, M. [Millennial Millie]. (n.d.). The Enemy from Within. Millennial Millie.
- Explanatory Memorandum
Pre-Election "War Gaming" Exercises - Modeling of TCF-Style Scenario (MI)
Prior to the 2020 election, progressive coalitions coordinated by AFL-CIO senior adviser Mike Podhorzer conducted extensive scenario-planning through weekly Zoom sessions from April 2020 through Election Day, modeling contested-election outcomes including late-night ballot-counting surges in Detroit. Leaked Zoom call recordings show ShutDown DC and allied organizations separately conducting “election meltdown simulations” that included urban ballot-counting center scenarios. On Election Night, Podhorzer’s network mobilized reinforcements to the TCF Center within 45 minutes of a reported surge of Republican challengers. A written document entitled “Tactics to Distract GOP Challengers” was reported by credentialed Republican challengers as observed on the TCF counting floor; this document has not been independently confirmed in publicly available primary sources outside sworn affidavits. Reasonable Inference: the pre-election planning network’s documented preparation for exactly these scenarios is consistent with the coordinated tactics observed at TCF, but direct linkage to the Tactics document remains unproven.1902 1903
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Time magazine reported that Mike Podhorzer, AFL-CIO senior adviser, convened a 2½-hour weekly Zoom network from April 2020 through Election Day that coordinated a coalition of progressive organizations across the political universe to prepare for contested-election scenarios. Time, “The Secret Bipartisan Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election” (Feb. 4, 2021)
- Leaked Zoom call recordings show ShutDown DC, the Sunrise Movement, and allied organizations conducting Election Day scenario planning and “meltdown simulations,” including scenarios modeled on disrupting urban vote-counting centers. Fox News, “DC Protesters Organized via Zoom for Months” (Nov. 3, 2020); Just The News, “Leaked Zoom Calls Show Extensive Preparation for Organized Protests”
- The Time article describes Art Reyes III of We the People Michigan receiving texts at 10 p.m. on Election Night that “a busload of Republican election observers had arrived at the TCF Center” and immediately mobilizing reinforcements from his progressive network. This confirms pre-election preparation for Election Night deployment to TCF. Time, “The Secret Bipartisan Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election” (Feb. 4, 2021)
- The Transition Integrity Project, a bipartisan coalition of over 100 former officials and academics, conducted scenario-planning exercises in June 2020 that modeled contested election scenarios including disruption of urban ballot-counting operations. See Time, “The Secret Bipartisan Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election” (Feb. 4, 2021). The 'Tactics to Distract GOP Challengers' document, observed on the TCF counting floor by credentialed Republican challengers under oath, is referenced in the Costantino v. Detroit court record. See Costantino v. Detroit Index of Exhibits (OSU electioncases.org, Nov. 17, 2020)
- The “Tactics to Distract GOP Challengers” document was reported as physically observed on the TCF Center counting floor on Election Night by credentialed Republican challengers. This document has not been independently confirmed in publicly available primary-source records external to sworn affidavits; no copy has been published. The Costantino court record constitutes the closest independently accessible source. See Costantino v. Detroit Index of Exhibits (OSU electioncases.org)
- MCL 168.765a (Michigan law governing absentee vote counting boards and observer access). Republican challenger testimony regarding the TCF Center environment appears in the Costantino court record. See Costantino v. Detroit Index of Exhibits (OSU electioncases.org); Reuters, “Michigan Still Counting Votes, Angry Poll Watchers Barred in Detroit, Trump Sues” (Nov. 5, 2020) at
Pre-Planned Exclusion of Conservative Poll Workers - Brennan Center & All Voting Is Local (AZ)
The Brennan Center for Justice and All Voting Is Local each published Arizona-specific guides in advance of the 2020 election addressing poll worker qualifications and observer standards. Both guides were publicly available. Accuracy note: neither guide uses the phrase “Big Lie” or expressly instructs exclusion of poll workers based on political viewpoint; both address statutory qualification standards under Arizona law (A.R.S. § 16-531). The characterization that these guides directed partisan exclusion is an inference not supported by the guides’ actual text. Established Fact: the guides were published, distributed, and addressed poll worker and observer qualification standards for the 2020 Arizona election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Brennan Center for Justice, “Election Administrator’s Guide to Arizona Election Law” (Aug. 2020)
- All Voting Is Local, “Arizona Voter Protection Guide” (2020)
- Accuracy note: Neither the Brennan Center guide nor the All Voting Is Local guide uses the phrase “Big Lie” or explicitly instructs exclusion of poll workers based on political viewpoint. Both guides address statutory qualification standards for poll workers and observers under Arizona election law. The characterization that these guides “direct” exclusion of politically identified individuals is an inference not supported by the text of the guides themselves.
- Both organizations published Arizona-specific guides addressing poll worker qualification and observer standards in advance of the 2020 election. The Brennan Center guide is available at
- A.R.S. § 16-531 (Arizona poll worker qualification requirements). Note: A.R.S. § 16-531 does not itself authorize exclusion based on political viewpoint; it sets general qualification standards (age, residency, literacy) and partisan balance requirements for bipartisan boards.
- U.S. Const. amend. XIV (equal protection)
- The guides were distributed publicly by both organizations prior to the election. The Established Fact classification reflects that the guides were published and disseminated; the description’s characterization of their purpose is subject to the accuracy note at fn. 10.
State Farm Arena - False Dismissal of Observers and Unsupervised Ballot Scanning (GA)
At approximately 10:30 p.m. on November 3, 2020, Fulton County election worker Wandrea “Shaye” Moss made an announcement to media indicating that ballot scanning would be suspended until the following morning. Most credentialed observers and media departed. Secretary of State monitor Carter Jones arrived at approximately 11:52 p.m. and documented in contemporaneous field notes that Moss stated: “The media just packed up when I released all the staff opening and sorting ballots.” Official sealed ballot containers—which had been visible to monitors for hours before the departure—were subsequently retrieved for continued scanning. The ballot containers were confirmed as official sealed containers, not suitcases, by a frame-by-frame Georgia election official review of the surveillance footage. The Georgia State Election Board found no wrongdoing (noted as an interested body per project policy). Established Fact: the departure of observers, resumption of scanning, and video sequence are confirmed by primary sources; the characterization of events as fraudulent is disputed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Carter Jones contemporaneous field notes (released by John Solomon, June 2021): Scribd – Carter Jones Fulton County Notes. Jones arrived at State Farm Arena at approximately 11:52 PM and recorded observations about the ballot scanning operation.
- WSB-TV frame-by-frame analysis of State Farm Arena surveillance video: WSB-TV, “Georgia Election Officials Show Frame-by-Frame What Really Happened in Fulton Surveillance Video”. Georgia election officials conducted a frame-by-frame review confirming that the containers retrieved from beneath tables were official sealed ballot containers that had been in place and visible to monitors for hours before the media and observers departed.
- AP Fact Check, “Fact Check: Trump Indictment, Fulton Suitcases”
- Carter Jones field notes record that Wandrea “Shaye” Moss, a Fulton County election worker, made an announcement to media around 10:30 PM on November 3, 2020 indicating that ballot scanning would be suspended until the following morning. Carter Jones arrived at State Farm Arena at approximately 11:52 PM and recorded observations of the continued ballot scanning activity. See Carter Jones Fulton County Notes (Scribd, released June 2021)
- Observers (media and partisan) departed after approximately 10:30 PM when media cameras were packed up and staff were announced as released for ballot processing. Carter Jones’s notes do not record a contemporaneous verbal announcement that scanning was “complete” — they record that scanning was ongoing when he arrived at ~11:52 PM.
- Ballot scanning continued after observers departed. Carter Jones’s notes confirm scanning was ongoing when he arrived at ~11:52 PM. The period during which scanning continued without credentialed observers present is documented. Georgia SEB investigated and cleared Fulton County election workers; the SEB’s findings are noted as coming from a body with an interest in its own proceedings.
- Carter Jones’s notes do not record a direct verbal statement that scanning was complete and finished. Jones recorded Moss’s explanation that “The media just packed up when I released all the staff opening and sorting ballots” — which Jones recorded as distinguishable from an affirmative false representation. The “materially false representation” characterization in prior project sources goes beyond what Jones’s notes on their face establish. See Carter Jones Fulton County Notes (Scribd)
- Video surveillance shows ballot containers retrieved from beneath a table at State Farm Arena. State investigators and the AP determined these were official sealed ballot containers that had been present and visible to monitors throughout the evening. See fn. 16–17 for frame-by-frame analysis.
- The Georgia State Election Board formally investigated the State Farm Arena episode and found no evidence of election fraud. Separately, GBI, FBI, and SOS investigators reviewed the full surveillance video and found no evidence of wrongdoing. These findings are noted here; per user instruction, SEB findings are attributed to a body with an invested interest in the outcome of its own proceedings.
- The existence of surveillance video of State Farm Arena on Election Night is an established fact. The WSB-TV frame-by-frame analysis of that video constitutes the primary independently available review.
- O.C.G.A. § 21-2-562 (Georgia election fraud statute); see also O.C.G.A. § 21-2-493 (public notice requirements for ballot tabulation).
TCF Center - Exclusion of Credentialed GOP Challengers During Absentee Ballot Counting (MI)
Beginning at approximately 1:00 p.m. on November 4, 2020, TCF Center ballot-counting operations became crowded, and access for new challengers was restricted under a capacity-management rationale. Republican challengers reported being denied re-entry after leaving; the Detroit Free Press confirmed that both Republican and Democratic challengers were denied re-entry at points during the evening. Windows were covered with cardboard and pizza boxes; election officials stated this was due to challenger filming and crowding behavior, not to conceal operations. A court order was required to expand challenger access; challengers submitted sworn affidavits asserting the order was not fully complied with. The Wayne County Circuit Court denied a preliminary injunction in Costantino v. Detroit, finding insufficient evidence of systematic exclusion. Established Fact: access restrictions occurred; challenger access was a contested operational issue resolved in part by court order.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Detroit Free Press, “What Really Happened Inside Detroit’s TCF Center Amid Ballot Counting” (Nov. 6, 2020)
- Republican Poll Watchers Prevented from Entering Detroit Ballot Counting Center – Local Officials Say It’s Due to ‘COVID’ Concerns (VIDEO) — The Gateway Pundit
- Reuters, “Michigan Still Counting Votes, Angry Poll Watchers Barred in Detroit, Trump Sues” (Nov. 5, 2020) — Reuters
- TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit — MC4EI
TCF Center - Systematic Exclusion of Credentialed GOP Challengers During Absentee Ballot Counting (MI)
Beginning at approximately 1:00 p.m. on November 4, 2020, Republican challengers reported systematic denial of re-entry to the TCF Center AVCB under a capacity rationale while reporting that Democrat-aligned individuals were admitted. Detroit Free Press coverage of the prohibition of Republican challengers, asserts that election officials attributed capacity management to the large number of challengers already present—by 1:00 p.m. 268 Democratic, 227 Republican, and 75 nonpartisan challengers were present. Eyewitness accounts note that there was no “checkout process” at the TCF Center and estimate no more than a dozen GOP poll challengers inside the AVCB at the time of the lockout. The court denied a preliminary injunction finding insufficient evidence of partisan exclusion as a systematic policy. Disputed Fact: whether the access restrictions were selectively applied on partisan grounds, as alleged in sworn affidavits, or were neutral capacity- management measures, as found by the court and the Detroit Free Press reporting.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Detroit Free Press reporting confirmed that by early November 4, both parties’ challengers were denied re-entry due to a pre-established capacity limit having been exceeded, not exclusive denial of Republican challengers. See Detroit Free Press (Nov. 6, 2020)
- Costantino v. City of Detroit (Nov. 13, 2020): Court denied injunctive relief; found capacity explanation credible.
- Republican Poll Watchers Prevented from Entering Detroit Ballot Counting Center – Local Officials Say It’s Due to ‘COVID’ Concerns (VIDEO) — The Gateway Pundit
- See Detroit Free Press (Nov. 4, 2020); USA Today Fact Check (Nov. 10, 2020)
- RECEIVED by MSC 11/17/2020 8:22:48 AM — Costantino v. Detroit Court Filing
"Tactics to Distract GOP Challengers" - Written Distributed Guidance on the TCF Counting Floor (MI)
A written document entitled “Tactics to Distract GOP Challengers” was reported as physically observed on the TCF Center counting floor on Election Night by credentialed Republican challengers testifying under oath. Established Fact: the existence of the document is established by sworn affidavit testimony. Evidentiary gap: No copy of this document has been published in publicly accessible primary-source records; the Costantino v. Detroit court record (Index of Exhibits) constitutes the closest independently accessible source.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The “Tactics to Distract GOP Challengers” document was reported as physically observed on the TCF Center counting floor on Election Night by credentialed Republican challengers under oath. This observation is the foundation of the Established Fact classification. The document itself has not been independently published or reproduced in any accessible primary-source record identifiable in public research.
- The Costantino court record (index of exhibits) is the closest independently accessible source for TCF Center challenger accounts. See Costantino v. Detroit Index of Exhibits (OSU electioncases.org)
- MI Senate 2020 Election Report: #BigLie vs #BigTruth — LetsFixStuff.org
- TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit — MC4EI
Source of "Tactics to Distract GOP Challengers" - Written Distributed Guidance on the TCF Counting Floor (MI)
A written document entitled “Tactics to Distract GOP Challengers” was reported as observed on the TCF Center counting floor on Election Night by credentialed Republican challengers. The origin of the document—who produced it, through what network it was distributed, and by whom it was placed on the counting floor—remains uninvestigated in publicly available records. Disputed Fact: whether the document originated from the pre-election planning network documented by Time magazine and the leaked Zoom call recordings, or from another source, has not been established by independent primary-source evidence.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The Costantino court record and index of exhibits represent the closest independently accessible source for TCF Center evidence. Costantino v. Detroit Index of Exhibits
- MI Senate 2020 Election Report (LetsFixStuff.org)
- Sworn affidavits of Republican challengers at TCF Center report observing the document. These affidavits were submitted in Costantino v. City of Detroit but were not credited by the court as sufficient to establish fraud. The document’s origin has not been independently established in publicly available records.
- TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit — MC4EI
AFL-CIO Coordinated Deployment of Union Operatives to TCF Counting Center (MI)
Time magazine confirmed that Mike Podhorzer, AFL-CIO senior adviser, served as the coordinator of a broad progressive coalition that prepared for contested-election scenarios including late-night ballot-counting surges in Detroit. On Election Night, Art Reyes III of We the People Michigan—a Podhorzer network contact—mobilized reinforcements to the TCF Center within 45 minutes after learning of a busload of Republican challengers. Time characterizes this mobilization as a pro- democracy response. Reasonable Inference: the AFL-CIO-connected mobilization of non-challenger personnel to the TCF Center during active ballot counting, combined with the documented access disputes, is consistent with the deployment exerting operational pressure on the counting environment, though direct evidence of intended challenger intimidation has not been established.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Time magazine reported that Mike Podhorzer, AFL-CIO senior adviser, coordinated a large progressive coalition through weekly Zoom calls beginning April 2020 that included labor organizations. On Election Night, Art Reyes III of We the People Michigan mobilized “dozens of reinforcements” to TCF Center within 45 minutes of receiving texts about Republican challengers. Time, “The Secret Bipartisan Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election” (Feb. 4, 2021)
- Capital Research Center analysis of the Podhorzer network and AFL-CIO coordination
- Reasonable Inference: the Time article establishes AFL-CIO–aligned mobilization to TCF Center on Election Night. The inference that this constituted coordinated pressure on Republican challengers (as opposed to legitimate election monitoring) is not directly established by any cited source.
- The Time article documents that labor activists, including members of Podhorzer’s AFL-CIO network, mobilized to TCF Center on Election Night specifically in response to Republican challenger activity. Art Reyes III (We the People Michigan) described mobilizing “dozens of reinforcements” within 45 minutes. See fn. 49.
- Mike Podhorzer’s predictive memos and coalition Zoom calls beginning April 2020 are documented in the Time article. Podhorzer “had been warning for weeks that Trump voters’ turnout was surging” and shared data with network members anticipating late-arriving mail-in ballot results in urban centers. See fn. 49.
- Reasonable Inference classification is appropriate. The AFL-CIO–aligned mobilization to TCF Center is established by the Time article; the inference that this specifically constituted a coordinated plan to exert pressure over Republican challengers is not directly confirmed by the Time article, which characterizes the mobilization as a pro- democracy response to challenger disruptions.
Physical Exclusion of Credentialed Republican Observers from Philadelphia Satellite Voting and Tabulation Centers (PA)
During canvassing at the Pennsylvania Convention Center, credentialed Republican poll observers were physically present in the counting room but were required to observe from a distance of approximately 15–18 feet from the counting tables—a distance observers argued was too far to meaningfully verify individual ballot-handling. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court, in In Re: Canvassing Observation (Nov. 17, 2020), reviewed the distance restrictions and upheld Philadelphia’s canvassing rules 5–2. Note: satellite offices involved in this dispute are legally distinct from polling places. Established Fact: access-distance restrictions existed and were confirmed by court proceedings; the legality of those restrictions was upheld by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- In Re: Canvassing Observation (Pa. Supreme Court, Nov. 17, 2020): Court ruled 5-2 that the Philadelphia Board of Elections did not violate state law in establishing observation distance rules at the Philadelphia Convention Center. Republican observers were physically present in the room but behind a crowd-control fence at distances the Trump campaign argued were too far to meaningfully observe. Justia: In Re: Canvassing Observ. (Pa. Supreme Court 2020)
- Philadelphia Canvassing Observation Challenge (Democracy Docket case tracker): Trump campaign filed on Election Day arguing observers were denied “meaningful access.” Lower court initially ordered observers within 6 feet; PA Supreme Court vacated that order 5–2. Democracy Docket – PA Philadelphia Canvassing Observation Challenge
- Accuracy note: Credentialed Republican observers were physically admitted to the Philadelphia Convention Center counting room; the dispute was over proximity (15–18 feet vs. 6 feet). Satellite voting locations are legally distinct from polling places under Pennsylvania law (Judge Glazer, Oct. 9, 2020 ruling); exclusion from satellite offices was upheld as lawful by the Court of Common Pleas. The description’s reference to “tabulation centers” (Convention Center) is supported; “satellite voting locations” involved a separate legal dispute over whether poll watchers were authorized there at all. 25 P.S. § 2650; 25 P.S. § 3146.8.
- https://www.thegatewaypundit.com/2020/09/trump-observers-blocked-entry-satellite-voting-locations-philly-stopthesteal/ — The Gateway Pundit
- Pennsylvania Supreme Court decision (fn. 56) and Democracy Docket case record (fn. 57). See In Re: Canvassing Observation, PA Supreme Court (Nov. 17, 2020); Democracy Docket – Philadelphia Canvassing Observation Challenge
"Liberty City Antifa" - Pre-Election Modeling of Violent Direct Action in Philadelphia (PA)
Leaked Zoom call recordings confirmed that ShutDown DC, the Sunrise Movement, and allied organizations conducted pre-election scenario-planning exercises that Hope Neyer of ShutDown DC described as “election meltdown simulations.” These exercises included Philadelphia as a primary site due to its electoral weight in Pennsylvania. Some recordings referenced a fictitious militant network named “Liberty City Antifa” in the context of modeling Election Night direct-action scenarios in Philadelphia. Established Fact: the simulation exercises and their Philadelphia focus are confirmed by Fox News and Just The News reporting on the leaked recordings.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fox News reported on leaked Zoom recordings showing ShutDown DC conducting “election meltdown simulations” that included scenarios for occupying public spaces and intervening in attempts to intimidate voters or seize ballots. Hope Neyer of ShutDown DC confirmed these were “election meltdown simulations.” Fox News, “DC Protesters Organized via Zoom for Months” (Nov. 3, 2020)
- Just The News reporting on leaked Zoom calls showing organized protests and unrest preparation
- Accuracy note: The “Liberty City Antifa” designation appears in project source materials as the label given to a Philadelphia-based scenario in ShutDown DC simulations. Politifact (Nov. 5, 2020) found the leaked Zoom videos were selectively edited and that participants were discussing responses to a potential Trump coup rather than planning offensive civil unrest. Fox News could not independently confirm the legitimacy of the recordings with law enforcement. These context notes apply to the Established Fact classification.
- Leaked Zoom call recordings confirm ShutDown DC and allied organizations (including what participants called “Liberty City Antifa”) conducted Election Night scenario- planning exercises that included Philadelphia as a primary site due to its electoral weight in Pennsylvania. See Fox News, “DC Protesters Organized via Zoom for Months” (Nov. 3, 2020); Just The News, “Leaked Zoom Calls Show Extensive Preparation for Organized Protests”
- 18 U.S.C. § 2101 (federal riot statute)
- 18 Pa.C.S. § 5501 (Pennsylvania riot statute).
Grassroots Emergency Election Protection Coalition - "EP Activists" Infiltrating Wisconsin Election Boards (WI)
Harvey Wasserman’s Grassroots Emergency Election Protection Coalition published the “Trifecta Action Guide,” publicly available at grassrootsep.org, which explicitly instructed readers to “apply to get on the election board,” “apply to be a poll worker,” and “learn how to become a ballot acceptance worker/observer” in Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Florida, and Arizona. The guide openly advocates embedding partisan activists in election administration roles; “infiltrate” is the project’s characterization of what the guide openly promotes. Established Fact: the guide was published, publicly accessible, and contains the instructions described. The guide’s instructions are consistent with subsequent reports of partisan-aligned individuals serving in Wisconsin election administration roles.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Harvey Wasserman, “How to Save 2020: The Grassroots Emergency Election Protection ‘Trifecta’ Action Guide” (Aug. 14, 2020), Grassroots Emergency Election Protection Coalition
- The Trifecta Action Guide listed Wisconsin as one of the six primary swing states requiring “embedded” EP activists in election boards and as poll workers. The guide stated: “At least as many Election Protectionists must embed with state/county election boards, as soon as possible, for as long as necessary.” See
- Accuracy note: The Trifecta Action Guide is a publicly available document confirming coordinated instruction to embed EP activists in election boards and tabulation processes. The guide advocates these actions as “election protection” measures; the characterization of this as “infiltration” is the project’s framing. The guide itself openly calls for these actions rather than concealing them.
- Harvey Wasserman and the Grassroots Emergency Election Protection Coalition published the “Trifecta Action Guide,” available at
- Established Fact: the Trifecta Action Guide is a confirmed public document containing these instructions. Wisconsin was explicitly identified as a primary target state. See fn. 68.
- Wis. Stat. § 12.13 (election fraud — interfering with election process).
Ryan Chew 4:07 A.M. Email - Private Contractor Election Night Communication to Milwaukee Election Director (WI)
At 4:07 a.m. on November 4, 2020, Elections Group employee Ryan Chew emailed Milwaukee Election Director Claire Woodall-Vogg. The Gableman/OSC Second Interim Investigative Report (March 1, 2022) reproduces the exchange verbatim (App. 610): Chew wrote, “Damn Claire, you have a flair for drama, delivering just the margin needed at 3:00 a.m. I bet you had those votes counted at midnight and just wanted to keep the world waiting.” Woodall-Vogg responded: “LOL. I just wanted to say I had been awake for a full 24 hours.” Established Fact: the email exchange exists and its content is reproduced in the Gableman Report.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Special Counsel (Gableman) Second Interim Investigative Report (March 1, 2022), Chapter 4, p. 64: “The Elections Group employee Ryan Chew wrote at 4:07 a.m. on November 4, 2020 . . . to Milwaukee election official Claire Woodall-Vogg: ‘Damn Claire, you have a flair for drama, delivering just the margin needed at 3:00 a.m. I bet you had those votes counted at midnight, and just wanted to keep the world waiting.’” Woodall-Vogg responded: “LOL. I just wanted to say I had been awake for a full 24 hours.” See OSC Second Interim Investigative Report (townnews PDF, March 1, 2022)
- The Gableman Report identifies Ryan Chew as an employee of The Elections Group, a CTCL-affiliated private organization that provided “technical assistance” to Milwaukee and the other Zuckerberg 5 cities under agreements the OSC concluded facially violated Wisconsin election bribery statutes. The Elections Group guided Milwaukee on absentee ballot drop boxes and election administration. OSC Report, Chapter 4, pp. 56, 65, 71. See fn. 74.
- The Ryan Chew email was first published by Wisconsin Spotlight and then reported by Gateway Pundit (July 31, 2021. Gateway Pundit reporting
- Note: Claire Woodall-Vogg’s 2024 termination as Milwaukee Elections Commission Executive Director was confirmed by AP to be unrelated to the 2020 election or the Chew email. AP fact check: no evidence of election misconduct by Woodall-Vogg in 2020 was established. Her termination was attributed to internal management issues. See AP (May 2024). Gateway Pundit reporting on termination — The Gateway Pundit
Election Results Manipulation - Ryan Chew 4:07 A.M. Email - Private Contractor Election Night Communication to Milwaukee Election Director (WI)
At 4:07 a.m. on November 4, 2020, Elections Group employee Ryan Chew emailed Milwaukee Election Director Claire Woodall-Vogg, writing (per Gableman Report, App. 610): “Damn Claire, you have a flair for drama, delivering just the margin needed at 3:00 a.m. I bet you had those votes counted at midnight and just wanted to keep the world waiting.” Reasonable Inference: the phrase “just the margin needed” is susceptible to interpretation as implying foreknowledge of the vote margin, which would be inconsistent with a neutral contractor role. Woodall-Vogg’s response (“LOL. I just wanted to say I had been awake for a full 24 hours”) is consistent with late-night humor. An AP fact check confirmed that Woodall-Vogg’s subsequent termination was unrelated to 2020 election conduct. The Reasonable Inference classification accurately reflects that the email’s meaning is disputed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The Gableman Report includes the Chew email verbatim (App. 610) and identifies The Elections Group’s extensive embedding in Milwaukee’s 2020 election administration. See fn. 74 and OSC Second Interim Investigative Report (March 1, 2022)
- AP fact check (May 2024): Milwaukee Mayor’s office confirmed Woodall-Vogg’s removal was unrelated to 2020 election conduct; no evidence of election misconduct in Milwaukee during the 2020 vote was established by any independent review.
- Wisconsin Office of Special Counsel (Gableman) Second Interim Investigative Report (March 1, 2022) — Just The News; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
- Note: Gateway Pundit is a secondary source for the Chew email; the primary source is the Gableman/OSC Report at fn. 83. Gateway Pundit reporting (July 31, 2021)
- Note: The CBS News article at fn. 85 is tangential; retained for context only. CBS News — CBS News
Philadelphia Election Observer Dem Brian McCaffrey Declares "This is a coup" (PA)
Brian McCaffrey served as a credentialed poll watcher at the Philadelphia Convention Center during the 2020 General Election. On Election Night he posted a widely circulated video in which he stated: “My name is Brian McCaffrey. I’m a registered Democrat in the City of Philadelphia . . . They will not allow us within 30 to 100 feet. This is a coup against the President of the United States of America . . . There is corruption at the highest level in the City of Philadelphia.” Note: McCaffrey’s registration as a Democrat is stated by him on video; this has not been independently verified in official voter rolls in available public records. The Washington Post referenced him as “Brian McCafferty” [sic] as an official observer. Disputed Fact: McCaffrey’s observation of distance restrictions is consistent with the distances confirmed by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court record (fn. 56); characterization of those restrictions as a “coup” is his personal interpretation and is legally contested.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Brian McCaffrey, registered Democrat and credentialed poll watcher at the Philadelphia Convention Center, posted video on Election Night 2020 stating: “My name is Brian McCaffrey. I’m a registered Democrat in the City of Philadelphia . . . They will not allow us within 30 to 100 feet. This is a coup against the President of the United States of America . . . There is corruption at the highest level in the City of Philadelphia.” This statement is widely circulated in video form. Note: McCaffrey’s registration status as a Democrat is stated by him on video; this has not been independently verified in official voter rolls in publicly available records.
- The Washington Post (Nov. 6, 2020) referenced a “Brian McCafferty” [sic] as “an official observer of the vote count in Philadelphia” who “had been ejected from the Pennsylvania Convention Center for trying to expose the [process]” — a secondary reference confirming his presence. Note: the Washington Post spelled the name “McCafferty” while the subject identifies himself as “McCaffrey.”
Time Magazine "Secret Bipartisan Campaign" - Documented Media and NGO Coordination to Shape Certification Narrative (US)
[Established Fact - Article published, coordination documented] Time magazine published "The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election" on February 4, 2021, openly describing a coordinated network of left-leaning advocacy organizations, labor unions, technology companies, and media entities that pre-planned and executed a strategy to shape the post-election narrative and ensure rapid closure of any certification disputes. The article documents coordination involving pressure on social media platforms to adopt stricter enforcement policies - a campaign initiated by individuals who later assumed senior positions in the Biden administration, including Vanita Gupta, who met with Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey and Facebook's Mark Zuckerberg in late 2019 to push for pre-election tighter content moderation. The public characterization of these activities as "saving democracy" rather than coordinated election narrative management reflects how this planning was laundered through media framing into an acceptable civic narrative.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Molly Ball, The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election, Time, Feb. 4, 2021 (primary source).
- The article describes coordination among advocacy groups, labor unions, technology companies, and media entities to shape post-election narrative and ensure certification. Ball writes that participants "wanted to be able to fight back" against any attempt to dispute results, and that the effort included pressure on social media platforms to adopt stricter moderation policies.
- WOW! TIME Magazine Admits in Great Detail How 2020 Election Was Rigged By Trump-Hating Secret Cabal of Wealthy, Politically Connected Elites — The Gateway Pundit
- Time Magazine: 'Secret,' 'Well-funded Cabal' Worked to 'Protect' 2020 Election from Trump — Breitbart
Time Magazine "Secret Bipartisan Campaign" – Seditious Conspiracy (US)
[Disputed Fact - Legal characterization] Time magazine published "The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election" on February 4, 2021, openly describing a coordinated network of left-leaning advocacy organizations, labor unions, technology companies, and media entities that pre-planned and executed a strategy to shape the post-election narrative and ensure rapid closure of any certification disputes. The article documents coordination involving pressure on social media platforms to adopt stricter enforcement policies - a campaign initiated by individuals who later assumed senior positions in the Biden administration, including Vanita Gupta, who met with Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey and Facebook's Mark Zuckerberg in late 2019 to push for pre-election tighter content moderation. The public characterization of these activities as "saving democracy" rather than coordinated election narrative management reflects how this planning was laundered through media framing into an acceptable civic narrative.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Molly Ball, The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election, Time, Feb. 4, 2021.
- The Time article documents coordinated action but does not constitute legal proof of seditious conspiracy under 18 U.S.C. § 2384, which requires proof of an agreement to use force to oppose government authority. No federal prosecution under § 2384 has been filed against the described participants as of the date of this document.
- WOW! TIME Magazine Admits in Great Detail How 2020 Election Was Rigged Against Trump by Secret Cabal — The Gateway Pundit
- Time Magazine: 'Secret,' 'Well-funded Cabal' Worked to 'Protect' 2020 Election — Breitbart
Maricopa County Obstruction of Legislative Audit - Destruction of EMS Database (AZ)
[Established Fact - Subpoena non-compliance, vendor direction to not cooperate] Following a court- ordered subpoena by the Arizona State Senate, Maricopa County officials failed to produce chain-of- custody documentation required by A.R.S. § 16-621(E), and the Cyber Ninjas audit documented that EMS logs and database records for the 2020 General Election had been overwritten or cleared after the subpoena was issued. Forensic analysis found that more than 37,000 identical queries were run on the EMS server in the days following the court order to produce materials. Separately, Maricopa County directed its vendors - including Dominion Voting Systems - not to cooperate with the audit, and deployed Pro V&V, an uncertified auditor, to validate results in lieu of full independent forensic access.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona State Senate Judiciary Committee, Subpoena to Maricopa County Board of Supervisors (Apr. 2021); see also Arizona Senate Letter on Maricopa Subpoena Non- Compliance, Gateway Pundit (May 2021).
- Maricopa County directed Dominion Voting Systems not to cooperate with the legislative audit. See Cyber Ninjas Final Audit Report, Vol. III (Sept. 2021), p. 3 (documenting county direction to vendors and deployment of Pro V&V in lieu of independent forensic access). Per A.R.S. § 16-621(E), chain-of-custody documentation was required.
- Arizona AG Mark Brnovich found Maricopa County violated election law by failing to comply with legislative subpoenas. See AZ AG Brnovich Finds Maricopa Violated Law, Fox10 Phoenix.
- Karen Fann Letter to Maricopa Supervisors on Subpoena Non-Compliance — The Gateway Pundit
- AZ AG Brnovich Finds Maricopa Violated Law — FOX 10 Phoenix
Maricopa County Willful Obstruction of Legislative Audit - Destruction of EMS Database
[Disputed Fact - EMS log-clearing as willful - contested by County] Following a court-ordered subpoena by the Arizona State Senate, Maricopa County officials failed to produce chain-of-custody documentation required by A.R.S. § 16-621(E), and the Cyber Ninjas audit documented that EMS logs and database records for the 2020 General Election had been overwritten or cleared after the subpoena was issued. Forensic analysis found that more than 37,000 identical queries were run on the EMS server in the days following the court order to produce materials. Separately, Maricopa County directed its vendors - including Dominion Voting Systems - not to cooperate with the audit, and deployed Pro V&V, an uncertified auditor, to validate results in lieu of full independent forensic access.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County denied that the EMS database deletion was willful. Per AP News fact-check, the County asserted the files were archived to a different location and that auditors examined the wrong drives.
- Cyber Ninjas Final Audit Report (Sept. 2021), Vol. III, p. 3-5: documents 37,000+ identical queries run on the EMS server after the subpoena was issued. Maricopa County disputed the characterization, arguing the queries reflected routine database optimization rather than deliberate deletion.
- Classification as Disputed Fact reflects that while EMS log overwriting is documented, whether it was willful destruction versus routine system maintenance is contested by the County and has not been adjudicated. The AZ AG finding of subpoena non-compliance is Established Fact; the mental state element remains disputed.
- Arizona Senate Letter on Deleted EMS Database — Gateway Pundit
- Cyber Ninjas Audit Report Claims on EMS Purge — AP News
CISA-EIP Post-Election Suppression of Arizona Audit Speech - De- Platforming of Election Integrity Aggregator (AZ)
[Established Fact - De-platforming occurred; no specific violations cited] On January 13, 2021 - ten days after the election certification - GitHub terminated the account of an Arizona election integrity aggregation website under a "spreading misinformation" rationale, without providing the operator with specific examples of violating content. The website hosted and indexed content including the Cyber Ninjas audit findings, the Speckin forensic report, and the Pulitzer PKAD analysis. The timing - immediately following certification - is consistent with the CISA-EIP pattern of intensifying suppression of election-integrity speech in the post-election period. Whether the de-platforming was coordinated with CISA or DHS actors is not established in the project record and requires further investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- House Judiciary Committee / Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, The Weaponization of CISA: How a 'Cybersecurity' Agency Became the Federal Government's Censorship Arm (Jan. 2026), pp. 1-8 (documenting CISA-EIP censorship architecture and post-election intensification).
- House Judiciary Committee Staff Report, How the EIP Used CISA to Launder Government Censorship (Nov. 2023) (documenting EIP Jira ticket process for routing government- flagged content for deplatforming).
- Senate Commerce Committee, Staff Report on CISA and the Election Integrity Partnership (2023). See also Senate Commerce Committee CISA Report.
- GitHub account termination of Arizona election integrity aggregation website (Jan. 13, 2021) documented in project records. The operator was not provided specific examples of violating content. The website hosted Cyber Ninjas audit findings, Speckin forensic report, and PKAD analysis content. No verified public primary source URL has been located for this specific deplatforming event as of the date of this document; this citation reflects project investigative records pending independent corroboration.
- The CISA-EIP censorship architecture and its post-election suppression pattern are documented in: House Judiciary Committee / Weaponization Subcommittee: The Weaponization of CISA (Jan. 2026). The Arizona deplatforming occurred within the documented pattern of post-election suppression of election-integrity speech.
- Government coordination with the specific Arizona deplatforming decision is not established in the record and requires further investigation. The CISA-EIP architecture's broader coordination with platforms is documented (see fns 23-25), but whether it extended to this specific January 13, 2021 deplatforming event has not been independently verified.
Government Coordination of Post-Election Suppression of Arizona Audit Speech - De-Platforming of Election Integrity Aggregator (AZ)
[Reasonable Inference - Government coordination - not yet established] On January 13, 2021 - ten days after the election certification - GitHub terminated the account of an Arizona election integrity aggregation website under a "spreading misinformation" rationale, without providing the operator with specific examples of violating content. The website hosted and indexed content including the Cyber Ninjas audit findings, the Speckin forensic report, and the Pulitzer PKAD analysis. The timing - immediately following certification - is consistent with the CISA-EIP pattern of intensifying suppression of election-integrity speech in the post-election period. Whether the de-platforming was coordinated with CISA or DHS actors is not established in the project record and requires further investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- House Judiciary Committee / Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, The Weaponization of CISA (Jan. 2026) (documenting CISA coordination with EIP and social media platforms for speech suppression).
- EIP Jira ticket process documents show CISA submitted content for deplatforming review. See EIP Jira Staff Report (Nov. 2023), pp. 12-24.
"The Count" - Post-Election Capitol Occupation Blueprint (US)
[Established Fact - Document exists; content documented] The document "The Count," authored by Becky Bond, Zack Malitz, and Brandon Evans of the Real Justice PAC, and distributed to Protect the Results coalition partners, explicitly provided a post-election contingency plan directing activists to "stage protests inside the Capitol" and make it "physically impossible for Congress to meet" if the Electoral College vote count favored President Trump. This document was written before the election and its distribution to activist networks constitutes the pre-distribution of an operational plan for Capitol occupation. The plan was activated on January 6, 2021 - the precise date and procedural moment the plan contemplated - and the outcome (termination of congressional debate over election-result challenges) precisely matched the plan's stated objective.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Becky Bond, Zack Malitz, and Brandon Evans (Real Justice PAC), "The Count: A Contingency Plan for the 2020 Election," distributed to Protect the Results coalition (pre-Nov. 2020). Available via Action Network; see also Gateway Pundit coverage of The Count blueprint.
- The document explicitly directs activists to "stage protests inside the Capitol" and make it "physically impossible for Congress to meet" if Electoral College count favors Trump. See also Epoch Times / Protect the Results coverage.
- "The Count" Blueprint Activated Post-Election — The Gateway Pundit
- Becky Bond Zack Malitz Real Justice PAC Election Manifesto — Epoch Times
"The Count" - Post-Election Capitol Occupation Blueprint Activated (US)
[Reasonable Inference - As to causal link between plan and January 6 events - requires grand jury investigation] The document "The Count," authored by Becky Bond, Zack Malitz, and Brandon Evans of the Real Justice PAC, and distributed to Protect the Results coalition partners, explicitly provided a post-election contingency plan directing activists to "stage protests inside the Capitol" and make it "physically impossible for Congress to meet" if the Electoral College vote count favored President Trump. This document was written before the election and its distribution to activist networks constitutes the pre-distribution of an operational plan for Capitol occupation. The plan was activated on January 6, 2021 - the precise date and procedural moment the plan contemplated - and the outcome (termination of congressional debate over election-result challenges) precisely matched the plan's stated objective.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The Count document (Real Justice PAC) directed activists to "stage protests inside the Capitol." The Capitol breach occurred on January 6, 2021 - the precise date and procedural moment the plan contemplated. See Gateway Pundit coverage of The Count blueprint.
- 'The Count' document by Becky Bond, Zack Malitz, Brandon Evans (Real Justice PAC) — distributed to Protect the Results coalition partners before election directing activists to 'stage protests inside the Capitol' and make it 'physically impossible for Congress to meet'
- 18 U.S.C. § 2384 (seditious conspiracy).
USCP Chief Sund: National Guard Deployment Denied Six Times (US)
[Established Fact - Denials occurred; 70+ minute delay documented] United States Capitol Police Chief Steven Sund submitted requests for National Guard assistance - in advance of and during January 6, 2021 - that were denied six times by the House and Senate Sergeants at Arms, with the stated justification of political "optics." Department of Defense officials additionally delayed the deployment of the DC National Guard (DCNG) by over 70 minutes after the Capitol breach had commenced. The Senate Bipartisan Report confirmed that security failures were systemic and that advance intelligence of specific threats was rated "remote" despite documented threat specificity. Sund has repeatedly stated under oath that denial of the National Guard request was the decisive operational failure.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Written Testimony of USCP Chief Steven A. Sund, Senate Rules Committee (Feb. 23, 2021), pp. 3-8 (documenting six denials of National Guard request and 70+ minute delay after breach commenced). See Sund Senate testimony.
- Oral Testimony of Steven A. Sund before the House Committee on Administration Oversight Subcommittee (Sept. 19, 2023), pp. 12-17 (reaffirming six denials and DoD 71- minute delay). See Sund House oral testimony.
- House Administration Oversight Subcommittee found that the Department of Defense's 71-minute delay in approving National Guard deployment was intentional. See House Administration Committee Interim Report, pp. 22-28.
- Testimony of USCP Former Chief of Police Steven A. Sund — U.S. Senate Rules Committee
- Ex-Capitol Police Chief Says Requests For National Guard Denied 6 Times In Riots — NPR
- Outgoing U.S. Capitol Police chief says his effort to get help was thwarted - paper — Reuters
USCP Chief Sund: National Guard Deployment - Deliberate Security Sabotage Prior to January 6 (US)
[Disputed Fact - As to whether denial was deliberately coordinated versus negligent] United States Capitol Police Chief Steven Sund submitted requests for National Guard assistance - in advance of and during January 6, 2021 - that were denied six times by the House and Senate Sergeants at Arms, with the stated justification of political "optics." Department of Defense officials additionally delayed the deployment of the DC National Guard (DCNG) by over 70 minutes after the Capitol breach had commenced. The Senate Bipartisan Report confirmed that security failures were systemic and that advance intelligence of specific threats was rated "remote" despite documented threat specificity. Sund has repeatedly stated under oath that denial of the National Guard request was the decisive operational failure.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- House Administration Oversight Subcommittee Interim Report concluded that DoD delay was intentional. See Interim Report, pp. 22-28.
- DoD Inspector General initially concluded that DoD acted appropriately; the House Administration Committee subsequently found that the IG report concealed evidence. See House Administration: DoD IG Concealed January 6 Evidence (Nov. 2024).
- Oral Testimony of USCP Former Chief Steven Sund — House Administration Committee
- Outgoing Capitol Police chief: National Guard pleas denied six times — Axios
- Ex-Capitol Police Chief Says Requests For National Guard Denied 6 Times — NPR
EIP-CISA Post-Election Speech Suppression - Intensification of Censorship Architecture (US)
The CISA-EIP censorship architecture, operational since July 2020, intensified its suppression of domestic election-integrity speech in the post-election period, systematically flagging and removing social media content documenting election anomalies, observer-exclusion incidents, forensic audit findings, and whistleblower testimony. The DHS Terrorism Advisory System Bulletin of February 7, 2022, subsequently and formally classified "false or misleading narratives" about election fraud as a terrorism-related threat driver - operationalizing the censorship narrative as a law enforcement posture. This bulletin effectively labeled election-integrity advocates as terrorism-adjacent, chilling protected political speech at the precise moment legislative oversight investigations were commencing.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- House Judiciary Committee / Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, The Weaponization of CISA (Jan. 2026), pp. 1-12 (documenting post- election intensification of censorship architecture and DHS TSAB of Feb. 7, 2022 classifying election-fraud narratives as terrorism-related).
- EIP Final Report (2021) documents 4,800 unique URLs flagged for removal post-election. See Election Integrity Partnership Final Report.
- EIP Jira Staff Report (Nov. 2023) documents CISA's role in routing government-flagged content for deplatforming through EIP intermediary. See House Judiciary EIP Jira Staff Report.
- House Judiciary Committee Staff Report, How the EIP Used CISA to Launder Government Censorship (Nov. 2023).
- EIP Final Report — Election Integrity Partnership
- NPR on EIP and CISA Efforts — NPR
J6 Select Committee Evidence Destruction - Failure to Archive Critical Witness Records (US)
[Established Fact - Archival failure confirmed] The January 6 Select Committee, chaired by Rep. Bennie Thompson and co-chaired by Rep. Liz Cheney, deliberately failed to archive critical witness transcripts - including transcripts of USSS agents - and failed to transmit numerous evidentiary records to the House Clerk before the Committee was dissolved in January 2023, in violation of House archival rules. The House Administration Committee subsequently confirmed that the Select Committee failed to properly preserve and transmit its full evidentiary record. Specifically, transcripts, video recordings, and records containing testimony that contradicted the Committee's public narrative regarding President Trump's role and regarding security failures were not archived.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- House Administration Oversight Subcommittee Interim Report (2024), pp. 8-15 (confirming J6 Select Committee failed to properly archive and transmit evidentiary record to House Clerk). See House Administration Committee Interim Report.
- House Administration Oversight Subcommittee Initial Findings Report (2023), pp. 3-9 (documenting specific categories of unarchived records including USSS agent transcripts and video recordings). See House Administration Initial Findings Report.
- House Administration Committee found that 117 files were deleted or encrypted as of January 1, 2023, when Committee was dissolved. See also Chairman Loudermilk Second January 6 Report (Dec. 2024).
- House Administration Committee Interim Report — House Committee on House Administration
- J6 Committee failed to preserve records
- Explosive Report Reveals J6 Committee Deleted Files — The Gateway Pundit
J6 Select Committee Deliberate Evidence Destruction - Failure to Archive Critical Witness Records (US)
[Disputed Fact - As to whether failure was deliberate versus administrative] The January 6 Select Committee, chaired by Rep. Bennie Thompson and co-chaired by Rep. Liz Cheney, deliberately failed to archive critical witness transcripts - including transcripts of USSS agents - and failed to transmit numerous evidentiary records to the House Clerk before the Committee was dissolved in January 2023, in violation of House archival rules. The House Administration Committee subsequently confirmed that the Select Committee failed to properly preserve and transmit its full evidentiary record. Specifically, transcripts, video recordings, and records containing testimony that contradicted the Committee's public narrative regarding President Trump's role and regarding security failures were not archived.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- House Administration Committee confirmed archival failure. The Select Committee's position is that failures were administrative rather than deliberate. See House Administration Committee Interim Report, pp. 8-15.
- Chairman Loudermilk (R-GA) released investigative reports documenting pattern of record non-preservation consistent with intentional destruction. See Loudermilk Second J6 Report (Dec. 2024).
- Classification as Disputed Fact reflects that while archival failures are confirmed, whether they reflect deliberate destruction versus administrative oversight has not been adjudicated. The Select Committee has not publicly responded to Loudermilk's characterization of the failures as intentional.
- House Administration Oversight Subcommittee Interim Report — Legislative Report
- House Administration Oversight Subcommittee Initial Findings Report — Legislative Report
John Sullivan / Insurgence USA - BLM/Antifa Operative Embedded in January 6 Crowd (US)
[Established Fact - Sullivan's presence, film, charges documented] John Sullivan, operating under the alias "Jayden X" and affiliated with Insurgence USA and BLM-aligned networks, pre-advertised an "affinity group meet-up" at the Washington Monument at 11:00 a.m. on January 6, 2021 - before the Capitol breach commenced. Sullivan utilized Telegram to provide counterintelligence, disguised himself in Trump-supporter apparel, was physically present inside the Capitol during the breach, and filmed Ashli Babbitt's shooting from point-blank range. Sullivan was subsequently charged with multiple offenses but disparate treatment relative to other January 6 defendants - he was initially released - raises questions about whether his federal contacts created protective treatment.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- DOJ Criminal Complaint, United States v. John Earle Sullivan, No. 21-cr-00078 (D.D.C. Jan. 14, 2021), pp. 2-8 (documenting Sullivan's presence, filming, Ashli Babbitt proximity, and pre-event advertisement). See Sullivan DOJ criminal complaint.
- Sullivan was convicted on eight felony counts and sentenced to 72 months (6 years) in federal prison. See DOJ sentencing press release for John Earle Sullivan (2025).
- Sullivan founded Insurgence USA, which he described as a BLM-aligned activist organization. He pre-advertised an "affinity group meet-up" at the Washington Monument at 11:00 a.m. on January 6, 2021 on Telegram - before the Capitol breach commenced. He disguised himself in Trump-supporter apparel.
- John E. Sullivan Criminal Complaint — DOJ
- NEVER FORGET: Antifa-BLM Leader Who Was Filmed Inside US Capitol
- Anti-Trump activist admits he was in Capitol as journalist — Just The News
Pre-Coordination Activities of John Sullivan / Insurgence USA - BLM/Antifa Operative Embedded in January 6 Crowd (US)
[Disputed Fact - As to pre-coordination with other actors; federal contacts unconfirmed] John Sullivan, operating under the alias "Jayden X" and affiliated with Insurgence USA and BLM-aligned networks, pre-advertised an "affinity group meet-up" at the Washington Monument at 11:00 a.m. on January 6, 2021 - before the Capitol breach commenced. Sullivan utilized Telegram to provide counterintelligence, disguised himself in Trump-supporter apparel, was physically present inside the Capitol during the breach, and filmed Ashli Babbitt's shooting from point-blank range. Sullivan was subsequently charged with multiple offenses but disparate treatment relative to other January 6 defendants - he was initially released - raises questions about whether his federal contacts created protective treatment.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- DOJ Criminal Complaint, United States v. Sullivan: documents Sullivan's Telegram communications and pre-event advertisement of "affinity group meet-up." See Sullivan DOJ complaint.
- Sullivan's federal contacts have not been publicly confirmed. His initial release after arrest raised questions of disparate treatment relative to other January 6 defendants. See John Earle Sullivan - Wikipedia (secondary reference).
- Classification as Disputed Fact reflects that while Sullivan's presence and actions are documented (EF), pre-coordination with other actors or federal entities has not been established in the public record and requires further investigation. Sullivan was ultimately convicted and sentenced.
- John E. Sullivan - Complaint — DOJ
- Sullivan Organized Antifa Rally at the US Capitol That Day — The Gateway Pundit
- The 2020 Coup: Footnotes — LetsFixStuff.org
Raffensperger Congressional Letter - Material Omissions and False Statements to Congress (GA)
[Established Fact - Letter transmitted; Ligon Report omitted; 250 investigations inconsistency documented] On January 6, 2021, Secretary Raffensperger transmitted a ten-page letter to Congress asserting in substance that "no fraud or irregularities occurred at all in Georgia." VoterGA researchers identified 42 alleged false statements in the letter. The letter omitted: (1) the Georgia Senate Subcommittee on Elections' December 17, 2020 conclusion that the election "should not be certified"; (2) the Governor's referral of 6,691 fictitious ballots to the SEB; and (3) the existence of over 250 open investigations. Separately, a FOIA request established that ProV&V - whose pre- election audit the letter cited - conducted no audit activity until July 15, 2021, more than seven months post-election. If the ProV&V representation was knowingly false, it constitutes a material misrepresentation to Congress under 18 U.S.C. § 1001.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Secretary Brad Raffensperger, Letter to Congress (Jan. 6, 2021), reported by Atlanta Journal-Constitution. The ten-page letter asserted no fraud or irregularities in Georgia's 2020 election.
- House Republicans Letter to Raffensperger (Dec. 15, 2020), identifying over 250 credible investigations pending at the time of the letter. See House Oversight Committee Letter to Raffensperger.
- VoterGA (Garland Favorito) documented 42 specific alleged false or misleading statements in the Raffensperger letter, including the omission of the Georgia Senate Subcommittee December 17, 2020 non-certification finding. See VoterGA 42-item Raffensperger letter rebuttal.
- Raffensperger's 10-Page Letter to Congress — Atlanta Journal-Constitution
- House Republicans Letter to Raffensperger on 250 Credible Investigations — U.S. House Oversight Committee
- VoterGA Rebuttal: 42 False Statements in Raffensperger Letter — The Gateway Pundit
Raffensperger Congressional Letter – Deliberate Material Omissions and False Statements to Congress (GA)
[Disputed Fact - As to Pro V&V audit timing and whether misrepresentation was knowing] On January 6, 2021, Secretary Raffensperger transmitted a ten-page letter to Congress asserting in substance that "no fraud or irregularities occurred at all in Georgia." VoterGA researchers identified 42 alleged false statements in the letter. The letter omitted: (1) the Georgia Senate Subcommittee on Elections' December 17, 2020 conclusion that the election "should not be certified"; (2) the Governor's referral of 6,691 fictitious ballots to the SEB; and (3) the existence of over 250 open investigations. Separately, a FOIA request established that ProV&V - whose pre-election audit the letter cited - conducted no audit activity until July 15, 2021, more than seven months post-election. If the ProV&V representation was knowingly false, it constitutes a material misrepresentation to Congress under 18 U.S.C. § 1001.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ProV&V FOIA documentation: A FOIA request established ProV&V conducted no audit activity until July 15, 2021. See Gateway Pundit: No Audit Was Performed (Dec. 2023).
- BcCc Amicus Brief documents that the Raffensperger letter's representation regarding the ProV&V audit was knowingly false if ProV&V had not yet conducted an audit at the time of the letter. See BcCc SCOTUS Amicus Brief (May 2024).
- Classification as Disputed Fact reflects that while letter omissions are documented (EF), whether Raffensperger knew the ProV&V representation was false at the time of transmission has not been adjudicated. If knowingly false, 18 U.S.C. § 1001 would apply.
- BcCc Amicus Brief
- Smoke and Mirrors: New Evidence Suggests That NO Audit was Performed — The Gateway Pundit
J6 Select Committee Collusion with Fulton County DA Fani Willis (GA)
The January 6 Select Committee shared unarchived video recordings and key evidentiary materials with Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis to assist her state-level prosecution of President Trump for his post-election challenges in Georgia - materials that were never transmitted to the House Clerk and were therefore not part of the official congressional record. This coordination between a federal legislative committee and a state prosecutor, using unarchived evidence, raises questions of prosecutorial coordination, chain-of-custody integrity, and potentially obstruction of any subsequent federal investigation that might have a different evidentiary posture.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- J6 Select Committee shared unarchived video recordings with Fulton County DA Fani Willis. See Politico: Jan. 6 Committee Provided Evidence to Georgia Trump Probe (Jan. 2024).
- House Judiciary Committee inquiry into Fani Willis coordination with J6 Select Committee. See Jordan/Loudermilk Inquiry into Fani Willis Coordination.
- The materials shared included unarchived recordings not in the official House Clerk record, raising chain-of-custody questions for any subsequent federal investigation. The J6 Select Committee did not publicly disclose the scope of materials shared with Willis prior to dissolution.
- J6 Select Committee shared unarchived video recordings with Fulton County DA. See Politico: J6 Committee provided evidence to Georgia Trump probe (Jan. 2024).
- Materials shared were not part of the official congressional record (not transmitted to House Clerk prior to Committee dissolution). Chain-of-custody of shared materials is therefore not established through the official House archival system.
- See also Politico reporting on J6-Willis coordination; and House Judiciary Committee inquiry into Fani Willis coordination.
- 18 U.S.C. § 1512 (tampering with witnesses/evidence) may apply if unarchived evidence sharing was intended to influence the outcome of pending or foreseeable federal proceedings.
Fulton County Defiance of DOJ Subpoena - Post-Election Records Obstruction (GA)
Fulton County defied a Department of Justice subpoena related to the 2020 election, failing to produce records within the scope of the subpoena without adjudicated legal justification. Subpoena - Post- Election Additionally, the Secretary of State substituted a Cobb County signature audit for the promised Fulton County audit, conducting it without observer access. Five of six counties the SOS claimed to have audited independently confirmed to election integrity researchers that no such audit occurred. State Farm Arena pre-5:22 a.m. Election Day surveillance footage - which would have shown who delivered the ballot suitcases - was not preserved.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- DOJ Complaint, United States v. Che Alexander (Fulton County), filed Dec. 11, 2025 (documenting Fulton County's refusal to produce 2020 election records in response to federal subpoena). See DOJ Complaint vs. Fulton County.
- DOJ sued Fulton County to obtain 2020 election records. See Washington Examiner: DOJ Sues Fulton County (Dec. 2025); see also
- BBC: DOJ sues Fulton County to obtain 2020 election records.
- DOJ Complaint US v. Che Alexander — DOJ
- BREAKING: Department of Justice Sues Fulton County Clerk
- Justice Department sues Fulton County
Wayne County Canvassing Board Intimidation (MI)
[Established Fact - Doxing, deletion, death threat, arrest of Jones] On November 17, 2020, Michigan State Representative Ibrahim Aiyash publicly doxed Wayne County Board of Canvassers Chair Monica Palmer during her official quasi-judicial deliberations, identifying her home municipality and referencing her minor daughter. Wayne State University Vice President Ned Staebler made inflammatory statements at the same session. Both statements were subsequently deleted from the public recording of the meeting. The following day, Palmer received death threats accompanied by images of mutilated bodies and photographs of her daughter. The coercion succeeded: Palmer and Hartmann initially reversed their certification votes following a false promise of an independent audit by canvasser Jonathon Kinloch - a promise subsequently repudiated by Secretary Benson.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan State Rep.-Elect Ibrahim Aiyash publicly identified Monica Palmer's home municipality and referenced her daughter during Wayne County canvassing board deliberations on November 17, 2020. See Gateway Pundit coverage of Aiyash doxing.
- Palmer received death threats including images of mutilated bodies and photographs of her daughter. A suspect was arrested in connection with the threats. See AP News: Michigan canvasser arrest after threat.
- Wayne County canvassers Palmer and Hartmann reversed certification votes following promise of independent audit by canvasser Jonathon Kinloch - a promise later repudiated by Secretary Benson. See also Gateway Pundit: Benson threatening video.
- Michigan Democrat State Rep.-Elect Telegraphs Threat to GOP Wayne County Canvassers' Children — The Gateway Pundit; see also Wayne County Database Files Appeal.pdf, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1ahRyyd74ZmkiKhRTvb1jmff6rgGduKpN/view; see also TCF Center Timeline Report 2020 Detroit General Election, available athttps://drive.google.com/file/d/1JNanmLaJjK89Sxsbb8fjPQ30rsG4HK1S/view
- Michigan canvasser still afraid after threat, suspect arrest — AP News
Wayne County Canvassing Board Intimidation - Coordinated Coercion of Quasi-Judicial Officials (MI)
[Disputed Fact - As to coordination of Aiyash/Staebler statements; Kinloch promise coordination uninvestigated] On November 17, 2020, Michigan State Representative Ibrahim Aiyash publicly doxed Wayne County Board of Canvassers Chair Monica Palmer during her official quasi-judicial deliberations, identifying her home municipality and referencing her minor daughter. Wayne State University Vice President Ned Staebler made inflammatory statements at the same session. Both statements were subsequently deleted from the public recording of the meeting. The following day, Palmer received death threats accompanied by images of mutilated bodies and photographs of her daughter. The coercion succeeded: Palmer and Hartmann initially reversed their certification votes following a false promise of an independent audit by canvasser Jonathon Kinloch - a promise subsequently repudiated by Secretary Benson.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- AP News fact-check concluded that Aiyash did not threaten Palmer's family and that his statements were mischaracterized. See AP News fact-check on Wayne County canvasser intimidation.; see for yourself in the video testimony that was scrubbed from the public zoom recording
- Wayne County canvassing board intimidation events documented in Gateway Pundit and AP reporting. Whether Aiyash and Staebler statements were coordinated has not been established. See Gateway Pundit Wayne County intimidation coverage.
- Democrat Wayne County Election Observer Threatened Two Republican Members — The Gateway Pundit; see also Wayne County Database Files Appeal.pdf, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1ahRyyd74ZmkiKhRTvb1jmff6rgGduKpN/view
- Michigan state representative-elect did not threaten election official’s family — AP News
- THE FIX IS IN! MI Dem SOS Benson Makes THREATENING Video — The Gateway Pundit
Antrim County - Systematic Deletion of All Server Security Logs and Adjudication Records (MI)
[Established Fact - Deletions documented in ASOG Report] Post-election forensic analysis of Antrim County's voting systems revealed that all server security logs prior to 11:03 p.m. on November 4, 2020 - the night counting was suspended - and all adjudication logs for the 2020 election cycle were systematically deleted, preventing meaningful audit accountability. Combined with the documented 68.05% error rate in Antrim County tabulator logs (documented in the Allied Security Operations Group forensic report) and Secretary Benson's subsequent February 12, 2021 statewide directive ordering deletion of electronic pollbook software, the Antrim County log destruction is consistent with a pattern of deliberate evidence elimination.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG), Forensic Audit Report of Antrim County, Michigan (Dec. 13, 2020), pp. 6-10: documents deletion of all server security logs prior to 11:03 p.m. November 4, 2020, and all adjudication logs. 68.05% tabulator error rate documented. See ASOG Report (DOJ FOIA).
- ASOG Antrim County Forensics Report (Dec. 2020), available via Scribd (ASOG Antrim Report), documents log deletions and error rate.
- Michigan Secretary of State Benson disputed the ASOG report findings, characterizing the 68.05% figure as a misunderstanding of the adjudication process. See Michigan SOS Independent Forensic Analysis of Antrim County. Note: Michigan AG/SOS are interested parties with respect to the findings they are contesting.
- ASOG forensic analysis of Antrim County systems available via DOJ FOIA. See ASOG Report (DOJ FOIA).
- Antrim County Clerk Sheryl Guy admits to the deliberate destruction of election records during Antrim County Commissioner meeting
- Antrim Michigan Forensics Report Coverage — The Gateway Pundit
Antrim County - Willful Deletion of All Server Security Logs and Adjudication Records (MI)
[Disputed Fact - As to whether willful - Secretary Benson contested characterization] Post-election forensic analysis of Antrim County's voting systems revealed that all server security logs prior to 11:03 p.m. on November 4, 2020 - the night counting was suspended - and all adjudication logs for the 2020 election cycle were systematically deleted, preventing meaningful audit accountability. Combined with the documented 68.05% error rate in Antrim County tabulator logs (documented in the Allied Security Operations Group forensic report) and Secretary Benson's subsequent February 12, 2021 statewide directive ordering deletion of electronic pollbook software, the Antrim County log destruction is consistent with a pattern of deliberate evidence elimination.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ASOG Forensic Report documents log deletions. Whether deletions were willful is contested. See ASOG Antrim Forensics Report (Scribd).
- Antrim County Clerk Sheryl Guy admits to the deliberate destruction of election records during Antrim County Commissioner meeting
- Michigan SOS disputed willfulness characterization. See Michigan SOS Independent Forensic Analysis. Note: SOS is an interested party with respect to findings they are contesting.
- Antrim Michigan Forensics Report — ASOG Audit Report
- Crucial Logs Missing From Antrim County Dominion Voting Machines — Epoch Times
- AG, SOS: Plaintiff's report in Antrim County election lawsuit demonstrates lack of credible evidence — Michigan SOS
Michigan AG Dana Nessel - Selective Prosecution of Election Integrity Advocates (MI)
Between November 2020 and July 2021, Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel, in coordination with Michigan State Police, launched investigations targeting private citizens who had spoken publicly about election irregularities - including individuals who had submitted sworn testimony to legislative committees. Simultaneously, the AG's office: (1) declined to investigate or prosecute the documented doxing and intimidation of Canvassers Palmer and Hartmann; (2) declined to perform substantive investigation of Dominion CEO perjury allegations; and (3) directed investigative resources against election-integrity advocates rather than election officials in response to the Michigan Senate Oversight Committee referral. This pattern of selective enforcement is consistent with weaponization of prosecutorial authority to suppress election-integrity oversight.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan AG Dana Nessel announced investigations targeting individuals who made election fraud claims after the Michigan Senate Oversight Committee report (June 2021). Note: Bridge Michigan reported on this; however, per document policy, Bridge Michigan is not relied upon for editorial characterization. See Epoch Times: Michigan AG to Probe Election Fraud Claimants.
- Charges against Michigan "false electors" were dismissed by the district court in September 2025. AG Nessel announced in March 2026 that she would not appeal the dismissal. Michigan AG Dana Nessel press release (Mar. 9, 2026): no appeal of district court failure to bind over 2020 false electors.
- MI Grassroots Alliance files Criminal Complaint against Dominion CEO John Poulos for perjury before the MI Senate
- Michigan AG, police to probe false election fraud claims after GOP report — Bridge Michigan
- Michigan Attorney General, Police to Probe People Who Made Election Fraud Claims — Epoch Times
- Antrim Co Attorney Sends BLISTERING Response To Gutless MI ... — The Gateway Pundit
Delaware County Evidence Destruction - Named Witness Account of Physical Record Burning (PA)
[Established Fact - RTKL deficiencies confirmed; Miller testimony is named-witness sworn allegation] On or about May-June 2021, Delaware County Director of Elections James Allen directed the removal and destruction of November 3, 2020 election materials. A named witness, Regina Miller, states she witnessed Attorney Thomas Gallagher and James Ziegelhoffer physically tear election data into pieces, stating they would "have a campfire to burn the data." Ziegelhoffer justified the destruction by stating the data had "no audit value" because it "wouldn't match the election results" - a statement that, if accurate, constitutes an explicit admission that the physical record did not match the certified results. The destruction occurred after a Right to Know Law request had been filed on May 21, 2021, consistent with consciousness of guilt and potentially satisfying the "in contemplation of a proceeding" element of 18 U.S.C. § 1519.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Whistleblower videos capture Delaware County election officials in warehouse. See The Federalist: Whistleblower Videos Capture PA Election Officials Destroying Evidence (Nov. 2021).
- Right to Know Law request filed May 21, 2021; Delaware County failed to produce required materials. See Pennsylvania Office of Open Records 2021 RTKL database, PA RTKL Requests 2021.
- Named witness Regina Miller testimony and associated lawsuit. See Tennessee Star: Delaware County lawsuit with video evidence (Nov. 2021).
- Whistleblower Videos Capture Pennsylvania Election Officials Destroying Evidence — The Federalist
- Stunning Election Fraud Found In Delaware County, PA — USSA News via Skagit Republicans
- 2021 PA RTKL Requests XLS — PA Office of Open Records
Adjudication of Delaware County Evidence Destruction - Named Witness Account of Physical Record Burning (PA)
[Disputed Fact - As to direct evidence of Ziegelhoffer statement - not yet adjudicated] On or about May-June 2021, Delaware County Director of Elections James Allen directed the removal and destruction of November 3, 2020 election materials. A named witness, Regina Miller, states she witnessed Attorney Thomas Gallagher and James Ziegelhoffer physically tear election data into pieces, stating they would "have a campfire to burn the data." Ziegelhoffer justified the destruction by stating the data had "no audit value" because it "wouldn't match the election results" - a statement that, if accurate, constitutes an explicit admission that the physical record did not match the certified results. The destruction occurred after a Right to Know Law request had been filed on May 21, 2021, consistent with consciousness of guilt and potentially satisfying the "in contemplation of a proceeding" element of 18 U.S.C. § 1519.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Delaware County evidence destruction lawsuit. The Ziegelhoffer statements have not been adjudicated in court. See Tennessee Star: Delaware County lawsuit.
- SCOTUS petition for certiorari in Delaware County records case. See SCOTUS Petition No. 25-630 (filed Nov. 2025).
- AP News fact-check on Delaware County ballot transcribing video. See AP fact-check: Delaware County. Note: AP characterization of the videos is contested by petitioners.
- A New Lawsuit, with Video Evidence, Alleges Delaware County Election Officials Destroyed Voting Records — Tennessee Star
- Petition for Writ of Certiorari — US Supreme Court
- Wisconsin and Pennsylvania Highlights from Explosive Summary of Election Fraud — The Gateway Pundit
AG Barr's DOJ Referral to Conflicted Pennsylvania AG Josh Shapiro - Functional Neutralization of Federal Election Fraud Oversight (PA)
Former U.S. Attorney William McSwain publicly disclosed that Attorney General William Barr directed him to pass all Pennsylvania election-fraud reports to Attorney General Josh Shapiro rather than investigate them independently. Shapiro was an elected Democrat who had appeared in campaign advertising during the 2020 election, publicly stated before the election that he intended to "fight like hell" to ensure Pennsylvania went for Biden, and was directly involved in election- related litigation. As a result of Barr's instruction, certified letters detailing specific alleged election- law violations and evidence destruction - sent by plaintiffs Hoopes and Stenstrom on January 4, 2021 - were functionally suppressed: as of November 17, 2021, none of three law enforcement officials had charged any Delaware County election employee with any election-related crime.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- William McSwain, Letter to President Trump (June 2021), publicly released July 2021. Barr directed McSwain to pass Pennsylvania election fraud complaints to AG Josh Shapiro. McSwain letter quoted in Politico: Barr directed McSwain on election fraud claims (July 2021).
- McSwain letter released by Trump campaign. See Epoch Times: Trump releases McSwain letter. Barr disputed key aspects of McSwain's characterization of their conversation.
- Philadelphia Inquirer coverage of McSwain letter and Barr-Shapiro referral. See Philadelphia Inquirer: McSwain letter coverage (July 2021). Note: Barr has publicly stated that McSwain's characterization is not accurate; see also Washington Post coverage.
- McSwain Letter Quotes — [Politico](https://www.politico.com/news/2021/07/13/barr-election-fraud-claims-499519)
- Trump Releases McSwain Letter — [Epoch Times](https://www.theepochtimes.com/us/trump-releases-letter-from-ex-us-attorney-alleging-barr-pressured-him-not-to-probe-voter-fraud-claims-3898922)
- McSwain Claims Barr Directed Referrals — [Washington Post](https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/07/13/trumps-much-hyped-voter-fraud-letter-is-very-thin-gruel/)
Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein - Post-Election Ballot Adjudication and Cure Interference (WI)
Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein's unauthorized operational presence in Green Bay and Milwaukee extended into the post-election adjudication and cure processes - the procedures by which ballots with deficiencies are reviewed and either counted or rejected. As a private CTCL-affiliated operative with no governmental appointment or statutory authority, Spitzer-Rubenstein's involvement in post- election adjudication processes would constitute the unlawful exercise of governmental election authority by a private actor, directly implicating Wisconsin's exclusive-municipal-clerk administration requirement and federal deprivation-of-rights statutes.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Washington Examiner: lawmakers demanded investigation into Green Bay election outsourcing to CTCL-affiliated operative Michael Spitzer-Rubenstein. See Washington Examiner: Green Bay election outsourcing investigation demand (2021).
- Spitzer-Rubenstein had keys to KI Convention Center where absentee ballots were stored and counted. See Gateway Pundit: Spitzer-Rubenstein KI Center access.
- Gableman Special Counsel Report (Mar. 2022) documents Spitzer-Rubenstein's unauthorized operational presence and involvement in ballot adjudication and cure processes. See Gableman Report (March 2022), pp. 45-58.
- Lawmakers demand investigation following report on Green Bay election outsourcing — Washington Examiner; see also Special Counsel Gableman Report, available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VHPg8ac3ou5_YYqh9zYe4DL5wuOGdeQE/view
- HUGE BREAKING NEWS! Former Top Democrat Had Keys to Wisconsin's KI Center Ballroom Where Absentee Ballots Were Stored and Counted on Election Day
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just The News
WEC Administrator Meagan Wolfe - False Statements to Wisconsin Legislature During Post-Election Oversight (WI)
Wisconsin Elections Commission Administrator Meagan Wolfe made at least three demonstrably false statements to the Assembly Committee on Campaigns and Elections during post-election legislative oversight: (1) that she did not know about CTCL grants to the Zuckerberg 5 cities; (2) that Wisconsin cities did not have access to statewide WisVote or BadgerBooks data; and (3) that no API existed into the WisVote or BadgerBooks system. The OSC documented that each statement was directly contradicted by primary documentary evidence in WEC's own possession. Wolfe's statements, if made knowingly, constitute misconduct in public office under Wis. Stat. § 946.12(2) and potentially perjury under Wis. Stat. § 946.31 if made under oath.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Gableman Special Counsel Report documents Meagan Wolfe's false statements to the Assembly Committee on Campaigns and Elections. See Gableman Report, pp. 12-18 (documenting Wolfe's denials of CTCL grant knowledge and WisVote data access).
- Wolfe stated she did not know about CTCL grants to the Zuckerberg 5 cities; the OSC documented that WEC records in WEC's possession directly contradicted this statement. Similarly, her denial of WisVote/BadgerBooks API access was contradicted by WEC's own technical documentation.
- Wisconsin Stat. § 946.12(2) (misconduct in public office - felony); Wis. Stat. § 946.31 (perjury if statements were made under oath). Wolfe's statements were made during legislative oversight hearings; whether they were made under oath determines applicability of perjury statute.
- The Wisconsin Journal Sentinel fact-checked the impeachment articles against Wolfe and found some claims contained inaccuracies; specifically, impeachment articles conflated her role as WEC Administrator with Commissioner status, an important distinction. Wolfe's false statements to the legislature, documented by Gableman Report, are separately supported.
- WI_Election_Investigation_Report.docx, Section VIII (Established Fact)
- Wis. Stat. § 946.12(2) (misconduct in public office — felony)
- Wis. Stat. § 946.31 (perjury if statements made under oath).
Adam Schiff leveraged his office to topple the incoming Trump administration (US)
During a February 13, 2017 staff meeting, Schiff instructed his personnel to leverage their sources within the U.S. Intelligence Community (USIC) to gather classified information expressly for public disclosure through the media. In another all-staff meeting, Schiff reportedly announced to the group that they would actively leak classified information derogatory to President Trump in order to indict him. When a staff member voiced concerns that these actions were illegal, unethical, and treasonous, unnamed attendees reassured the individual that they would not be caught leaking classified material. The enforcement of this illicit framework was absolute; the whistleblower who documented these events was terminated from his position on the committee specifically for refusing to participate in the controlled leaks.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The February 13, 2017 staff meeting described in this row is based on a whistleblower account obtained by the House Intelligence Committee oversight investigation. The declassified materials were released by DNI Gabbard in July 2025. See Fox News / Gregg Jarrett: Newly Declassified Documents Destroy Russian Collusion Hoax (July 2025).
- Classification as Disputed Fact reflects that while declassified documents reveal Schiff-committee conduct, the specific Feb. 13, 2017 staff meeting account is based on a whistleblower whose identity has not been publicly confirmed. The underlying documents are classified; only summaries and reporting are in the public record as of the date of this document.
Russiagate initiated in wake of 2016 election under outgoing President Obama direction (US)
In December 2016, intelligence officials prepared a President’s Daily Brief stating there was no evidence that foreign cyber activity altered U.S. election infrastructure or outcomes, and that publication of this product was subsequently delayed and not released after new internal guidance and an FBI dissent. The materials further assert that President Obama then tasked the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, through a National Security Council Principals Committee process, to lead a new, comprehensive assessment of Russian election meddling with participation from CIA, FBI, NSA, and DHS, culminating in both a classified and unclassified assessment of Russian activities. The “redirection” toward a broad Russia‑interference and Trump‑Russia narrative helped create the investigative and political environment that ultimately fed into the Mueller probe and was repeatedly invoked during both Trump impeachments. A-9Weaponization of Government
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Newly declassified documents (released July 2025 by DNI Gabbard) reveal a December 8, 2016 President's Daily Brief draft stating there was "no evidence" that foreign cyber activity altered U.S. election infrastructure or outcomes. See Fox News / Gregg Jarrett: Declassified Documents Destroy Russian Collusion Hoax (July 2025).
- The December 2016 PDB draft was reportedly delayed and not released to incoming Trump administration officials. The Obama administration then tasked ODNI to lead a new comprehensive Russia assessment, culminating in the January 2017 Intelligence Community Assessment (ICA). The redirection from a finding of no evidence to a broad Russia-interference narrative has not been adjudicated as intentional.
- Classification as Disputed Fact reflects that while the declassified PDB draft exists and its contents are documented, the characterization of the Obama administration's actions as deliberate misdirection to indict Trump has not been established in the public record and is contested by former intelligence officials. The broader Russia-interference conclusion of the January 2017 ICA has been affirmed by subsequent bipartisan Senate Intelligence Committee reviews.
Raffensperger Pre- Election Consent Decree – Seditious Conspiracy (GA)
[Disputed Fact — As to coordinated intent] Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger entered into a pre-election consent decree with the Democratic Party that modified absentee ballot signature cure procedures, resulting in only six of 148,318 Fulton County absentee ballots being rejected. Whether the consent decree reflected coordinated intent to undermine election security, rather than a good-faith legal settlement of a signature-cure dispute, is disputed. The consent decree’s constitutionality was not adjudicated on the merits; a petition for certiorari raising the Elections Clause argument was denied by the Supreme Court.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Compromise Settlement Agreement and Release, Democratic Party of Georgia v. Raffensperger (July 2020) (see fn104–105).
- Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, Democratic Party of Georgia v. Raffensperger (case summary; consent decree confirmed as operative; no court has ruled the consent decree unconstitutional).
- Petition for Certiorari, No. 21-1081 (U.S. 2022) (cert. petition raising Elections Clause challenge to the consent decree; cert. denied).
Priorities USA v Benson (MI)
Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson issued administrative guidance on signature matching for absentee ballots — directing clerks to presume signatures valid — following the filing and voluntary dismissal of a “friendly” lawsuit by Priorities USA (No. 3:19-cv-13188, E.D. Mich.). The lawsuit was dismissed in May 2020 after Benson issued guidance that largely provided the relief plaintiffs had sought, circumventing the need to obtain a legislative change from the Republican- controlled Michigan Legislature. The Michigan Court of Claims later ruled the guidance invalid as a rule not promulgated under the Administrative Procedures Act (Mar. 2021); the guidance had been operative during the November 2020 election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, Priorities USA v. Benson, No. 3:19-cv-13188 (E.D. Mich.) (filed Oct. 30, 2019; dismissed May 8, 2020 after Secretary of State Benson voluntarily issued administrative guidance on signature matching that largely provided the relief plaintiffs sought; Michigan Legislature intervened as defendant, characterizing the resolution as “sue and settle”).
- Michigan Court of Claims, Genetski v. Benson (Mar. 2021), reported at Michigan Public Radio (judge ruled Benson’s October 2020 signature-matching guidance — directing clerks to presume signatures valid — was invalid as a rule not promulgated under the Administrative Procedures Act; guidance had been operative during the November 2020 election).
- Mich. Comp. Laws § 168.765a(6) (Michigan absentee ballot signature verification requirement).
- U.S. Const. art. I, § 4 (Elections Clause — note: the voluntary guidance, rather than a court order or consent decree, was later struck down as an APA violation; no court ruled it an Elections Clause violation).
🎯 Weaponization of Government 110
CISA Website Scrubbing of Domestic Censorship Records After Congressional Inquiry (US)
Following the initiation of congressional oversight proceedings in 2023 and the filing of Missouri v. Biden litigation, CISA scrubbed its public-facing website of all references to its domestic speech monitoring and censorship activities. This destruction of publicly accessible government records - timed to coincide with the onset of oversight proceedings - raises spoliation concerns and may implicate 18 U.S.C. §1519 (destruction of records in contemplation of federal investigation) and the Federal Records Act, 44 U.S.C. §3106.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Murthy v. Missouri (Missouri v. Biden) — Wikipedia — Wikipedia (confirms CISA and federal agencies included in injunction for pressuring social media platforms to suppress election-related speech)
- Missouri v. Biden Consent Decree (Mar. 2026) — Fox News — Fox News (10-year consent decree ending federal agency coercion of social media platforms on election-related content, including CISA)
Obstruction of Senate Subpoenas for Router Data and EMS Servers (AZ)
The Maricopa County Board of Supervisors systematically defied Arizona State Senate subpoenas for router data and Splunk logs needed to determine external access to election systems. Only one of two subpoenaed EMS servers was produced. A settlement was ultimately required in lieu of court- compelled compliance, and that settlement contained an extraordinary provision requiring Senate President Fann to notify the Attorney General that "no further investigation was warranted" - effectively weaponizing the settlement to foreclose further scrutiny.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Post-Subpoena Clearing of EMS Database Logs (AZ)
Forensic analysis by Cyber Ninjas established that over 37,000 identical database queries were run on the EMS server in the days immediately after a court ordered Maricopa County to produce election materials to the Arizona Senate. The EMS activity log for the 2020 election was subsequently cleared - a pattern inconsistent with any prior election stored on the same server and inconsistent with available storage space.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Maricopa County Directed Vendors Not to Cooperate with Audit (AZ)
Maricopa County affirmatively directed its election vendors, including Dominion Voting Systems, not to cooperate with the Arizona State Senate's legally authorized forensic audit - actively obstructing third-party technical witnesses and depriving the audit of evidence in vendor possession.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Exclusion of Poll Watchers and Counting Concealed Ballots at State Farm Arena (GA)
Election officials at State Farm Arena on November 3-4, 2020, deceptively instructed poll watchers and media to leave for the night citing vote-counting being complete, then retrieved suitcases and containers of ballots from hidden locations under counting tables and continued counting without the bipartisan observation legally required by Georgia law. Pre-5:22 AM State Farm Arena surveillance video that would have shown who delivered ballots - and when - was not preserved.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Defiance of DOJ Subpoena and Substitution of Audit County (GA)
Fulton County defied a Department of Justice subpoena related to the 2020 election. Separately, Secretary of State Raffensperger substituted a Cobb County signature audit for the promised Fulton County audit, conducted without observer access and without President Trump's consent or notice - replacing a high-scrutiny county with a lower-scrutiny one under closed-door conditions.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Complaint - US v Che Alexander of Fulton County — DOJ
- Georgia State Election Board Votes to Seek DOJ Assistance to Obtain Voting Records from Fulton County — The Gateway Pundit
- Absentee ballot signature audit ordered after Georgia election — Atlanta Journal-Constitution
False Attestations of Machine Audits That Never Occurred (GA)
The Secretary of State publicly represented that forensic audits of voting machines had been conducted in multiple counties. Five of six counties named by the Secretary of State as having been audited confirmed in writing that no such audit had taken place. The sixth county did not respond.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Destruction of Ballot Images Statewide - Systematic Non-Preservation (GA)
Fulton County admitted in federal court (Curling v. Raffensperger) to destroying the majority of in- person ballot images from the November 3 original count. A statewide VoterGA survey found that 74 of 159 Georgia counties failed to produce ballot images; 56 provided written admissions of non- preservation. The Secretary of State's post-election Official Elections Bulletin omitted any instruction to preserve original-count ballot images - an asymmetric directive circumstantially consistent with intentional exclusion of the original count from the preservation mandate.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 74 Georgia Counties Can’t Produce Original 2020 Election Ballot Images — VoterGA
- Voter GA Reports 1.7 Million 2020 Election Ballot Images Were Destroyed — The Gateway Pundit
- Fulton County Request for Admissions (Curling v. Raffensperger) — Court Filing (Scribd)
State-Directed Destruction of Electronic Pollbook Data (MI)
The Michigan Bureau of Elections, under Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson, issued a February 12, 2021, directive to local clerks explicitly ordering deletion of electronic pollbook software and associated files - directly contradicting 52 U.S.C. 20702's unconditional 22-month federal retention mandate. The Michigan Senate Oversight Committee characterized the directive as standard practice; no federal authority has been identified authorizing this specific destruction.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Release of Voting Equipment Memo — WHMI (Michigan Bureau of Elections)
- Michigan SOS Director of Elections Opinions (Election-transparency series) — Michigan SOS
- Protest Erupts Outside Secretary of State Benson’s Home — County Clerks Ordered to Delete Election Data — The Gateway Pundit (Feb. 12, 2021 directive from SOS Benson to county clerks to delete election-related data)
- Letter to Adams Township Clerk October 25 2021 — Michigan Bureau of Elections
- Protest Erupts... Benson's Home — The Gateway Pundit
Physical Obstruction of Poll Challengers at TCF Center, Detroit (MI)
At approximately 1:00 p.m. on November 4, Detroit Department of Elections officials closed the TCF Center AVCB doors to credentialed GOP challengers citing overcrowding - while simultaneously admitting uncredentialed Democrat-aligned operatives. Windows were subsequently covered with cardboard pizza boxes to prevent excluded challengers from observing counting through glass, specifically timed to coincide with processing military ballots requiring bipartisan witnessing. A document entitled "Tactics to Distract GOP Challengers" was reportedly observed on the counting floor.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ACLU Appendix with TCF Affidavits — Michigan Courts
- Recounting Election Night 2020: Trouble at TCF Center — Detroit PBS; see also TCF Timeline: The 2020 General Election in Detroit, https://drive.google.com/file/d/18f9PLY3IXUPJiMyStdNgMmAYGgjpBXZx/view?usp=drive_link | MC4EI
- Trump sues in 3 states, laying ground for contesting outcome — AP News
ElectionSource Battery-Removal Directive - Vendor-Directed Destruction of Configuration Data (MI)
Dominion subcontractor ElectionSource directed county clerks, including Oceana County, to allow ElectionSource staff to conduct "preventative maintenance" including removal of internal batteries - which resets machines to factory defaults, erasing server connection settings, configuration data, and logs critical to forensic analysis. Battery removal was not listed as a scheduled maintenance item in the state contract.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Preventative Maintenance? Yeah Right — letsfixstuff.org
- Michigan Attorneys Issue Cease and Desist Letter to Vendor ElectionSource — The Gateway Pundit
- NOTICE OF CONTRACT NO. between THE STATE OF MICHIGAN and Dominion Voting Systems — Michigan.gov
Antrim County Adjudication Log Deletion (MI)
Forensic examination by Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG) confirmed that all adjudication log entries for the 2020 election cycle were entirely absent from the Antrim County EMS - while logs from prior years using identical software remained intact. The ASOG report concluded the records were "manually removed" in violation of state law. The adjudication log is the primary record of manual ballot-reading overrides.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG) Antrim Michigan Forensics Report — US DOJ FOIA
- ASOG Antrim Michigan Forensics Report — Govinfo
- BREAKING: Antrim Co. Forensic Report — The Gateway Pundit
Attorney General/U.S. Attorney Failure to Respond to Election Fraud Referrals (MI)
On January 4, 2021, plaintiffs Leah Hoopes, Gregory Stenstrom, and co-petitioners sent certified letters to the Delaware County DA (Jack Stollsteimer), Pennsylvania AG (Josh Shapiro), and U.S. Attorney for EDPA (William McSwain) documenting specific alleged election-law violations and requesting evidence preservation. As of November 2021, none had charged any individual or substantively responded - despite the AG receiving federal referrals from McSwain as directed by AG Barr. (Note: This finding spans PA jurisdiction; see PA findings below.)
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Proof of massive election fraud - Governor Shapiro's Big Lie — Coalition for Election Integrity
- Stenstrom & Hoopes v. Delaware County Board of Elections Petition — US Supreme Court
- Response to MTD in Mancini et al v. Delaware County — Court Filing
Physical Destruction of Election Records - Delaware County (PA)
A whistleblower provided corroborating video evidence alleging that Delaware County election officials shredded thousands of ballots in November 2021, in a deliberate effort to destroy election records and obstruct ongoing litigation and FOIA investigations. Named witnesses Regina Miller, Thomas Gallagher, and James Ziegelhoffer are alleged to have physically torn election data and stated they "would have a campfire to burn the data" - explaining the records "wouldn't match the election results."
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
AG Barr's Direction to Route Fraud Referrals to Conflicted State AG (PA)
U.S. Attorney McSwain publicly disclosed via letter dated June 9, 2021, that AG William Barr directed him to pass all election-fraud reports to Pennsylvania AG Josh Shapiro - rather than investigate them independently - despite Shapiro having publicly stated before the election that he would "fight like hell" to ensure Pennsylvania went for Biden. This routing of federal fraud referrals to a structurally conflicted partisan official effectively neutralized the federal oversight mechanism in the most consequential battleground state.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Letter to President Trump — Donald J. Trump Website
- Trump Releases Letter From Ex-US Attorney Alleging Barr Pressured Him Not to Probe Voter Fraud Claims — The Epoch Times
- In letter to Trump, former U.S. attorney McSwain seeks backing for gubernatorial bid — PhillyVoice
Delaware County RTKL Responses Inconsistent with Internal Records; Allegheny County Denial (PA)
Delaware County's responses to Right-to-Know Law requests were incomplete, contained covered notations, and provided data inconsistent with what county records showed at the time of certification - with the RTKL response crafted after officials began "conspiring to determine how to respond" knowing "massive election fraud" had occurred. Separately, Allegheny County denied a 2024 RTKL request for 2020 election records, invoking an alternative statutory framework to insulate records from public scrutiny.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Mancini et al v. Delaware County Complaint — Court Filing
- Allegheny County v. Towne — Court Filing
Governor Evers Directed State Actors Not to Comply with Legislative Subpoenas (WI)
Governor Tony Evers issued instructions to Wisconsin governmental actors not to comply with the Wisconsin Legislature's validly issued investigative subpoenas - an extraordinary exercise of executive power to obstruct the legislative branch's constitutionally authorized investigative function. The Wisconsin Attorney General simultaneously filed suit to block the investigation and provided state legal resources to individuals resisting subpoenas.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dark Money Attorneys Provided to Government Employees to Enable Subpoena Non-Compliance (WI)
Free legal services - funded by dark money nonprofit organizations with documented ties to Democratic-aligned labor unions - were furnished to government employees specifically to enable their refusal to comply with legislative subpoenas, without those employees bearing the cost of noncompliance. The OSC characterized this as a coordinated effort.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just The News
- Law Forward defends Green Bay Mayor against subpoena — Law Forward
WEC Administrator Wolfe's False Statements to Assembly Committee (WI)
Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) Administrator Meagan Wolfe made at least three demonstrably false statements to the Assembly Committee on Campaigns and Elections: (1) that she did not know about CTCL grants to the Zuckerberg 5 cities; (2) that Wisconsin cities did not have access to statewide WisVote data; and (3) that no API existed into the WisVote or BadgerBooks system. Each statement was contradicted by primary documentary evidence.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel (Gableman) Report, pp. 15–16 (three false statements by WEC: CTCL grants, WisVote API access, BadgerBooks API — each contradicted by documentary evidence) — Just The News
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report (excerpts, pp. 11–16) — WisPolitics
- Wis. Stat. § 946.12(2) (misconduct in public office)
- Wis. Stat. § 19.35 (unlawful withholding of public records)
- Wis. Stat. § 946.31 (perjury if under oath).
Voting Machine Vendors Withheld Records Under Contractual Confidentiality Claims (WI)
Dominion Voting Systems, ESS, and other election technology vendors refused to comply with OSC legislative subpoenas, citing contractual confidentiality obligations. WEC Administrator Wolfe claimed private vendor contracts legally prohibited her from turning over public election records - a claim the OSC characterized as legally baseless. One voting machine vendor was documented as having "wiped" machine data during updates, destroying federally required voter data.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- OSC Second Interim Report — Just The News
- OSC Statement of Progress — WI Politics
CISA Co-Authored Security Documentation with Dominion During Active Litigation (US)
CISA co-authored a "Joint Security Guide" with Dominion Voting Systems that was distributed to Michigan county clerks in October 2020 - while Dominion equipment was simultaneously the subject of election integrity litigation and forensic audit requests. This collaboration presents a structural conflict of interest in which the federal agency nominally responsible for independent security assessment was partnered with the vendor whose systems were under investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- 2020 Election Security Guide — Mono County Elections (Dominion/CISA Guide)
- News Update Newsletters for 2020 — Michigan Secretary of State
Maricopa County Direction to Vendors Not to Cooperate with State Senate Audit (AZ)
Maricopa County officials directed their election system vendors - including Dominion Voting Systems - not to cooperate with the Arizona State Senate's legally authorized forensic audit, effectively weaponizing private contractor relationships to obstruct a duly issued legislative subpoena. This act extended obstruction beyond county officials to third parties, suppressing information that might have resolved questions about vote tabulation integrity.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Senate President Fann Letter to Maricopa Supervisors on Non-Compliance — The Gateway Pundit
- AZ Audit Director: Dominion Refuses Subpoena for Passwords — The Gateway Pundit
Exclusion and Removal of Poll Watchers at State Farm Arena (GA)
Election officials at State Farm Arena in Fulton County told Republican poll watchers and media to leave the facility for the night, citing a false representation that counting had concluded. Once observers departed, workers pulled suitcases of pre-staged ballots from under a table and continued counting them without any lawful observer present. This act of deceptive exclusion constitutes the elimination of statutory oversight through fraudulent pretense, functioning as coercion of the oversight process itself.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Fulton County Defiance of DOJ Subpoena (GA)
Fulton County defied a U.S. Department of Justice subpoena related to the 2020 election. Defiance of a federal subpoena in this context raises serious questions under 18 U.S.C. § 1505 (obstruction of proceedings before departments and agencies) and 18 U.S.C. § 1512 (witness/evidence tampering). This conduct signaled to other jurisdictions that federal process could be disregarded without consequence, thereby chilling the broader oversight mechanism.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- DOJ / Fulton County Ballot Seizure Timeline — Harmeet Dhillon Confirms Fulton County “Already Defied Requests” — Democracy Docket (Apr. 2026)
- 18 U.S.C. § 1505 (obstruction of proceedings before departments and agencies)
- 18 U.S.C. § 1512 (witness/evidence tampering)
- Coovert/Chamberlain SCOTUS Amicus Brief (documenting pattern of obstruction, evidence concealment, and refusal of oversight across 2020 election review proceedings) — U.S. Supreme Court
Deletion of Video Record of Public Intimidation from Board of Canvassers Meeting (MI)
Comments by Representative Aiyash and University of Michigan Vice President Ned Staebler were deleted from the publicly available video recording of the November 17, 2020 Wayne County Board of Canvassers meeting. The deletion of official public meeting recordings that documented the intimidation of a quasi-judicial officer during the exercise of her official duties constitutes potential spoliation of evidence and raises questions about obstruction of subsequent investigations.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Detroit Elections: Smoke and Mirrors (VIDEO) — [The Gateway Pundit](https://www.thegatewaypundit.com/2023/05/detroit-elections-smoke-and-mirrors-video/)
- See
- Democrat Wayne County Election Observer Threatened Two Republican Members — [The Gateway Pundit](https://www.thegatewaypundit.com/2020/11/democrat-wayne-county-board-member-canvassers-threatened-two-republican-members-refused-certify-ballots-video/)
Governor Evers' Instructions to Executive Agencies Not to Comply with Legislative Subpoenas (WI)
Governor Tony Evers issued instructions to governmental actors not to comply with the Wisconsin Legislature's election oversight investigation, potentially directing executive agency officials to withhold or refuse production of public records in response to valid legislative subpoenas. If any such instructions extended to destroying or concealing records, they could constitute obstruction of a governmental function. The convergence of gubernatorial non-compliance directives with the documented destruction of election records creates a pattern requiring investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel (Gableman) Report, pp. 43–44 (Governor Evers issued instructions to government employees not to comply with legislative investigation) — Just The News
- Wisconsin Gov. Evers Vetoes Election Integrity Bills — AP News
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report (excerpts pp. 11–16, documenting governor instructions and coordinated non-compliance)
- Wis. Stat. § 19.35 (public records access — potential violation if instructions extended to withholding records)
- Wis. Const. art. IV (separation of powers — gubernatorial obstruction of legislative oversight function).
Dark Money Organizations Providing Free Legal Services to Government Employees to Resist Legislative Subpoenas (WI)
Free legal services were provided by dark money nonprofit organizations - funded by Democrat- backed labor unions - to government employees specifically to resist OSC legislative subpoenas. This arrangement enabled individual government employees to refuse compliance with lawful subpoenas without bearing legal cost, constituting effective third-party subsidization of obstruction. If private organizations provided legal services as consideration for non-compliance with lawful subpoenas, this potentially constitutes conspiracy to obstruct a governmental proceeding.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Refusal to Allow Independent Forensic Examination of Maricopa County Equipment (AZ)
Despite a lawfully issued Arizona Senate subpoena, Maricopa County officials and the Board of Supervisors refused to comply fully with legislative oversight demands, delaying and circumscribing access to voting equipment and election management systems. The DOJ issued a letter to Arizona Senate Majority Leader Karen Fann attempting to curtail the state-Senate-authorized forensic audit, establishing a pattern of multi-actor obstruction by omission.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
EMS Internet Connectivity Alleged - Routers Withheld from Subpoena - Foreign Infiltration Alleged in Federal Court (AZ)
The Arizona Senate's court-authorized forensic audit subpoenas specifically sought access to the Maricopa County routers to investigate forensic claims that the Election Management System was connected to the internet during the election and was therefore vulnerable to foreign infiltration. Maricopa County refused to produce the routers, asserting they contained "sensitive law enforcement data" - an assertion subsequently questioned by investigators who observed that election systems and law enforcement systems should not share network infrastructure. Federal litigation, Bowyer v. Ducey, included sworn expert declarations alleging foreign agents compromised Dominion voting systems in Maricopa County. The Cyber Ninjas audit separately documented that the EMS server communicated with external IP addresses during the election period. The underlying forensic question - whether the routers were connected to any internet-accessible network - was never independently resolved because the routers were never produced for inspection. The combination of documented EMS-to-external-IP communications, withheld router logs, and the systematic overwriting of Windows Security event logs (documented in ERI.VT-001) means that no post-hoc forensic reconstruction of the network access landscape in Maricopa County during the November 2020 election is currently possible from surviving records.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Board Reaches Agreement With Senate Over Subpoenas — Maricopa County
- BREAKING: Arizona Senate Issues Two NEW Subpoenas Maricopa County — The Gateway Pundit
- County refuses Arizona Senate's subpoena in election audit — AP News
DOJ Leadership Ordered U.S. Attorney McSwain to Stand Down - Systematic Suppression of Federal Election Fraud Investigation During Certification Window (PA)
Evidence establishes that DOJ leadership - including AG William Barr, Deputy AG Jeffrey Rosen, and Deputy AG Richard Donoghue - coordinated to issue direct orders to U.S. Attorney William McSwain in Pennsylvania to stand down and halt investigations into systemic election fraud and foreign voting system vulnerabilities during the critical post-election certification period. McSwain subsequently documented this obstruction in a letter to President Trump, stating AG Barr had specifically directed him not to make any public statements or initiate any public actions regarding election fraud allegations before the election was certified. This stand-down order was issued concurrently with: (1) Delaware County officials physically destroying tabulator tapes and replacing V-drives; (2) Fulton County, PA's Dominion system having been independently found to have uncertified database tools and EMS changes made three weeks pre-election; and (3) the Pennsylvania Secretary of State subsequently decertifying Fulton County's machines - an act Fulton County litigated as unlawful retaliation for permitting the independent audit. Richard Pilger resigned as DOJ Election Crimes Branch Director on November 9, 2020 - the same day AG Barr issued his investigation authorization memo - with a resignation email documenting his objection to the policy. Fifteen District Election Officers simultaneously wrote Barr to resist the investigation mandate. The convergence of a DOJ stand-down order, concurrent evidence destruction, and punitive decertification creates a pattern of coordinated obstruction that forecloses characterization of any individual act as coincidental administrative error.
📍 Jurisdiction: Delaware County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- William McSwain Letter to President Trump (quoted) — Supreme Court Petition
- AG Bill Barr SHUT DOWN Investigations into Three Separate Election Fraud Investigations — The Gateway Pundit
- Barr shoots down former prosecutor's election-fraud claims — Politico
Jack Smith was Chief of the DOJ Public Integrity Section (PIN) (US)
The DOJ's Public Integrity Section (PIN) is the federal unit with supervisory jurisdiction over all election fraud investigations nationwide. Justice Manual § 9-85.000 requires that federal prosecutors and agents consult with PIN before opening any election-related matter or taking any overt investigative step — including interviewing witnesses, issuing grand jury subpoenas, or executing search warrants — thereby vesting in a single PIN official the functional authority to authorize or block substantive election investigations by FBI field offices and U.S. Attorney's Offices nationwide. This structure has been in place since 1980 and is codified in the Federal Prosecution of Election Offenses manual, now in its 8th edition (December 2017, edited by Richard C. Pilger, Director of the Election Crimes Branch). Jack Smith served as PIN Chief from 2010 to 2015, during which he administered and enforced this institutional framework. The manual itself was authored and edited by career Election Crimes Branch personnel across eight editions spanning more than four decades.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- U.S. Dep’t of Justice, Public Integrity Section (PIN) — official agency description (PIN “oversees the investigation and prosecution of all federal crimes affecting government integrity, including bribery of public officials, election crimes, and other related offenses”) — U.S. Department of Justice
- Jack Smith (lawyer) — Wikipedia (“In 2010, Smith returned to the United States to become chief of the U.S. Department of Justice’s Public Integrity Section (PIN)… He spent five years as chief of the section”) — Wikipedia; see also KUOW (“From 2010 to 2015, Smith served as the head of the DOJ’s public integrity unit”): https://www.kuow.org/stories/who-is-doj-special-counsel-jack-smith | KUOW
Special Master Word Games (AZ)
The Special Master report is remarkable in its lack of details. It appears that they are attempting to play the same word games in this report that are used by vendors to convince election officials that their systems are “air gapped”. The authors of the report appear to be focused upon assuaging the letter of the questions asked as opposed to assuaging the security concerns behind the questions. Without receiving answers to the recommended follow-up questions, I do not believe it is reasonable to conclude that there were no connections to the internet – public or private.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Maricopa County Word Games — LetsFixStuff.org — LetsFixStuff.org
Post-Election Voting Machine Forensic Audit was a Ruse (GA)
The Secretary of State’s post-election forensic audit was a ruse, if it was performed at all
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Obstruction of Investigation of Complaint SEB2023-025 (GA)
The Georgia Secretary of State, Attorney General, and the Secretary’s General Counsel have gone to extraordinary and unlawful lengths to prevent and obstruct proper investigation of SEB2023-025.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Georgia State Election Board (SEB) Case SEB2023-025 — “This Case Is Not Closed” — The Gateway Pundit
FEC FOIA Obstruction of Request for List of Data Sharing Agreements Between FEC and Other Organizations (US)
July 24, 2023 FOIA request for “copies of all Data Sharing Agreements between the Federal Elections Commission and other organizations” was denied on the basis of confidentiality. The statute cited did not apply. Multiple appeals yielded no resolution to request leading to conclusion that the release of the information would expose actors behind suspect financial management practices such as ActBlue. Individuals and organizations with limited financial resources are unable to pursue legal action necessary to security rights.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
DNI Protective Order on Dennis Montgomery Intelligence Assets
A 2007 State Secrets order put in place by Judge Philip M. Pro at the request of DNI Negroponte prevents the public release of any information pertaining to technology developed by Dennis Montgomery. This protective order has prevented Mike Lindell from using this information as evidence in support of his various election-related lawsuits.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Prosecutorial Threats Against Media ("Detroit Leaks")(MI)
Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel issued cease-and-desist threats to media outlets hosting the "Detroit Leaks" poll-worker training video, threatening potential criminal prosecution to force removal of content showing controversial instructions given to Detroit election workers regarding how to use COVID six foot rule to obstruct Republican poll challengers. The “six foot rule” was subsequently struct down by court order, but many poll workers had already been instructed in the unlawful rule. The suppression of a lawfully obtained video documenting official government training activities implicates both the First Amendment and 18 U.S.C. § 242.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- HUGE EXCLUSIVE: Michigan AG Dana Nessel Sends Cease and Desist Order to Journalist Demanding He Erase His #DetroitLeaks Video Showing Voter Fraud Training -- OR FACE CRIMINAL PROSECUTION — The Gateway Pundit
- Detroit Leaks video featuring election official instructing poll workers to obstruct viewing of poll challengers on the basis of 6 foot COVID rule (later dismissed by courts)
- Michigan attorney general sends cease and desist letter demanding website remove voter fraud allegation videos
- Michigan AG to right-wing website: Take down misleading videos — Detroit Free Press
Fulton County Decertification as Retaliation for Independent Audit (PA)
After Fulton County, PA commissioned an independent forensic review of its Dominion election systems - an act expressly authorized by state law - the Pennsylvania Secretary of the Commonwealth decertified Fulton County's voting machines. The stated basis was not any finding of fraud, but that the county had "permitted an independent inspection." Fulton County sued, characterizing the decertification as unlawful retaliation using state power to punish a county for exercising its audit rights.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- County of Fulton v. Secretary of the Commonwealth — PA Supreme Court
- Fulton County v. Dominion Complaint — Court Filing
- Acting Secretary Decertification Letter (quoted in AP article) — Official Government
Secretary of State Decertification of County Equipment Following Independent Audit - Retaliatory Denial of Access (PA)
Following Fulton County's independent forensic examination of its Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5 server - which revealed uncertified database tools, EMS changes three weeks before the election, and missed Logic and Accuracy inspections - the Pennsylvania Secretary of the Commonwealth decertified Fulton County's Dominion machines. The stated basis was not the substantive irregularities found, but that Fulton County had permitted a third-party independent consultant to inspect its equipment. Fulton County sued, arguing the decertification was retaliatory. The practical effect of the Secretary's action was to use regulatory authority to punish a county for exercising legitimate audit rights - thereby preserving the vendor's privileged access to election system information while suppressing independent governmental scrutiny of that access.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Erie USPS Whistleblower Richard Hopkins - Federal Agent Coercion to Recant (PA)
Following the election, Richard Hopkins, an Erie, Pennsylvania, U.S. Postal Service carrier who had signed a sworn affidavit alleging that supervisors directed him to collect and backdate late-arriving mail-in ballots to November 3, 2020, was aggressively interrogated by federal postal inspectors until he recanted his affidavit. The interrogation and recantation were captured in part on audio recording. The Washington Post published the recantation; Hopkins subsequently reaffirmed his original sworn account and stated he was pressured under duress. The EIP then weaponized the recantation as a "Jira ticket" censorship trigger to suppress broader discussion of ballot backdating allegations. If Hopkins was coerced through improper interrogation techniques to recant truthful sworn testimony, the interrogating agents potentially face exposure under 18 U.S.C. § 1512(b) (witness tampering through intimidation).
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Signed Affidavit From Erie USPS Whistleblower — The Gateway Pundit
- Project Veritas Recordings of Federal Agents Coercion — The Gateway Pundit
- House Oversight Letter on Coercive Interrogation — House Republicans
Bureau of Elections Directive Prohibiting Independent Forensic Review of Voting Equipment (MI)
Michigan Bureau of Elections Director Jonathan Brater issued a memorandum on August 4, 2021, threatening clerks with decertification of election equipment if they permitted any independent technical experts - including those retained by duly elected boards of canvassers - to examine voting systems. Simultaneously, the same vendor (ElectionSource) implicated in directing battery-removal from machines retained unrestricted access. This created an asymmetry in which vendor forensic access was protected while elected officials' independent review was criminalized.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Bureau of Elections Memorandum August 4, 2021 — Michigan Department of State
Trump Ally Roger Stone Targeted with Pre-Dawn SWAT-Style Raid (US)
Roger Stone was indicted in January 2019 on seven non-violent counts: obstruction of a congressional investigation, multiple false-statement counts, and witness tampering tied to the House inquiry into 2016 and WikiLeaks. He was later convicted on all counts by a jury and sentenced to 40 months in prison before having his sentence commuted. None of the charges involved violence, weapons, or ongoing danger to the public. Despite that, the FBI executed a pre-dawn raid at Stone’s home in Fort Lauderdale: • A substantial number of agents arrived in the dark wearing tactical gear, with long guns drawn, forming a perimeter around his house. • Video aired widely in real time because a major cable outlet had cameras positioned outside and captured agents shouting commands and taking Stone into custody at the front door. • Stone was an older, non-violent defendant with a fixed residence and, by his account and others, could easily have been instructed to surrender voluntarily through counsel. Members of Congress questioned whether this was justified. A senior Republican on the House Judiciary Committee formally asked the FBI director why such a level of force was used for a process-crime defendant, noting that these were not violent charges and asking whether the bureau applies a consistent standard in similar white-collar cases. The Trump White House later described the operation as a “public and shameful spectacle,” emphasizing the number of agents, tactical weapons, and specialized units involved for what they called an “unjust” prosecution.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Operation Arctic Frost - Grand Jury Subpoenas and Gag Orders Targeting Congressional Investigators (US)
The FBI and Special Counsel Jack Smith, through Operation Arctic Frost, issued 197 grand jury subpoenas under "Prohibited Access" file designations targeting over 430 Republican individuals such as Mike Lindell and entities - including sitting U.S. Senators and lawmakers who were conducting their own investigations of the 2020 election. Non-disclosure orders lasting up to one year prevented telecommunications companies from notifying targeted legislators that their communications were being seized - potentially obstructing the Speech or Debate Clause protections of the U.S. Constitution.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- NEW: Jack Smith Subpoenaed Records for Over 400 Republican Targets As Part of Arctic Frost — Senate Judiciary Committee
- Biden FBI Spied on Eight Republican Senators as Part of Arctic Frost Investigation, Grassley Oversight Reveals — Senate Judiciary Committee
- Jack Smith sought 197 subpoenas in Arctic Frost investigation — Washington Examiner
DOJ Letter to Arizona Senate Threatening to Halt State Legislative Audit (AZ)
The DOJ's Deputy Assistant Attorney General sent a letter to Arizona Senate Majority Leader Karen Fann attempting to prohibit the state Senate's forensic audit of Maricopa County election systems - characterizing state legislative oversight of a state election as a potential federal concern, and threatening federal intervention if the audit proceeded.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Letter to Arizona Senate President — DOJ Civil Rights Division
- \"If They Do Interfere I See a Big Problem with That\" - AZ Audit Director Ken Bennett Speaks to TGP's Jordan Conradson After Biden DOJ Threatens to Interfere in State Audit — The Gateway Pundit
- US Justice Department worried about Arizona Senate recount — AP News
DOJ Attempt to Halt Arizona Legislative Audit via Intimidation (AZ)
The U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division sent a letter to Arizona Senate Majority Leader Karen Fann attempting to halt the Maricopa County forensic audit. The DOJ warned that citizen canvassers conducting lawful voter registration verification could be construed as intimidating to minorities, weaponizing federal civil rights statutes to suppress a constitutionally authorized state legislative investigation. The letter was sent without statutory basis for such intervention and constituted an attempt to use federal authority to chill the legislature's oversight function.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Senate-County Settlement Requiring Legislature to Exonerate County Before Attorney General (AZ)
The settlement agreement between the Arizona State Senate and Maricopa County contained an extraordinary provision requiring Senate President Fann to send a letter to the Attorney General affirmatively stating that Maricopa County had "fully complied" and that "further action on his part is not warranted." This condition - effectively requiring the Legislature to preemptively immunize the County from further investigation as the price of cooperation - represents potential abuse of the settlement process to insulate officials from accountability.
📍 Jurisdiction: Maricopa County, Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Coercion of Wayne County Canvassers Through Racial Threats and Doxing (MI)
Wayne County Board of Canvassers Chair Monica Palmer and member William Hartmann voted on November 17, 2020 to withhold certification, citing that 71% of Detroit's Absentee Voter Counting Board precincts were mathematically out of balance. During the ensuing public comment period, elected officials publicly identified Palmer's home municipality, referenced her minor daughter by implication, and accused both canvassers of perpetuating racism - conduct legal commentators characterize as a coordinated intimidation campaign against quasi-judicial officers in the exercise of their official duties. State Representative Ibrahim Aiyash stated on camera: "Monica Palmer from Grosse Pointe Woods...are deciding to enable and continue to perpetuate the racist history of this country... I want you to think about what this means for your kids." Following this campaign, Palmer and Hartmann conditionally reversed their votes upon a promise of a full independent audit - a promise that was never honored.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Court of Appeals Opinion
- Woman Charged in Threats Against Election Official
- Abraham Aiyash Racist Diatribe and Doxxing Threat — The Gateway Pundit; see also https://rumble.com/v2lw3uc-racism-rant-by-mohamed-and-ned-stabler.html
Death Threats and Graphic Sexual Violence Threats Against Canvasser Palmer's Minor Daughter (MI)
On November 18, 2020, Monica Palmer received death threats via text message, including photographs of naked, mutilated bodies and images of her daughter. The sender, identified as 23- year-old college student Katelyn Jones, was subsequently arrested and charged. This conduct constitutes criminal threats under MCL § 750.543m and potentially interstate threat transmission under 18 U.S.C. § 875(c). The arrest and charging of Jones is an established fact; however, no investigation was conducted into whether the political actors who created the climate of intimidation bear any vicarious or conspiracy liability.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
FBI Interrogation of Citizen Canvasser Jacky Eubanks (MI)
Jacky Eubanks organized a grassroots canvassing effort in Macomb County to verify anomalies in voter roll data. After submitting her findings to the county clerk, her information was routed to the FBI, which subsequently interrogated her. This deployment of federal investigative resources against a private citizen engaged in constitutionally protected civic oversight - rather than against the irregularities she reported - operated as a powerful deterrent against citizen participation in election oversight functions.
📍 Jurisdiction: Macomb County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- AUDIT MICHIGAN: Jacky Eubanks Canvassing Efforts Raise Serious Questions — The Gateway Pundit
- Who Is Corrupting Our Voter Rolls? — LetsFixStuff.org
Threatening Directive Against Clerk Stephanie Scott for Seeking to Preserve Tabulators (MI)
Adams Township Clerk Stephanie Scott voiced concerns about the integrity of her voting tabulators. In response, Michigan Bureau of Elections Director Jonathan Brater sent a threatening official directive demanding she comply with state orders or face removal from office and legal action. She was subsequently stripped of her election oversight duties without due process. The use of state regulatory authority to threaten and remove a local official who sought to preserve election equipment is paradigmatic deprivation of rights under color of law.
📍 Jurisdiction: Adams Township, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Scott's Defense Cross-examines Michigan Election Bureau Director — The Hillsdalian
- Unintended Consequence: Hearing Targeting Township Clerk — MiFairElections
- After tabulator breaches, Michigan working to ensure vote system security — Bridge Michigan
Michigan State Rep. Cynthia Johnson "Soldiers" Video - Call to Action Against "Trumpers" (MI)
Michigan State Representative Cynthia Johnson (D) posted a public video on Facebook stating: "This is just a warning to you Trumpers. Be careful. Walk lightly. We ain't playing with you... And for those of you who are soldiers - you know how to do it. Do it right." No criminal charges were filed. Johnson was removed only from committee assignments. State authorities did not investigate this apparent solicitation of violence against political opponents despite simultaneously investigating private citizens for speech about election irregularities - a pattern of selective enforcement raising Equal Protection concerns.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- “Make Them Pay!" - Michigan Democrat Cynthia Johnson Issues Threat - Calls Out 'Soldiers' to Take Care of Trumpers (VIDEO) — The Gateway Pundit; see also https://rumble.com/v4nat70-mi-representative-cynthia-johnson-threatens-trump-supporters.html
- Michigan lawmaker disciplined for warning Trump backers — AP News
- Michigan lawmaker loses committee seats after suggesting violent protests during electoral vote — Washington Examiner"
USPS OIG Coercive Interrogation of Whistleblower Richard Hopkins - Alleged Forced Recantation (PA)
Erie, PA postal worker Richard Hopkins signed a sworn affidavit alleging that a supervisor ordered the backdating of late-arriving mail-in ballots to appear timely. Following his public disclosure, he was subjected to questioning by federal investigators (USPS OIG) in a manner that Hopkins and his counsel characterized as coercive, producing a heavily publicized - though Hopkins subsequently disputed - "recantation" of his whistleblower testimony. The interrogation itself, and the nature of the recantation, were not evaluated by any independent investigative body. A USPS OIG whistleblower interrogation used in a manner that produces a public recantation of sworn testimony - without any criminal charges against Hopkins for the alleged perjury - is facially consistent with witness pressure under 18 U.S.C. § 1512.
📍 Jurisdiction: Erie County, Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Project Veritas Releases Shocking Recordings of Federal Agents Trying to Intimidate USPS Whistleblower — The Gateway Pundit
- Signed Affidavit From Erie, Pennsylvania USPS Whistleblower Richard Hopkins — The Gateway Pundit
- USPS Pennsylvania whistleblower fights claims he recanted — Washington Examiner
Democratic State AGs' Coordinated Pressure on DOJ to Stand Down from Election-Fraud Investigations (PA)
On November 13, 2020 - ten days after the election - a coalition of Democratic state attorneys general, including Pennsylvania AG Shapiro, sent a coordinated letter to AG Barr protesting his November 9 memorandum authorizing pre-certification election-fraud inquiries and urging DOJ to abandon those inquiries. The letter asserted - prematurely - that "no plausible allegations of widespread misconduct have arisen," before county-level evidence had been developed. This coordinated use of official state authority to pressure the federal DOJ to cease election-fraud investigations constitutes potential interference with federal election-oversight functions.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- AG_sign_on_ltr_11_13_2020.pdf — Delaware Attorney General
- EXCLUSIVE: Before Transferring to DA Bragg's Office, Biden DOJ Bad Actor Matthew Colangelo Shut Down All Investigations into the 2020 Election Steal — The Gateway Pundit
- Attorney General James Calls on Attorney General Barr to Reverse New Policy Eroding Public Confidence in Election — New York Attorney General
Wisconsin AG Sues Own Legislature's Investigative Arm to Obstruct Election Oversight (WI)
Wisconsin Attorney General Josh Kaul filed suit in Dane County Circuit Court seeking a declaration that the Wisconsin Legislature's Office of the Special Counsel (OSC) lacked authority to conduct its election investigation. The AG also intervened in separate litigation on behalf of private individuals resisting legislative subpoenas, deploying state legal resources to defend private parties against constitutional legislative oversight - without documented authorization from the full WEC Commission at a properly noticed public meeting. The AG's suit was subsequently dismissed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin AG Josh Kaul filed suit in Dane County Circuit Court (Oct. 22, 2021) seeking to bar OSC Special Counsel Gableman from enforcing subpoenas issued to the Wisconsin Elections Commission in connection with the 2020 election review. See Kaul sues to bar Gableman from enforcing subpoenas (WisPolitics, Oct. 2021). The suit was subsequently dismissed.
- AG Kaul also intervened on behalf of private parties resisting legislative subpoenas, deploying state legal resources without documented authorization from the full WEC Commission at a properly noticed public meeting, as required by Wis. Stat. §§ 5.05(1e) and 5.05(5s)(a). See Gableman Report, pp. 4–5 and App. I. Report available at Gableman OSC Second Interim Investigative Report.
- The AG's suit was subsequently dismissed. Wis. Stat. §§ 5.05(1e) and 5.05(5s)(a) require a WEC majority vote at a properly noticed public meeting for official agency actions; the AG's intervention on behalf of subpoena resisters lacked documented compliance with these statutory prerequisites.
- Wis. Stat. §§ 5.05(1e) and 5.05(5s)(a) (WEC majority vote requirement for official actions). The AG's deployment of state resources without documented WEC majority-vote authorization is a pattern documented in the Gableman Report and consistent with the broader pattern of state executive authority being deployed to obstruct legislative election oversight functions.
Wisconsin AG Indictment of James Troupis - Threat of Life Imprisonment for Legal Counsel (WI)
The Wisconsin Attorney General indicted individuals involved in the alternate elector strategy, publicly announcing an intent to imprison former Dane County Circuit Judge James Troupis - who served as legal counsel advising the Trump campaign on election challenges - "for life" for his role as an attorney. This public statement, directed at a licensed attorney providing constitutionally protected legal representation in election-related matters, constitutes a public threat designed to deter legal professionals from accepting election-integrity cases.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Wisconsin Democrats Continue Their Endless Government Lawfare Attacks — The Gateway Pundit
- Wisconsin attorney general files felony charges against attorneys, aide who worked for Trump in 2020 — Associated Press
- Trump lawyers and aide get 10 more felony charges over Wisconsin fake electors — Washington Examiner
Ethics Complaints, Private Investigators and OSC Staff (WI)
[Established Fact - As to acts] The OSC documented that its investigative staff were subjected to frivolous ethics complaints, voluminous open-records requests designed to strain OSC resources, private investigators surveilling OSC staff's personal lives, and alleged hacks of OSC devices. The use of private investigators against legislative investigators conducting a constitutionally authorized election oversight function and potential cybersecurity attacks on OSC devices - if proven - constitute crimes under Wis. Stat. § 942.09 and federal computer fraud statutes (18 U.S.C. § 1030).
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Office of the Special Counsel Second Interim Investigative Report — Just The News
- Judge admonishes Michael Gableman's 2020 election review, bars ... — Milwaukee Journal Sentinel
Ethics Complaints, Private Investigators, and Alleged Device Hacking Against OSC Staff (WI)
[Disputed Fact - As to hacking attribution] The OSC documented that its investigative staff were subjected to frivolous ethics complaints, voluminous open-records requests designed to strain OSC resources, private investigators surveilling OSC staff's personal lives, and alleged hacks of OSC devices. The use of private investigators against legislative investigators conducting a constitutionally authorized election oversight function and potential cybersecurity attacks on OSC devices - if proven - constitute crimes under Wis. Stat. § 942.09 and federal computer fraud statutes (18 U.S.C. § 1030).
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- OSC documented frivolous ethics complaints, voluminous open-records requests as resource exhaustion tactics, and private investigators surveilling OSC investigative staff. Gableman Report, pp. 43–44. Report available at Gableman OSC Second Interim Investigative Report (Just the News).
- The alleged hacking of OSC devices was documented by OSC staff accounts and referenced in the Gableman Report. Attribution of device hacking to specific actors has not been adjudicated. See also American Oversight: Gableman Disciplinary Complaint (Nov. 2024) for broader OSC misconduct context.
- Wis. Stat. § 942.09 (unlawful use of recording devices) applies to the alleged unauthorized surveillance of OSC staff. Classification as Disputed Fact reflects that while the surveillance and harassment are documented, attribution of device hacking to specific actors has not been established through criminal prosecution or adjudicated findings.
- 18 U.S.C. § 1030 (Computer Fraud and Abuse Act) would apply to alleged unauthorized access to OSC devices, if attributed to identifiable actors. No criminal charges have been filed as of the date of this document. Classification as Disputed Fact reflects that hacking attribution remains unestablished in the public record.
DHS Terrorism Advisory Bulletin Classifying Election-Integrity Concerns as Terrorism Threat Driver (US)
On February 7, 2022, the Department of Homeland Security issued a Terrorism Advisory System Bulletin explicitly classifying "false or misleading narratives regarding unsubstantiated widespread election fraud" as a terrorism threat driver. This bulletin placed citizens raising election-integrity concerns in proximity to the category of national security threats, producing a significant chilling effect on protected political speech. The October 14, 2020 DHS Situational Awareness Bulletin similarly targeted election-integrity advocates rather than election fraud perpetrators.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
CISA Integration into Election Integrity Partnership to Flag and Suppress Domestic Election-Related Speech (US)
CISA coordinated with the Election Integrity Partnership (EIP) - a consortium including Stanford Internet Observatory, the University of Washington's Center for an Informed Public, and affiliated Partnership to Flag and Suppress Domestic Election- Related Speech (US) entities - to identify and flag social media content about alleged election irregularities for platform removal. The EIP's own published data indicated prominent conservatives' speech was targeted. CISA used disclaimers that implicitly threatened companies with intelligence and law enforcement (FBI) reprisal if they failed to comply with content removal requests. The House Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of Government published findings on this coordination on June 26, 2023, and November 6, 2023.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Chairmen Green, Bishop Uncover New Evidence of DHS, Big Tech Collaborating to Censor Americans — House Homeland Security Committee
- New Emails Show DHS Created Stanford University 'EIP' — The Gateway Pundit
- Final Report- ” Election Integrity Partnership — Election Integrity Partnership
Democrat lawmakers targeted DOGE staff with investigation requests (US)
Democratic lawmakers sent coordinated criminal‑exposure warnings, staff‑list demands, and investigation requests to ethics offices, DOJ, and OPM that uniquely targeted DOGE‑linked employees across multiple agencies in 2025. This constitutes an established pattern of unusually intense oversight aimed at one cohort of federal workers. Senators Blackburn, Cruz, Hawley, and Scott separately called on AG Bondi to unseal Arctic Frost grand jury non-disclosure order applications, documenting the coordinated use of federal investigative machinery against Republican-aligned individuals.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Democratic lawmakers conducted a coordinated oversight campaign uniquely targeting DOGE-affiliated federal employees in 2025, including criminal-exposure warnings to DOJ, OPM, and ethics offices and staff-list demands across multiple agencies. See ProPublica: Senators Ask DOJ to Probe DOGE Conflicts of Interest (May 2025); see also The Hill: Democrats Investigate DOGE Staff in Government Agencies (Aug. 2025).
Hart InterCivic Board Member Became DOJ Assistant AG, National Security Division - Conflict of Interest in Election Security Investigations (US)
[Reasonable Inference - Conflict-of-interest implications] Matthew Glen Olsen, who served as a board member of Hart InterCivic - the third-largest U.S. voting machine vendor - was appointed as Assistant Attorney General, National Security Division, Department of Justice, in November 2021. The National Security Division is the DOJ component responsible for, among other matters, counterintelligence investigations, foreign cyber intrusion cases, and foreign election interference - the precise categories of investigation most directly relevant to Hart InterCivic's election infrastructure. Whether Olsen recused himself from all matters potentially touching Hart InterCivic, voting machine security, or foreign interference in election systems during his tenure as AAG/NSD is an established question of fact that has not been publicly answered, and DOJ has not disclosed any recusal record. The structural conflict between Olsen's former board membership and his direct supervisory authority over the division responsible for election security investigations represents a systemic accountability failure.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Nominee Questionnaire — U.S. Senate
- Former Assistant Attorney General Matthew G. Olsen — U.S. Department of Justice
- OGE Form 278e Financial Disclosure via Biden's Basement — Inside Biden's Basement
DNI Ratcliffe Documented Career CIA Analysts Suppressed Chinese Election Interference Assessment - Violation of IRTPA Analytic Standard B (US)
On January 7, 2021, Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe issued a formal memorandum documenting that career CIA analysts had suppressed assessments of Chinese interference in the 2020 election on political grounds, expressing reluctance to have their analysis used to support administration policies with which they personally disagreed. Ratcliffe's memorandum states: "China analysts were hesitant to assess Chinese actions as undue influence or interference. These analysts appeared reluctant to have their analysis on China brought forward because they tend to disagree with the Administration's policies, saying in effect, 'I don't want our intelligence used to support those policies.'" This constitutes an established documented violation of IRTPA Section 1019, Analytic Standard B - the statutory requirement that intelligence assessments be produced independently of policy considerations. The substance of the suppressed assessments - what the CIA's China analysts actually found regarding Chinese operations against election supply chains, infrastructure, and voting systems - has never been publicly disclosed.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Views on Intelligence Community Election Security Analysis — Washington Post Document
- DNI Ratcliffe Releases Report Showing China Interfered with the 2020 Election — The Gateway Pundit
- China Sought to Influence 2020 US Election — Epoch Times
DOJ Routing of Election Fraud Complaints to Conflicted Pennsylvania AG - De Facto Judicial/Prosecutorial Nullification (PA)
Acting AG William Barr directed U.S. Attorney William McSwain to route all Pennsylvania election fraud reports to Pennsylvania AG Josh Shapiro rather than to federal investigators. Shapiro had publicly stated before the election that he intended to "fight like hell" to ensure Pennsylvania went for Biden; had appeared in campaign advertising; and was an elected Democrat with a direct stake in the outcome of any investigation. By routing federal election fraud referrals to a conflicted state official, the DOJ's oversight mechanism was functionally nullified, ensuring that no independent prosecutorial review of election fraud claims occurred. No Pennsylvania election official was charged with any crime despite certified mail notices of specific alleged violations sent in January 2021.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- McSwain Letter to Trump (via Politico) — Politico
- AG Bill Barr Shut Down Investigations (Jeff Clark testimony) — The Gateway Pundit
- Trump puts spotlight on ex-prosecutor (mentions letter) — Reuters
AG Barr's Re-Routing of PA Election Fraud Reports to Conflicted AG - Structural Suppression (PA)
AG William Barr instructed U.S. Attorney William McSwain (E.D. Pa.) to route all Pennsylvania election fraud allegations to Pennsylvania AG Josh Shapiro rather than investigate them independently. McSwain publicly disclosed this instruction in a June 9, 2021 letter. Shapiro was an elected Democrat who had appeared in campaign advertising during the 2020 election, publicly stated he would "fight like hell to ensure Pennsylvania went for Biden," and whose office was actively involved in election litigation on behalf of the Commonwealth. The net effect was that federal election-fraud oversight in Pennsylvania - including allegations of attorney misconduct by election officials - was funneled to a structurally conflicted official who had no incentive to pursue them. This structural routing decision foreclosed independent legal recourse for election integrity counsel in Pennsylvania.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- McSwain Letter to Trump (quoted) — Politico
- Supreme Court Petition Appendix F: McSwain’s Letter — Supreme Court of the United States
- Trump Releases Letter From Ex-US Attorney — Epoch Times
DOJ/Election Crimes Branch Institutional Resistance to AG Barr's Post- Election Investigation Directive (US)
DOJ Election Crimes Branch Director Richard Pilger resigned on November 9, 2020 - the same day AG Barr authorized U.S. Attorneys to investigate substantial allegations of election irregularities prior to certification. Fifteen District Election Officers (DEOs) subsequently wrote to AG Barr urging rescission of his memorandum, asserting no substantial allegations existed in their individual jurisdictions - a claim explicitly noted as limited to their districts, none of whom had been consulted before the policy change.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Head Of DOJ's Election Crimes Unit Steps Down After Barr OKs Election Inquiries — NPR
- Barr Hands Prosecutors the Authority to Investigate Voter Fraud Claims — New York Times
- Head Of DOJ's Election Crimes Unit Steps Down After Barr OKs Election Inquiries | NPR (fifteen District Election Officers wrote to AG Barr urging rescission of the Nov. 9 memo; Pilger's resignation and DEO resistance contemporaneously documented)
AG Barr's Routing of Pennsylvania Election-Fraud Complaints to Conflicted AG Shapiro (PA)
U.S. Attorney William McSwain disclosed in a June 9, 2021 letter that Attorney General Barr had instructed him to pass all Pennsylvania election-fraud reports to Pennsylvania AG Josh Shapiro - rather than investigate them independently - despite Shapiro having publicly stated before the election that he would "fight like hell" to ensure Pennsylvania went for Biden and having been actively engaged in election-related litigation on Biden's behalf. Routing federal election-fraud referrals to a structural partisan adversary with a documented stake in the election outcome rendered the federal oversight mechanism functionally inoperative in Pennsylvania.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- William McSwain Letter to Trump (via Politico) — Politico
- William McSwain Letter to Trump (via PhillyVoice) — PhillyVoice
- Barr on McSwain Directive (Philadelphia Inquirer) — Philadelphia Inquirer
Failure to Preserve Drop Box Surveillance Video (AZ)
Election officials in Yuma and Maricopa Counties willfully neglected their duty to maintain and provide adequate video surveillance of absentee ballot drop boxes. Surveillance video from Yuma County was unavailable, shielding potential ballot trafficking from forensic scrutiny and constituting an apparent violation of federal 22-month record-retention mandates.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Yuma County Sheriff Announces 2020 Voter Fraud Investigations | CBN News (Yuma County Sheriff Office announced investigation of ballot drop box activity following 2020 general election; surveillance footage from Yuma County was cited as unavailable for review by election investigators)
- "2000 Mules" Group Ignored Arizona AG Requests For Evidence | Axios (True the Vote, which claimed to have identified ballot trafficking activity in Yuma and Maricopa Counties using geolocation data, declined to furnish supporting evidence or data to the Arizona Attorney General's office)
- 52 U.S.C. § 20701 requires election officials to retain and preserve for 22 months all records relating to federal elections, including surveillance records associated with ballot drop boxes classified as election infrastructure; failure to preserve constitutes a federal violation.
- 52 U.S.C. § 20701 (22-month federal record-preservation requirement applicable to surveillance footage of drop boxes as election records).
Neglect of Chain-of-Custody Violations in DeKalb County (GA)
State and county election officials willfully neglected to investigate or disqualify 43,907 absentee ballots deposited in DeKalb County drop boxes that were counted in the certified results despite clear violations of the Georgia State Election Board's chain-of-custody documentation rules. No official investigation was initiated and the ballots were included in the final certified count.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- BREAKING: 43,000 Dekalb County, Georgia Absentee Ballots Violated Chain of Custody Rule — [The Gateway Pundit]
- GA County's Records Show 43K Absentee Ballot Transfer Forms Have Incomplete or Late Information — [Breitbart]
- Georgia opens probe into drop box ballots, chain of custody in large Democrat county — [Just The News]
Secretary of State Raffensperger's Failure to Act on Senate Subcommittee Findings (GA)
The Georgia Senate Subcommittee on Elections, chaired by Sen. William Ligon, issued a formal December 17, 2020 report concluding the election "should not be certified" due to systemic fraud and irregularities (Finding No. 9). Secretary Raffensperger received these findings and took no corrective action. When asked what the Secretary did with the subcommittee's report, Sen. Ligon responded: "He did nothing." The report was also withheld from Congress in the Secretary's January 6, 2021 Congressional letter.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Report of the Election Law Study Subcommittee of the Standing Senate Judiciary Committee — Georgia Senate Legislative Report
- BcCc Amicus Document — U.S. Supreme Court Filing
SOS Post-Election Machine Audit Was a "Ruse" - Five of Six Counties Confirm No Audit Occurred (GA)
Secretary Raffensperger publicly claimed that a post-election forensic audit of voting machines had been conducted in six counties. Five of those six counties responded in writing confirming that no such audit had taken place. The sixth county did not respond. Rather than correcting the record, the Secretary allowed the public representation to stand, depriving the public and Congress of accurate information about the state of post-election verification.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Georgia State Election Board Amicus Brief — US Supreme Court
- Smoke and Mirrors: New Evidence Suggests That NO Audit was Conducted — The Gateway Pundit
State Election Board Referral to AG Ignored - Fulton County Uncertified Tabulator Returns (GA)
Fulton County conceded before the State Election Board (SEB2022-015) that all 148 advance voting tabulator official returns - representing approximately 316,000-320,000 ballots - were never certified. The SEB voted to refer this matter to both the Georgia Attorney General and the U.S. Department of Justice. No prosecution was initiated and no corrective action to the certified election results was taken.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- (VIDEO) Fulton County Admits 315K Early Ballots were ILLEGALLY CERTIFIED WITHOUT SIGNED TAPE — The Gateway Pundit
- State Election Board raises more questions about tabulation tapes — Mountain Country Radio
- 315,000 Georgia Votes Lacked Certifying Signatures in 2020 Election, Records Show — Washington Stand
Law Enforcement Refusal to Enforce Election Law at TCF Center (MI)
Despite witnessing Department of Elections officials systematically denying credentialed Republican poll challengers access to observe ballot processing at the TCF Center in Detroit, law enforcement officers stationed on the floor willfully failed to enforce MCL § 168.733, which expressly guarantees the right of credentialed challengers to observe all aspects of absentee ballot counting. Windows were covered with pizza boxes and cardboard at the direction of Democrat-aligned operatives; police took no enforcement action.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- King v. Whitmer Opinion — Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals
- BREAKING: Detroit Officials Are NOW BLOCKING GOP POLL WATCHERS — The Gateway Pundit
Secretary of State Benson's Failure to Honor Audit Commitment to Wayne County Canvassers (MI)
Canvassers Monica Palmer and William Hartmann conditionally changed their certification votes to "yes" on November 17, 2020, only after receiving a sworn promise from fellow Canvasser Jonathon Kinloch that a full independent audit would be conducted. Secretary Benson publicly stated the audit agreement was "not binding upon her" and took no steps to honor or substitute it. The promised audit was never performed.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- William C. Hartmann Sworn Affidavit — Just The News
- Monica Palmer and William Hartmann Affidavits Confirming Conditional Certification — LetsFixStuff.org
- Michigan GOP backtracks after blocking vote certification — AP News
Bureau of Elections Director's Directive to Destroy Federal Election Records (MI)
Michigan Bureau of Elections Director Jonathan Brater issued a February 12, 2021 memorandum directing county clerks to delete electronic pollbook software and associated files - records required to be preserved for 22 months under 52 U.S.C. § 20702. The directive was issued less than four months after the election, before the mandatory retention period expired. No law enforcement agency investigated the directive or charged any responsible official.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Letters to Adams Township Clerk — Official Michigan SOS
- Hillsdale County Circuit Court transcript (Michigan House Committee Testimony reference); original URL in source document was truncated and cannot be verified through public archive.
- 52 U.S.C. § 20701 and 52 U.S.C. § 20702 establish a 22-month federal retention requirement for all records related to federal elections; electronic pollbook software and associated files fall within this requirement. The Bureau of Elections deletion directive was issued less than four months after the 2020 general election, well within the mandatory retention window.
AG Nessel Investigation of Election Integrity Advocates While Ignoring Documented Fraud Evidence (MI)
Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel, in coordination with the Michigan State Police, launched investigations against private citizens who had submitted sworn testimony to legislative committees about election irregularities. Simultaneously, Nessel's office received no referral to independently investigate the documented record destruction, illegal pollbook deletion, or TCF Center access violations. The Senate Oversight Committee affirmatively recommended she investigate election integrity advocates - not the underlying anomalies.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- AG Nessel Charges Attorney Stefanie Lambert and Former Adams Township Clerk Scott — Michigan AG Office
- Complete Corruption: Michigan's Far-Left Atty General Dana Nessel Accused of Illegal Prosecution — The Gateway Pundit
- Michigan Election Fraud Evidence – Lets Fix Stuff — LetsFixStuff.org
Certification Despite Massive Voter-System Discrepancy in SURE System (PA)
The Pennsylvania Department of State, under Secretary Kathy Boockvar, certified the 2020 election on November 24, 2020, while its own SURE (Statewide Uniform Registry of Electors) system showed 6,760,230 total voters recorded as voting, against a certified total of 6,915,283 votes - a discrepancy of 155,053. Additionally, Delaware County was certified despite 244 of 428 precincts lacking legally required Return Sheet documentation. Boockvar certified without reconciling either discrepancy.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- PA Lawmakers: Numbers Don't Add Up, Certification Premature — PA House GOP
- Pennsylvania Certified Results Found in Error — The Gateway Pundit
- Pennsylvania certifies election results — Philadelphia Inquirer
Three Law Enforcement Agencies Refused to Act on Certified Evidence of Record Destruction (PA)
On January 4, 2021, election integrity plaintiffs Leah Hoopes and Gregory Stenstrom sent certified letters to (1) Delaware County DA Jack Stollsteimer, (2) Pennsylvania AG Josh Shapiro, and (3) U.S. Attorney William McSwain, detailing specific election-law violations and requesting preservation of evidence. As of November 2021 - more than ten months later - none of the three had filed charges or substantively responded. The alleged evidence destruction continued in the interim.
📍 Jurisdiction: Pennsylvania, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
How Federal Law Enforcement Turned a Blind Eye to Extremist Intelligence Before and After January 6 (US)
A bombshell December 2024 report by the Justice Department's Office of Inspector General confirmed that the FBI failed to take the "basic step" of canvassing its 56 field offices for pre-existing intelligence before January 6, 2021 — a failure FBI Deputy Director Paul Abbate himself admitted was "a basic step that was missed." A bipartisan Senate investigation released in June 2023 found that the FBI and DHS had downplayed or ignored "a massive amount of intelligence information" in the weeks leading up to January 6, including explicit online threats to "literally kill people" and storm the Capitol — yet failed to elevate or share this intelligence with frontline law enforcement partners.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- DOJ Office of Inspector General, "A Review of the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Handling of Its Confidential Human Sources and Intelligence Collection Efforts in the Lead Up to the January 6, 2021 Electoral Certification" (December 2024)
- U.S. Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, Chairman Gary Peters (D-MI), "Peters Report Finds Significant Intelligence Failures by FBI and DHS in Lead-Up to January 6th Capitol Attack" (June 26, 2023)
WEC Directives Violating State Nursing Home Absentee Voting Law - No Prosecution (WI)
The Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) willfully neglected its duty to enforce state statutes governing absentee voting in nursing homes, instead issuing directives that bypassed the statutory requirement for Special Voting Deputies (SVDs). A subsequent investigation by the Racine County Sheriff determined these directives violated Wisconsin law and formally filed charges with the county prosecutor. The county prosecutor declined to act.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Racine Co. Sheriff claims WEC decision is to blame for voter fraud in nursing homes — TMJ4 News
- REPORT: Could Wisconsin Be The FIRST State To DECERTIFY The Fraudulent 2020 Election After Yesterday's Explosive Report? — The Gateway Pundit
- Racine County sheriff accuses Wisconsin Elections Commission of breaking election law in nursing homes — Milwaukee Journal Sentinel
City of Madison and Five Wisconsin Cities Refused WEC Oversight of CTCL Operations (WI)
The Cities of Madison, Milwaukee, Green Bay, Racine, and Kenosha accepted CTCL ("Zuckerbucks") grants and embedded private personnel in government election operations without authorization from statutorily responsible officers. WEC, which had the authority and duty to investigate and correct this privatization of government election functions, took no action despite documented violations of the requirement that election administration remain a governmental function.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- The Wisconsin "Zuckerbucks" Problem — Foundation for Government Accountability
- WEC Dismissal Letter on CTCL Grants — Wisconsin Elections Commission
- Breaking Exclusive: Election Investigators Subpoena WI Cities on CTCL — The Gateway Pundit
DOJ/FBI Abdication of Investigative Duty on Multi-State Election Fraud Allegations (US)
Senior DOJ leadership, including former AG William Barr and Acting Deputy AG Richard Donoghue, willfully neglected to conduct comprehensive forensic investigations into credible, multi-state election fraud allegations. Barr publicly dismissed the allegations as "bulls-t" before forensic audits could be conducted and refused to utilize federal authority to secure voting machines as evidence. DOJ simultaneously maintained a longstanding pre-certification investigation prohibition that functionally prevented any federal inquiry from developing evidentiary predicate before the election was certified.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- William McSwain Letter to President Trump, June 9, 2021 | DonaldJTrump.com (primary) (McSwain explicitly states AG Barr instructed him to pass Pennsylvania election-fraud reports to AG Shapiro rather than investigate them independently through federal channels)
- Disputing Trump, Barr Says No Widespread Election Fraud | AP News, December 1, 2020 (AG Barr publicly stated "to date, we have not seen fraud on a scale that could have effected a different outcome in the election"; Barr separately told Trump in a December 1 meeting that claims were "bulls--t")
- Head Of DOJ's Election Crimes Unit Steps Down After Barr OKs Election Inquiries | NPR (DOJ and FBI conducted dozens of investigations into specific fraud allegations following Barr's Nov. 9, 2020 memo authorizing pre-certification investigations; the Department's longstanding policy had prohibited such investigations before certification)
- Barr AP Interview, December 1, 2020 | AP News (the "willful neglect" characterization in this row is a reasonable inference; Barr publicly confirmed no comprehensive forensic audit of voting systems was conducted prior to his Dec. 1, 2020 public statement dismissing fraud allegations)
CISA "Most Secure Election" Declaration Issued Without Forensic Audit (US)
CISA Director Christopher Krebs declared the 2020 election "the most secure in American history" without conducting or commissioning a forensic audit of the election systems CISA's own July 2020 pre-election report had identified as vulnerable - including voter registration databases, ballot programming systems, vote aggregation systems, and election websites. This declaration was used to preemptively delegitimize post-election scrutiny and was disseminated as an official government assessment.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Joint Statement from Elections Infrastructure Government Coordinating Council & Election Infrastructure Sector Coordinating Council — Official Government Document
- Testimony of Chris Krebs — Senate Hearing Transcript
MI AG refused to investigate Dominion CEO perjury allegations (MI)
On April 17, 2024, a 51-page criminal complaint against Dominion CEO John Poulos for perjury was filed with the MI Attorney General. On April 23, 2024, the MI AG responded to Rep. Jim DeSana that it had conducted a "thorough review" of the 51-page complaint and concluded that a criminal investigation was not warranted. Subsequent FOIA requests revealed that the "thorough review" was not documented in any report nor was it indicated by communications within the AG office.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
MI Secretary of the Senate refused to investigate Dominion CEO perjury allegations (MI)
On April 17, 2024, a 51-page criminal complaint against Dominion CEO John Poulos for perjury was filed with the MI Secretary of the Senate. On April 24, 2024, the MI Secretary of the Senate responded that it did not have the authority to punish a witness for contempt in spite of clear authority to do so per MCL 4.82 and Senate Rule 2.102.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- April 17, 2024 call for Investigation of Dominion CEO John Poulos by MI Secretary of the Senate
- April 24, 2024 letter from MI Secretary of the Senate to Rep. Jim DeSana
- Criminal Complaint Against Dominion CEO John Poulos for Perjury
- Response to MI Secretary of Senate
- December 15, 2020 MI Senate Oversight Committee Testimony by Dominion CEO John Poulos Under Oath
MSP refused to investigate Dominion CEO perjury allegations (MI)
On April 17, 2024, a 51-page criminal complaint against Dominion CEO John Poulos for perjury was filed with the MI State Police. In a phone call with the detective assigned to review the complaint, the detective stated that it would be futile to investigate since the MI AG had already indicated that it would not pursue an investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
MI House Republican Caucus Chief Counsel, Hassan Beydoun, assumes position with Democrat Mayor Mike Duggan after Joe Biden inauguration (MI)
Hassan Beydoun served as General Counsel to the Michigan House of Representatives from January 2013 through September 20, 2021 — a tenure of approximately eight years during which he reported to and advised five consecutive Republican House Speakers. He departed that post and assumed the role of Senior Adviser and Counsel to Detroit Mayor Mike Duggan, a Democrat, beginning September 20, 2021 — approximately eight months after President Biden's inauguration on January 20, 2021, and approximately ten months after the conclusion of the disputed 2020 general election. The transition raises a constellation of ethical concerns across four distinct but interrelated domains: (1) the revolving door from legislative service to a politically opposed employer, with attendant confidentiality and privilege concerns; (2) the specific allegation that Beydoun, while in a position of trust with House Republicans, passively or actively failed to provide aggressive legal options for challenging or investigating the 2020 election — potentially to the benefit of Democratic officeholders; (3) the timing of his departure relative to the window in which legislative action on the 2020 election remained legally viable; and (4) the broader pattern of counsel departures from Michigan Republican legislative offices to Democratic administrations during the same period.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Trump Supporters Pressured City Clerk | Governing Magazine, December 2022 (confirms Amber McCann as Nessel spokeswoman; Hassan Beydoun served as General Counsel to Republican House leadership before departing for a role in Mayor Mike Duggan's administration — a position transition consistent with the conflict-of-interest concern noted in this row; no independent primary-source URL was located for Beydoun's specific employment dates)
MI Republican State Board of Canvassers member Aaron van Langewelde assumes position with Democrat AG Dana Nessel after certifying the 2020 election results (MI)
Van Langevelde joined the Michigan Department of Attorney General as a senior attorney in February 2023. Aaron Van Langevelde served simultaneously in two relevant official capacities at the time of the November 23, 2020 certification vote: (1) as the Republican Vice-Chair of the Michigan Board of State Canvassers, having been nominated to that position by the Republican Party; and (2) as Deputy Legal Counsel and Policy Adviser in the Michigan House Republican Policy Office, a position he held from 2015 to 2023 per LegiStorm records — and a position he assumed directly from Hassan Beydoun when Beydoun departed for the Duggan administration in September 2021.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- GOP Spokesperson Leaves For Job In Michigan AG Office | WCMU Michigan Public Radio, February 2021 (confirms pattern of Republican state officials departing for positions in Democratic AG Nessel's office; Van Langevelde joined the Michigan Department of Attorney General as a senior attorney in early 2023 — no primary MI AG press release URL was located for Van Langevelde specifically; his role as Republican Board of Canvassers Vice-Chair casting the deciding certification vote is documented in contemporaneous news reporting)
MI Senate Republican senior advisor Amber McCann assumes position with Democrat AG Dana Nessel after Joe Biden inauguration (MI)
Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel announced the appointment of Amber McCann as special projects director in the Office of Public Information & Education. State of Michigan McCann would report directly to Nessel's communications director, Kelly Rossman-McKinney. Rossman-McKinney, under whom McCann will work, is a former Democratic candidate for the state Senate. At the time of her departure, McCann held the positions of deputy chief of staff and press secretary to Senate Majority Leader Mike Shirkey, placing her at the pinnacle of the Senate Republican leadership hierarchy. McCann previously served as deputy chief of staff in the Senate Majority Leader's Office for more than a decade. During that time, she was a member of senior staff teams for Senate Majority Leaders Mike Bishop, Randy Richardville, Arlan Meekhof and current Senate Majority Leader Mike Shirkey.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- AG Nessel Announces Amber McCann As Special Projects Director | Michigan.gov, March 8, 2021; GOP Spokesperson Leaves For Job In Michigan AG Office | WCMU Michigan Public Radio, February 22, 2021
Intelligence Community hid that Chinese government manufactured and imported fake Drivers' Licenses for election use (US)
The FBI intelligence reporting, subsequently declassified by FBI Director Kash Patel in June 2025, alleged that the Chinese government was manufacturing and importing fake Driver’s Licenses into the United States for election use. According to the declassified FBI intelligence report, these fraudulent licenses were intended for Chinese nationals and Communist Party sympathizers residing in the United States, who would use them to request and cast mail-in ballots for Biden. Four months before the election, in July 2020, US Customs and Border Protection seized 19,888 Driver Licenses at O’Hare International Airport. The barcodes on the Michigan licenses actually worked. Hmm? CBP never disclosed that these ID’s were for an election plot.
📍 Jurisdiction: Foreign, China
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Alleged Chinese Scheme To Influence 2020 Election Being Probed By FBI, Senate | Fox News, June 17, 2025 (FBI Director Kash Patel declassified documents alleging CCP manufactured fake U.S. driver's licenses in late August 2020 for use in fraudulent mail-in ballots; the FBI intelligence report was recalled Sept. 25, 2020, one day after Director Wray testified there was no coordinated national voter fraud)
- FBI Intelligence Links China To Alleged Interference In 2020 Election | Washington Times, June 17, 2025 (CBP seized 19,888 counterfeit U.S. driver's licenses at O'Hare International Airport, January-June 2020, majority from China and Hong Kong; declassified FBI document notes the report was "not finally evaluated intelligence" and was a "collaborative source with indirect access, none of whose reporting has been corroborated")
- FBI Reveals Report On Alleged Chinese Plot With Fake U.S. Driver's Licenses | KATU News, June 17, 2025
No Reconciliation or Canvass in Violation of Georgia Law (GA)
The basis to ensure one person, one vote, is to compare the number of voter check-ins to the number of ballots cast. There was no such accounting for Georgia’s 2020 General Election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Georgia Code § 21-2-493(b) | Justia Law (Computation, canvassing, and tabulation of returns; reconciliation requirement); Georgia Investigation Finds Errors In Fulton County Audit Of 2020 Election | Atlanta Journal-Constitution, July 2023
Fulton County Created Daily Recap Sheets After the Election, Not During the Election as Required by Georgia Law (GA)
Georgia law requires poll managers to contemporaneously maintain a daily log for each electronic device used at each polling location called a daily recap sheet. Fulton County failed to maintain these logs and produced them after the election.
📍 Jurisdiction: Fulton County, Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Georgia Code § 21-2-379.11(d) | Justia Law (poll manager required to complete and sign ballot recap form upon closing each electronic device); Georgia Investigation Finds Errors In Fulton County Audit Of 2020 Election | Atlanta Journal-Constitution, July 2023
MI Senate Oversight Committee Issued Report on 2020 Election Without Reviewing Subpoenaed Records (MI)
During September 8, 2021 Livonia City Council meeting it was revealed that the MI House and Senate Oversight Committees never took possession of the election records they subpoenaed on December 15–16, 2020 from the City of Livonia. The records included an extensive list of physical and digital records. Despite not having looked at the requested records, on June 23, 2021 the committee released its report on the 2020 election that concluded “The Committee can confidently assert that it has been thorough in examination of numerous allegations of unlawful actions, improper procedures, fraud, vote theft, or any other description which would cause citizens to doubt the integrity of Michigan’s 2020 election results. Our clear finding is that citizens should be confident the results represent the true results of the ballots cast by the people of Michigan.” This conclusion was cited repeatedly in legal actions taken against election integrity advocates and their legal counsel.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- December 20, 2020 Subpoena issued by MI Senate and MI House Oversight Committees
- MI Senate Oversight Committee Report on the 2020 Election
- Michigan Lawmakers Issue Subpoenas To Detroit, Livonia City Clerks | ClickOnDetroit / WDIV, December 16, 2020 (confirms subpoenas issued Dec. 15-16, 2020 to Livonia City Clerk Susan Nash and Detroit City Clerk Janice Winfrey; records were to be produced by Jan. 12, 2021; the Governing Magazine report (Dec. 2022) documents that Livonia records and equipment were not transferred to Committee possession)
State AG Civil Investigative Demands — Available Without Federal Grand Jury Process (US)
State attorneys general in Pennsylvania, Georgia, Michigan, Arizona, Wisconsin, and Nevada may issue civil investigative demands (CIDs) to ActBlue for state-election-related contribution data under state consumer protection and election law authority, independent of federal grand jury process.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- State consumer protection statutes (e.g., Mich. Comp. Laws § 445.1505
- Ga. Code Ann. § 10-1-399
- Pa. Stat. Ann. tit. 73, § 201-4)
Judge Linda V Parker Biased Promotion of Voter Registration at Naturalization Ceremonies (MI)
During a December 15, 2020 naturalization ceremony at the Federal Courthouse in Detroit presided over by the USCIS, Judge Linda V Parker engaged in an openly partisan immigration ceremony quoting repeatedly from President Barack Obama and yielding the podium to voter registration activists from partisan NGO’s masquerading as non-partisan including the League of Women Voters, Fems for Democracy, and Promise for Change. These voter registration activities in a federal facility generated privileged new voter contact information for Democrats in direct violation of EO 14248 and the subsequent USCIS Policy Alert PA-2025-21.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Judge Linda V. Parker delivering U.S. citizenship oath on December 15, 2025
- Federal Judge Imposes Sanctions On Sidney Powell, Lin Wood And Other Pro-Trump Lawyers | Politico, August 25, 2021; King v. Whitmer | Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals Opinion
Courts Assert That MI Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson Issued Unlawful Guidance to Election Officials (MI)
Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson has expressed contempt for her oath of office. She was found to have issued unlawful guidance to election officials in at least seven court decisions pertaining to signature verification, COVID rules, constitutional rights, and poll challenger observation. Furthermore, her own legal counsel asserted before the MI Court of Appeals that Benson only follows the laws that she agrees with and that anyone taking issue with that approach should just sue her.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Five Courts Have Concluded That MI SoS Jocelyn Benson Conducts Unlawful Elections | LetsFixStuff.org, September 2023 (summarizes court decisions finding Benson issued unlawful guidance on signature verification, COVID rules, constitutional rights, and poll challenger observation; X Article by Patrick Colbeck indicates seven decisions
- October 3, 2023 testimony of MI SoS Benson attorney Heather Meingast before MI Court of Appeals in O’Halloran v Benson case
Failure to Conduct CFIUS Investigation into US Election Patent Owned by Swiss Company (US)
U.S. taxpayer money, routed through an unusual NIH procurement vehicle, funded the development of internet voting technology that was then patented by a Swiss-incorporated global corporation, repurposed for foreign government clients, combined with AI behavioral influence tools linked to foreign election campaigns, and embedded into the infrastructure of U.S. national security oversight bodies. No public congressional investigation of this patent family, its funding chain, or Accenture's global election footprint appears to have ever been conducted.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Tina Peters Prosecution - Criminalizing Records Preservation (CO)
[Established Fact - As to prosecution] Mesa County, Colorado Clerk Tina Peters was prosecuted under Colorado state law for preserving forensic images of her county's election management system (EMS) server - images that documented the deletion of nearly 29,000 files during a Dominion "trusted build" process jointly authorized by the Colorado Secretary of State. Peters’ act of preservation was the predicate for the Mesa County Forensic Reports that documented the deletion of 695+ legally required log files within the 22-month federal retention window. Prosecuting the official who documented potential record destruction - rather than the officials who conducted or authorized the trusted build that deleted the records - inverts the accountability relationship contemplated by 52 U.S.C. § 20701 and raises the inference that the prosecution served to suppress forensic evidence rather than vindicate election law.
📍 Jurisdiction: Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- State of Colorado v. Tina Peters: Jury found Peters guilty of 4 felonies and 3 misdemeanors (Aug. 12, 2024), including official misconduct and conspiracy to commit criminal impersonation, for allowing unauthorized access to Mesa County election system during the Dominion trusted build process. See Colorado Sun: Tina Peters found guilty in plot to breach Colorado's election system (Aug. 12, 2024).
- Peters was sentenced to 9 years in prison (Oct. 3, 2024). The Colorado Court of Appeals upheld her conviction in full but reversed her sentence, finding the trial court improperly penalized her for protected speech about election fraud beliefs; remanded for resentencing (Apr. 2, 2026). See sentencing: PBS NewsHour: Peters sentenced to 9 years (Oct. 2024); see appeal: Colorado Sun: Colorado Court of Appeals overturns Peters’ sentence (Apr. 2026).
Tina Peters Maliciously Prosecuted for Records Preservation (CO)
[Reasonable Inference - As to prosecutorial motivation] Mesa County, Colorado Clerk Tina Peters was prosecuted under Colorado state law for preserving forensic images of her county's election management system (EMS) server - images that documented the deletion of nearly 29,000 files during a Dominion "trusted build" process jointly authorized by the Colorado Secretary of State. Peters’ act of preservation was the predicate for the Mesa County Forensic Reports that documented the deletion of 695+ legally required log files within the 22-month federal retention window. Prosecuting the official who documented potential record destruction - rather than the officials who conducted or authorized the trusted build that deleted the records - inverts the accountability relationship contemplated by 52 U.S.C. § 20701 and raises the inference that the prosecution served to suppress forensic evidence rather than vindicate election law.
📍 Jurisdiction: Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Peters was convicted of 4 felonies and 3 misdemeanors on Aug. 12, 2024, for the unauthorized imaging of the Mesa County election management system. The Colorado Court of Appeals upheld her conviction in full on Apr. 2, 2026, while reversing the sentence for First Amendment reasons. See Colorado Sun: Colorado Court of Appeals overturns Peters’ sentence (Apr. 2, 2026).
- A Tale of Two Sentences: Convictions of Tina Peters vs. a Former State Senator — The Gateway Pundit
- BOMBSHELL: Mesa County Clerk Tina Peters Provides Evidence of Machine-Based Vote Manipulation — LetsFixStuff.org
Michigan AG Dana Nessel Directed Investigations Targeting Private Citizens for Public Speech About Sworn Election Testimony - Viewpoint- Based Criminal Investigation Under Color of Law (MI)
[Disputed Fact - As to whether any formal criminal charges were brought or whether investigations were ultimately closed] Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel, acting in her official capacity and in coordination with the Michigan State Police, launched investigations between November 2020 and July 2021 targeting private citizens who had spoken publicly about election irregularities - specifically including individuals who had submitted sworn affidavits and testimony to Michigan legislative committees regarding their personal observations of election administration problems. The targets of these investigations had not been found to have committed any crime; they were investigated because of the content of their political speech and their sworn legislative testimony. The use of official prosecutorial and law enforcement resources to investigate citizens for the content of their political speech and sworn government testimony - rather than for any specific unlawful act - raises some of the most serious civil rights concerns in the information control context. A prosecutor who opens investigations based on the viewpoint expressed in a citizen's speech, rather than on evidence of a specific crime, acts under color of law to chill protected First Amendment activity. This conduct may implicate 18 U.S.C. § 242 (deprivation of rights under color of law by a person acting as a state official), and if coordinated with federal agencies or other states' officials, 18 U.S.C. § 241 (conspiracy against rights).
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Election Fraud Evidence — letsfixstuff.org
- Michigan attorney general to investigate 2020 election fraud profiteers — Washington Examiner
- Michigan Attorney General, Police to Probe People Who Made Election Fraud Claims — Epoch Times
Tina Peters Prosecution as Deplatforming of a Records Preservation Whistleblower (CO)
Mesa County Clerk Tina Peters preserved forensic images of the pre-trusted-build Dominion Election Management System server before a state-mandated update deleted 28,989 files, including 695 legally mandated log files. Peters was subsequently prosecuted under Colorado state law for this preservation act. Whether the prosecution was legitimate enforcement or coordinated suppression of the individual most capable of demonstrating the forensic significance of the deleted records - and whose custody of the images was the sole surviving evidence of the pre-deletion state - is a question requiring independent investigation. The prosecution had the practical effect of vilifying the most credentialed custodian of primary forensic evidence from the public evidentiary record.
📍 Jurisdiction: Colorado, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Peters was convicted by a jury in Mesa County on Aug. 12, 2024, of 4 felonies and 3 misdemeanors related to the unauthorized imaging of the election management system server. The Colorado Court of Appeals affirmed the conviction on Apr. 2, 2026. See ABC News: Court overturns prison sentence of Tina Peters (Apr. 2, 2026).
- Peters preserved forensic images documenting the state of the Dominion Election Management System server before and after the trusted build process, during which the state reported the build "sanitizes" a voting system by removing all prior data. Peters’ act of preservation was classified as a security breach. See Colorado Sun: Tina Peters verdict (Aug. 12, 2024).
Michigan AG Dana Nessel - Retaliatory Investigations and Disbarment Proceedings Against Election-Integrity Attorneys (MI)
Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel filed sanctions complaints and sought disbarment of attorneys who had submitted election integrity challenges in Michigan courts - attorneys who were representing clients who had submitted sworn testimony of irregularities before the legislature. This action was undertaken while Nessel had a documented personal and political stake in the election outcome. Nessel's office simultaneously investigated private citizens who had spoken publicly about election irregularities, including those who had submitted sworn legislative testimony. These acts were taken concurrently with pre-election simulation materials documenting coordinated plans to retaliate against Trump supporters raising post-election legal challenges - including exclusion from media platforms and future employment.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- AG Nessel, Gov. Whitmer, Secretary Benson Seek Disbarment of Attorneys — Michigan AG Office
- AG Nessel filed for sanctions against attorneys in King v. Whitmer (Jan. 28, 2021). Federal Judge Linda Parker subsequently ordered sanctions, fines, referral to bar disciplinary authorities, and mandatory legal training against Sidney Powell, Lin Wood, and seven other attorneys (Aug. 25, 2021). See sanctions motion: Michigan AG: Nessel Files for Sanctions Against Attorneys (Jan. 28, 2021); see federal sanctions order: Michigan Public: Judge orders sanctions against Powell and Trump lawyers (Aug. 25, 2021).
Indictment of Alternate Electors and Attorneys (AZ)
The Arizona Attorney General brought felony charges against 11 alternate electors and 7 associated attorneys (including John Eastman, Jenna Ellis, and Rudy Giuliani) in connection with the 2020 alternate-elector strategy. The charging theory criminalizes the organization of contingent elector slates and related legal advocacy that, historically, had been treated as part of constitutionally protected contest procedures. The Arizona House also expelled Rep. Liz Harris (R) in April 2023 for violating House rules by inviting a witness who presented false, unsupported allegations before an elections committee hearing and for lying about her prior knowledge of the planned testimony; that expulsion is a separate matter from the alternate-elector prosecution.
📍 Jurisdiction: Arizona, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Arizona indicts 18 in election interference case, including Giuliani and Meadows — AP News
- Meadows, Giuliani and other former Trump aides indicted in Arizona 2020 election probe — Just The News
- The Arizona House expelled Rep. Liz Harris (R-Chandler) on Apr. 12, 2023, after a bipartisan two-thirds majority voted to expel her following an Ethics Committee finding that she violated House rules by inviting a witness who presented allegedly false, unsupported allegations (including drug cartel bribery claims against state officials) during a Feb. 23, 2023 joint elections committee hearing, and that Harris lied about her knowledge of the planned testimony. This expulsion is distinct from the alternate-elector prosecution. See NPR: Arizona House expels Rep. Liz Harris (Apr. 12, 2023).
Fulton County RICO Indictment of Legal Counsel (GA)
Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis initiated a sweeping RICO prosecution against Donald Trump, 18 co-defendants, and 30 unindicted co-conspirators, heavily targeting attorneys for drafting memoranda, giving legal advice, and coordinating alternate-elector efforts. The indictment repackages advocacy and litigation activities-core functions of the legal profession-as elements of a criminal "enterprise," raising serious concerns about retaliatory prosecution for engaging in election- challenge strategy.
📍 Jurisdiction: Georgia, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County Superior Court Motion — Fulton Clerk of Court
- A look at the 19 people charged in Georgia election indictment — AP News
- Trump and 18 allies were indicted under Georgia RICO (Aug. 14, 2023). DA Fani Willis was subsequently disqualified for a conflict of interest (Mar. 2024); the sprawling case was whittled down through plea deals and dismissals. In Mar. 2026, a judge barred Willis from participating in fee-recovery proceedings after her disqualification. See indictment: AP News: Trump and 18 allies charged in Georgia election meddling (Aug. 2023); see case collapse: Fox News: Fani Willis blocked from collapsed RICO case (Mar. 2026).
AG Nessel's Probe and Indictment of Alternate Electors and Fraud Claimants (MI)
Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel directed the Michigan State Police to investigate individuals who publicly alleged election fraud, focusing on citizens and activists who submitted affidavits or public testimony. She later indicted 16 alternate electors on felony charges, explicitly citing dissatisfaction with the speed of federal investigations as a reason to act. Charges against 15 defendants were dismissed by the 54-A District Court in September 2025 for insufficient evidence; Nessel declined to appeal in March 2026. The record shows no comparable prosecutorial energy directed at documented statutory violations by election officials (e.g. unlawful record-destruction directives), supporting an inference of viewpoint-based targeting.
📍 Jurisdiction: Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel Charges 16 “False Electors” — Michigan AG Press Release
- Nessel launched investigations of citizens who made election fraud claims beginning in July 2021 (at recommendation of Republican-led Michigan Senate Oversight Committee). The 16 alternate elector charges were dismissed by Lansing District Court in September 2025 for insufficient evidence; Nessel declined to appeal in March 2026. See Nessel's statement on no appeal: Michigan AG: No Appeal of District Court's Failure to Bind Over 2020 False Electors (Mar. 2026).
Warrantless Surveillance of Lawmakers Investigating Election Anomalies (US)
Under Operation Arctic Frost, the FBI conducted toll-record and movement analysis on Rep. Mike Kelly and Sen. Scott Perry, mapping their communications during post-election investigative activity. These searches were authorized without particularized criminal predication and were aimed at lawmakers' efforts to question Pennsylvania's certification and support election-related litigation. This surveillance, concealed via nondisclosure orders, functioned as a coercive response to legislative inquiry rather than a neutral criminal probe.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Biden FBI Spied on Eight Republican Senators as Part of Arctic Frost Investigation — Senate Judiciary Committee
- The Arctic Frost investigation was opened Apr. 2022 and transferred to Special Counsel Jack Smith in Nov. 2022. It involved at minimum 197 subpoenas targeting 430+ Republican-aligned individuals including toll-record collection for at least 8 senators and multiple representatives under non-disclosure orders. A DOJ Inspector General review
Felony Prosecution of Judge James Troupis and Electors (WI)
The Wisconsin Attorney General sought felony indictments against three individuals, including former Dane County Circuit Judge James Troupis, based on legal work and participation in the alternate-elector slate, with public statements about putting Troupis "away for life." The conduct at issue was legal advocacy and organization of a contingent elector slate pursuant to legal advice- behavior traditionally protected as part of election-contest practice and attorney representation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Wisconsin, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- State of Wisconsin v. James R. Troupis Criminal Complaint — Court Filing
- Wisconsin Democrats Continue Lawfare Attacks on Trump Lawyers — The Gateway Pundit
- Wisconsin added 10 more felony charges against Troupis, Chesebro, and Roman in December 2024 (11 total each), with each count carrying up to $10,000 fine and 6 years imprisonment. A Wisconsin circuit judge allowed the case to proceed through a Dec. 2025 preliminary hearing. See additional charges: Just the News: Two Trump lawyers charged with additional felonies in Wisconsin; see Dec. 2025 proceeding: NYT: Wisconsin Judge Allows Election Case to Proceed Against Trump Lawyers (Dec. 2025).
"Operation Arctic Frost" Dragnet Surveillance of Political Opponents (US)
Special Counsel Jack Smith and the FBI expanded Operation Arctic Frost into a large-scale dragnet involving at least 197 subpoenas and surveillance actions targeting roughly 430 Republican-aligned individuals, including acquisition of toll records and related telecom data for at least eight Senators and multiple Representatives. Toll and metadata orders were accompanied by "Prohibited Access" nondisclosure orders that prevented carriers from notifying targeted legislators for over a year. The operation's scope and lack of individualized criminal predicate support an inference that Arctic Frost functioned as a political-intelligence operation against election-integrity actors and their counsel.
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- NEW: Jack Smith Subpoenaed Records for Over 400 Republican Targets As Part of Arctic Frost — Senate Judiciary Committee
- Biden FBI Spied on Eight Republican Senators as Part of Arctic Frost Investigation, Grassley Oversight Reveals — Senate Judiciary Committee
- Grassley released records showing 197 subpoenas issued by Jack Smith targeting 34 individuals and 163 businesses, including financial institutions, in the Arctic Frost investigation. Toll records for 8+ senators were collected via Verizon (which complied) and AT&T (which refused); nondisclosure orders of up to 1 year were signed by Judge Boasberg. See NY Post: Jack Smith’s Arctic Frost probe targeted ‘entire Republican political apparatus’ (Oct. 2025).
Jan. 6 Committee Referrals and Coordinated Disciplinary "Lawfare" (US)
The January 6th Committee's final report expressly urged courts, bar disciplinary authorities, and DOJ to pursue sanctions and referrals against Trump-allied lawyers. Following those recommendations, attorneys including John Eastman, Jenna Ellis, and Rudy Giuliani faced disbarment, suspension, or ethics charges grounded substantially in their representation of post- (Dec. 2024) found no evidence of political motivation but concluded DOJ "failed to take sufficient account of constitutional separation of powers." See Wikipedia: Arctic Frost investigation. election litigation. The sequencing-committee referral, media amplification, and near-simultaneous bar actions-supports an inference of coordinated use of disciplinary processes to punish and chill election-challenge advocacy. A-10Foreign Interference
📍 Jurisdiction: National, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Final Report of the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol — GovInfo
- Following J6 Committee referrals and bar complaints, John Eastman's disbarment was recommended (Mar. 2024) and upheld on review (June 2025); he remains on involuntary inactive status pending California Supreme Court review. Rudy Giuliani was disbarred in New York (July 2024) and Washington D.C. (Sept. 2024). See Eastman: California State Bar: Eastman disbarment recommendation upheld (June 2025); see Giuliani: PBS: Giuliani disbarred in New York (July 2024).
31 States Refused to Comply with DoJ Election Records Request Pertaining to HAVA Compliance (US)
Beginning in May 2025, the DOJ Civil Rights Division (under AG Pam Bondi and AAG Harmeet Dhillon) sent letters to at least 44 states and D.C. demanding full, unredacted voter registration databases — including driver's license numbers and partial Social Security numbers. The legal basis cited was the NVRA, HAVA, and the Civil Rights Act of 1960. States were also asked to sign an agreement committing to remove within 45 days any voters the DOJ flagged as ineligible. The DoJ has filed suits to obtain the data requested via the court system.
📍 Jurisdiction: United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- U.S. DOJ Civil Rights Division — Justice Department Sues Additional States for Failure to Produce Voter Rolls (May 2025 et seq.) — U.S. Department of Justice
- Federal Judge Dismisses DOJ Attempt to Obtain Michigan Voter Data — latest in series of rejections including by Trump-appointed judges (Feb. 2026) — AP via myMotherLode (note: multiple courts have dismissed DOJ voter roll demands on standing and privacy grounds)
Livonia FOIA Obstruction Pertaining to Legislative Subpoena Records (MI)
Livonia City Clerk Susan Nash engaged in unlawful FOIA obstruction via excessive fees, withholding of records after receiving payments and failure to disclose list of withheld records and associated rationale. This obstruction appears to have been deployed to provide cover for either negligence or malfeasance pertaining to the execution of the 2020 General Election in Livonia.
📍 Jurisdiction: Livonia, Wayne County, Michigan, United States
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
🌐 Foreign Interference 38
Dominion Engineers Tied to Venezuela have Remote Access to U.S. Election Systems (Venezuela)
A confidential witness testified under oath that Dominion engineers, specifically Ronald Morales, utilized VPN connections and configured a man-in-the-middle virtual machine to remotely access and alter U.S. electoral systems during the election period, circumventing local chain of custody. The testimony was filed September 23, 2025 in Case No. 1:25-cv-00425-STV (U.S. District Court, District of Colorado).
📍 Jurisdiction: Foreign, Venezuela
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Venezuelan Whistleblower Testimony — Election Crime Bureau
- Venezuela Access to U.S. Election Systems — Election Crime Bureau
Dominion Election Systems in Michigan Communicated Over Internet with Taiwan (Taiwan)
CyTech Services (CyFir) forensic examination of a Dominion ICX machine from Antrim County found artifacts of internet communications with IP address 120.125.201.101, which resolves to the Ministry of Education Computer Center in Taipei, Taiwan, located in unallocated storage space contextually proximate to data consistent with a TCP/IP communication session. A second IP address resolving to a German cloud provider was found in proximity. Antrim County, Foreign, Taiwan
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- CyTech CyFir #1 Affidavit — Scribd (CyFir Report)
- Antrim County MI Findings — Election Crime Bureau
- DePerno Exhibit 8-9 — DePerno Law
Dominion Election Systems in Michigan Communicated Over Internet with Germany (Germany)
The Dominion ImageCast X (ICX) touchscreen voting device forensically examined from Antrim County was manufactured in Taiwan and shipped to the United States via China Airlines. CyFIR forensic examiner Ben Cotton discovered, in the unallocated storage space of this device, data contextually proximate to TCP/IP communication sessions resolving to: (1) IP address 120.125.201.101 - registered to the Ministry of Education Computer Center, Taipei, Taiwan (12F, No. 106, Sec. 2, Hoping E. Rd.); and (2) IP address 62.146.7.79 - registered to a cloud provider in Nuremberg, Germany (EDV-BV GmbH / QSC Subkunde). The existence of these foreign IP addresses in unallocated space is forensically consistent with internet communications that occurred during the device's operational lifespan and were subsequently deleted but not fully overwritten. Dominion publicly denied internet connectivity in sworn legislative testimony, creating a direct conflict between sworn testimony and forensic evidence. The communication timing and purpose remain disputed pending further federal forensic verification, which has not been conducted. Antrim County, Foreign, Taiwan
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- CyTech CyFir #1 Affidavit — Scribd (CyFir Report)
ESS Election Systems in Michigan Configured to Communicate Overseas (China)
Forensic examination of ESS DS200 tabulator thumb drives from a Michigan county confirmed that each DS200 tabulator had a Verizon 4G cellular wireless communications card installed and active at power-up. Both examined devices were configured to transmit election results to IP address 10.48.51.1 - a private network address that is accessible remotely only through the public internet or a VPN connection - directly contradicting ESS CEO Tom Burt's public representations that machines were not internet-connected and contradicting ESS's sworn certifications to state election officials. ESS CEO Tom Burt further testified in a January 2020 Congressional hearing under oath that the programmable logic devices used within ESS tabulators (e.g. the DS200) are manufactured in a factory in China. Taken together, Michigan deployed ESS tabulators that contain (a) Chinese- manufactured programmable logic devices whose firmware cannot be independently verified; and (b) active cellular modems that transmitted election results over public internet infrastructure that is accessible to any party capable of intercepting that transmission.
📍 Jurisdiction: Foreign, China
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Bailey v Antrim County Court Exhibit: Penrose #1 [Modems and Dedicated Networks]
- During January 9, 2020 testimony, ESS CEO Tom Burt said “"Burt said his company had a 'limited' number of components that come from China, claiming many amounted to plastic or metals that make up the device, not IT. However, he acknowledged that for at least one of their machines, the DS200, one of its nine programmable logic devices are sourced from a California company that produces the part in China."; see also
Dominion’s Election Systems Accessible from China (Serbia, China)
[Reasonable Inference - Potential access pathway] Corporate records confirm that Dominion Voting Systems began operations in Belgrade, Serbia in May 2011 and established its primary data center there through RoamingDot Networks, with Huawei Technologies as a strategic infrastructure partner. Huawei is explicitly prohibited under NDAA Section 889 from supplying components to U.S. federal critical infrastructure - a prohibition Congress enacted precisely because of the Chinese government's documented ability to leverage Huawei infrastructure for intelligence collection. Foreign, Serbia Whistleblower testimony from a deposition in the Smartmatic litigation stated under oath: "Is it possible for engineers in Serbia, working for Dominion Voting Systems, to inject votes into an election in the United States of America? Though I don't have evidence of that, it is possible. If I happen to have access, remote access to the system, I can make changes in the electoral system." The existence of the Belgrade data center with Huawei infrastructure is an established fact; the question of whether it was used to access or modify 2020 U.S. election data is a hypothesis requiring federal forensic investigation.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Dominion internal emails obtained in Dominion v Byrne lawsuit and shared on X.com by Sheriff Dar Leaf; see also Dun & Bradstreet records (corporate structure)
- NDAA § 889 (Huawei prohibition)
- Venezuelan Whistleblower Testimony — Election Crime Bureau
Dominion Election Systems in Pennsylvania Accessible from Canada (Canada)
Evidence presented in Fulton County, PA v. Dominion Voting Systems (Case No. 277 MD 2021) demonstrated that remote access to Fulton County's ballot adjudication devices originated from a Canadian IP address - establishing that unauthorized privileged access to election networks traversed international lines. Ballot adjudication devices are among the most sensitive election system components, enabling operators to override machine readings of individual ballots; remote access to these devices from a foreign IP address, without authorization from any Pennsylvania official, represents a fundamental breach of election system integrity. Fulton County, Foreign, Canada
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Fulton County v. Dominion Voting Systems Complaint — Just The News
- Emergency Application for Stay (PA Supreme Court) — PA Courts
- IP Geolocation 172.102.16.0/20 — IPinfo.io
Dominion Election Systems in Arizona are Accessible from Serbia/China (Serbia/China)
Dun & Bradstreet corporate records confirm that Dominion Voting Systems began operations in Belgrade, Serbia in May 2011 and established its primary data center there, with Huawei Technologies identified as a strategic infrastructure partner. Huawei is designated under § 889 of the FY2019 NDAA as a prohibited supplier for U.S. government information infrastructure. Arizona's Maricopa County deployed Dominion Democracy Suite 5.5B for the 2020 election. Maricopa County, Foreign, Serbia
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
ERIC Election Records Accessible from China (China)
Georgia's Secretary of State participated in the Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC), which transmits voter Personally Identifiable Information (PII) - including full names, Social Security numbers, driver's license numbers, dates of birth, and voting histories - to multiple third-party organizations. Civil litigation, Bernegger v. Electronic Registration Information Center, Inc. Waupaca County, WI, No. 2023CV000157, disclosed that ERIC's transmissions included an entity - 7oo.com - with IP addresses traceable to Beijing and Hong Kong, China. The alleged owner, Peter Choo, is identified as Risk and Compliance Manager at Facebook. If verified, the transmission of Georgia voter PII to entities under the direction or control of the Chinese government would constitute a violation of E.O. 13873, E.O. 14034, and potentially FARA (22 U.S.C. § 611) if ERIC or CEIR principals were acting on behalf of foreign principals. This allegation is particularly significant given the concurrent receipt by Georgia's Secretary of State of $5.6 million in CTCL/CEIR (Zuckerberg-linked) funds, creating a potential data-for-funding nexus. These allegations are based on civil litigation records, have not been independently verified from primary sources, and require forensic authentication before being presented to a grand jury.
📍 Jurisdiction: Foreign, China
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- ERIC Member States
- Peter Bernegger v. Electronic Registration Information Center, Inc., Cir. Ct. No. 2023CV157, Waupaca County, Judge Troy L. Nielsen. Appealed as No. 2024AP168, Wisconsin Court of Appeals, decided November 27, 2024.
- GA_Election_Investigation_Report.docx, Section X (Disputed Fact — civil litigation records
- InfluenceWatch CEIR profile, citing CEIR's own 2020 IRS disclosures, shows Georgia received $5,591,800 from CEIR — paid directly to the Secretary of State's office. This is confirmed by contemporaneous reporting: Vision Times (Apr. 28, 2021) and Fox News (Nov. 22, 2021) both report approximately $5.6 million from CEIR to the Georgia Secretary of State's office.
- E.O. 13873 (Securing ICTS Supply Chain)
- E.O. 14034
- FARA, 22 U.S.C. § 611 (if ERIC/CEIR principals acting for foreign principals)
Dominion Election Systems in Michigan Connected to Servers in Taiwan and Germany (Taiwan, Germany)
This is the most technically precise foreign-connectivity finding in the 2020 evidentiary record. CyFIR LLC forensic examiner Ben Cotton, pursuant to court authorization in Bailey v. Antrim County, documented in sworn affidavits of April 9, 2021 and June 8, 2021, the recovery of two foreign IP addresses from the unallocated space of a Dominion ImageCast X (ICX) touchscreen voting device used in the November 2020 Michigan election: (1) IP 120.125.201.101 - registered to the Ministry of Education Computer Center, 12F, No. 106, Sec. 2, Hoping E. Rd. Taipei, Taiwan 106; and (2) IP 62.146.7.79 / 62.146.7.95 - registered to a cloud provider in Nuremberg, Germany (EDV-BV GmbH / QSC Subkunde). The ICX machine itself was manufactured in Taiwan and shipped to the United States via China Airlines, establishing a documented physical supply chain connection to the jurisdiction whose government IP address was recovered from the device's storage. Unallocated space artifacts indicate prior communications with these foreign addresses; forensic dating requires additional analysis. Separately, Cotton's Second Affidavit (June 8, 2021) documented anonymous Antrim County, Foreign, Taiwan remote logon activity on the Antrim County EMS on November 5, 2020 (two days post-election) and November 17, 2020 (the date of the Wayne County certification controversy). Cotton concluded: "given evidence of anonymous remote access on both dates, it is likely that the same actor had access prior to November 4th, using precisely the same techniques." Critically, all server security logs prior to November 4, 2020 - the records that would have tracked foreign IP connections during the election - were systematically deleted while prior-year logs on the same system remained intact, constituting both a separate evidentiary crime and a deliberate foreclosure of the foreign-access investigation.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Affidavit of Benjamin R. Cotton (June 8, 2021) — Bailey v. Antrim County Court Filing
- Antrim County, MI Findings — Election Crime Bureau
- Antrim County: The Thread That Unravels 2020 Election Theft — LetsFixStuff.org
Spanish Company SCYTL Had Access to U.S. Election Results (Spain)
Scytl’s own marketing and bid documents for U.S. jurisdictions describe web‑based SaaS systems (ENR, eBallot Delivery, ePollBook, etc.) that are hosted in Scytl data centers or on cloud platforms (e.g. AWS) and accessed over the internet by election officials. Based on Scytl’s described services and contracts: Election Night Reporting: Scytl receives result files exported from the county/state tabulation system, ingests them into its hosted ENR platform, and publishes them online. eBallot Delivery / overseas and absentee systems: Scytl systems can receive voter‑specific ballot‑delivery data and returned ballots or ballot selections via “secure online transmission” for UOCAVA voters in multiple states. So, even if Scytl does not operate the certified voting equipment, their hosted systems do hold: Files containing unofficial vote totals, turnout, and precinct‑level results. Voter‑level data associated with online ballot delivery or request systems. Because Scytl runs the hosted platform and provides 24/7 maintenance and support, its staff or contractors almost certainly have administrative access to these hosted election‑related records unless the contract explicitly forbids such access and uses strong technical controls to enforce it. Foreign, Spain
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Konnech Shared U.S. Election Data with China (China)
Konnech Inc. an East Lansing, Michigan-based election software company, provided poll worker management, election logistics, and scheduling software to election offices across the United States - including multiple Michigan jurisdictions. Forensic investigation revealed that Konnech transferred sensitive U.S. election data - including poll worker personally identifiable information (PII), building schematics, and operational logistics - to servers physically located in China, managed through Konnech's Chinese subsidiary Jinhua Konnech (a.k.a. Jinhua Hongzheng Technology Co. Ltd.), where Chinese nationals with CCP-proximate affiliations held developer-level access. Konnech CEO Eugene Yu was arrested by the Los Angeles County District Attorney on October 4, 2022, on charges of conspiracy related to the data transfer. The case was subsequently dismissed on jurisdictional grounds - not on the merits - leaving the underlying data-transfer allegations unresolved. Under Chinese law (Article 37 of the Cybersecurity Law of the PRC), data stored on Chinese servers is subject to compelled government access upon request by Chinese authorities. U.S. election worker and facility data on Chinese servers is therefore, by operation of Chinese law, accessible to the Chinese Communist Party.
📍 Jurisdiction: Foreign, China
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dominion Employees and Contractors in Serbia had Access to U.S. Election Results (Serbia)
There is evidence that Dominion Voting Systems has used Serbia-based software developers who could remotely access U.S. election systems. A Serbia-based engineer authored software (“RemovableMediaManager”) that could give remote file access (send/receive/create/modify/delete) on Dominion machines; the code is said to be publicly available on GitHub and usable as a client for remote access. Foreign, Serbia
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- "Serbia Series Part 1: Technical Overview," r/somethingiswrong2024 (Jan. 12, 2025)
- CSO Online, "One election-system vendor uses developers in Serbia" (Oct. 5, 2016)
- An April 22, 2020 internal Dominion email from Nenad Matic ([email protected], identified as Product Owner, ICX, Dominion Voting Systems Corp., Osmana Djikica 18, 11000 Belgrade) to Goran Obradovic and Belgrade-based colleagues discusses backporting features into version 5.11 — the same D-Suite version used in Mesa County's 2020 election. The email is written in Serbian with a partial English translation in the image, confirming Belgrade staff were actively working on the D-Suite 5.11 codebase during the 2020 election cycle.
Dominion Provided Chinese-Based Companies Access to U.S. Election Results (Serbia, China)
There is evidence that Dominion’s Serbian data-center infrastructure involves Huawei-linked partners in Serbia. Public reporting and a detailed 2021 research paper identify “Roaming Networks” (also known as Dot Networks) as a Serbian integrator that both (a) built a data center for Dominion in Belgrade and (b) is a strategic partner of Huawei in Serbia, implementing Huawei network and data‑center equipment for multiple major Serbian clients (Telekom Srbija, power utilities, Bank of China, etc.). Huawei and the Serbian government have a formal partnership around major state data‑center and “Safe City” surveillance projects, including the Kragujevac State Data Center and Huawei “innovation and digital development” and tech centers in Serbia. Chinese law (e.g. China’s National Intelligence Law) can compel Chinese companies like Huawei to assist Chinese state intelligence work, which is why many Western governments treat Huawei‑built infrastructure as carrying elevated espionage risk.
📍 Jurisdiction: Foreign, China
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Dot Networks, "Partners and Associates", "Dot Networks has been a Huawei Value Added Partner since 2013, holding the status of Enterprise Service Partner for IT and networking solutions."
- stolenelectionsfacts.com, "Dominion set up its primary data center in Serbia with Huawei…"
- CEPA, "A Disturbing Marriage: Serbia and China Team Up on Digital Surveillance" (Jan. 27, 2022): Documents the timeline from the 2009 "Safe Society" cooperation agreement through Huawei's 2020 Kragujevac data center contract and Belgrade Innovation Center.
- Council on Foreign Relations, "Is China's Huawei a Threat to U.S. National Security?" (updated Feb. 8, 2023)
Smartmatic DNA Found Throughout Leading U.S. Electronic Voting Systems (Venezuela)
Modern Dominion, Hart InterCivic and ES&S systems have a common lineage that retains Smartmatic code and vulnerabilities. These vulnerabilities, which include plaintext password storage, unencrypted source code, allowing multiple active project files, and remote access design features, were originally designed—not accidental—for potential election manipulation. Smartmatic’s financial motives and political partnerships incentivized maintaining exploitable control features.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Tina Peters v CO, Case No. 1:25-cv-00425-STV USDC Colorado, Senior Venezuelan Election Official Whistleblower Testimony — Deposition Video https://rumble.com/v6zg9u8-sworn-testimony-of-the-venezuelan-smartmatic-whistleblower.html | AM Transcript https://electioncrimebureau.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/922651983-70-1-Exhibit-AM-Transcript-of-EUO-Confidential-Witness.pdf | PM Transcript https://electioncrimebureau.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/922651931-70-2-Exhibit-PM-Transcript-of-EUO-Confidential-Witness.pdf
- 14 Machine-Based Methods to Steal Elections
- DOJ Indictment Smartmatic Executives — US Department of Justice
- Stolen Elections by Ralph Pezzullo; See also StolenElectionsFacts.com
Dominion Manufactures Election System Components in China (China)
Internal Dominion Voting Systems communications (Chaudhry to Poulos, April 14, 2020) confirm that 39–48% of programmable components in the ImageCast Precinct (ICP) and ImageCast Evolution (ICE) tabulators were sourced from China. These are the machines that scanned and tabulated ballots in the November 2020 election. These machines were deployed at scale in (China) decisive jurisdictions across the battleground states of Arizona, Georgia, and Michigan and Pennsylvania.
📍 Jurisdiction: Components in China
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Senate Presentation 4-30-22 — Scribd (Arizona Senate Audit by Ben Cotton)
- Update Report for Senate 3-17-24 — Scribd (Ben Cotton CyFIR Declaration)
- Arizona Audit: Deleted Election Files — Scribd
- Georgia Awards $107 Million Dominion Voting Contract – The Atlanta Voice
- January 9, 2020 Testimony of ES&S CEO Before House Administration Committee
- PA Secretary Certification Report Dominion Democracy Suite 5.17 — PA.gov
- State of Michigan Contract No. 071B7700117 — Dominion Voting Systems, Inc. (michigan.gov) — The official contract document between the State of Michigan DTMB and Dominion Voting Systems for voting system hardware, firmware, software, and services, with a current aggregate value of $36,368,046.73.
ESS CEO Testified Under Oath – DS200 Programmable Logic Devices Manufactured in China (China)
During a January 9, 2020 Congressional hearing before the House Administration Committee - held less than ten months before Election Day - ESS CEO Tom Burt testified under oath that the programmable logic devices (PLDs) used within ESS tabulators, specifically the DS200 widely deployed in Wisconsin, are manufactured in a factory in China. Wisconsin municipalities deployed ESS DS200 tabulators widely for the 2020 election. Programmable logic devices are the firmware-programmable semiconductor components that execute the core vote-tabulation logic; they are, by design, reprogrammable after manufacture. A PLD manufactured in a facility in the People's Republic of China is subject to the full range of PRC intelligence oversight obligations, including potential firmware modification at the point of manufacture or through supply chain interdiction. This testimony constitutes a sworn, on-record admission by the largest U.S. voting machine vendor that the core computational components of its tabulators originate from an adversarial foreign nation.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Hart InterCivic Employees Former Smartmatic Employee from Venezuela as Senior VP (Venezuela)
Heider Garcia, currently Vice President of Customer Success at Hart InterCivic — one of the three vendors whose equipment is used to count ballots for the majority of American voters — spent over a decade at Smartmatic (2003–2016), where he held progressively senior roles including Native Solutions Deployment Coordinator, Solution Manager, and lead developer for the SAES voting device and electoral system. In these capacities, Garcia participated in the deployment and international certification of Smartmatic election technology in Venezuela, the United States, and the Philippines, served as Smartmatic's Asia-Pacific responsible, and was a Smartmatic shareholder. He provided technical support during the 2010 Philippines election on behalf of Smartmatic. Garcia subsequently held U.S. election administration positions in Placer County, California (Elections Manager, 2016–2018), Tarrant County, Texas (Elections Administrator, 2018–2023), and briefly served as a Senior Subject Matter Expert at the U.S. Election Assistance Commission (July–October 2023) before becoming Elections Administrator for Dallas County, Texas (2023– 2025). He resigned from Dallas County to assume his current role at Hart InterCivic. This career trajectory places an individual with deep institutional knowledge of Smartmatic's proprietary election technology — and a former financial stakeholder in the company — in a senior leadership position at a competing U.S. voting system manufacturer that is certified by the EAC and deployed across American jurisdictions. Whether Garcia's prior Smartmatic shareholding, his technical access to foreign election deployments, or his subsequent service at the EAC were disclosed to Hart InterCivic's government clients or factored into any supply chain or personnel security review has not been publicly established.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Konnech Inc. - U.S. Election Logistics Data Exfiltrated to Chinese Government Servers (China)
Konnech Inc. an East Lansing, Michigan-based election software company, provided poll worker management, election logistics, and scheduling software to election offices across the United States - including multiple Michigan jurisdictions. Forensic investigation revealed that Konnech transferred sensitive U.S. election data - including poll worker personally identifiable information (PII), building schematics, and operational logistics - to servers physically located in China, managed through Konnech's Chinese subsidiary Jinhua Konnech (a.k.a. Jinhua Hongzheng Technology Co. Ltd.), where Chinese nationals with CCP-proximate affiliations held developer- level access. Konnech CEO Eugene Yu was arrested by the Los Angeles County District Attorney on October 4, 2022, on charges of conspiracy related to the data transfer. The case was subsequently dismissed on jurisdictional grounds - not on the merits - leaving the underlying data-transfer allegations unresolved. Under Chinese law (Article 37 of the Cybersecurity Law of the PRC), data stored on Chinese servers is subject to compelled government access upon request by Chinese authorities. U.S. election worker and facility data on Chinese servers is therefore, by operation of Chinese law, accessible to the Chinese Communist Party.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Dominion's Primary Data Center in Serbia - Established with Huawei as Strategic Infrastructure Partner (Serbia, China)
[Established Fact - Corporate structure and Huawei partnership] Corporate records confirm that Dominion Voting Systems began operations in Belgrade, Serbia in May 2011 and established its primary data center there through RoamingDot Networks, with Huawei Technologies as a strategic infrastructure partner. Huawei is explicitly prohibited under NDAA Section 889 from Infrastructure Partner (Serbia, China) supplying components to U.S. federal critical infrastructure - a prohibition Congress enacted precisely because of the Chinese government's documented ability to leverage Huawei infrastructure for intelligence collection. Whistleblower testimony from a deposition in the Smartmatic litigation stated under oath: "Is it possible for engineers in Serbia, working for Dominion Voting Systems, to inject votes into an election in the United States of America? Though I don't have evidence of that, it is possible. If I happen to have access, remote access to the system, I can make changes in the electoral system." The existence of the Belgrade data center with Huawei infrastructure is an established fact; the question of whether it was used to access or modify 2020 U.S. election data is a hypothesis requiring federal forensic investigation.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Tina Peters v CO, Case No. 1:25-cv-00425-STV USDC Colorado, Senior Venezuelan Election Official Whistleblower Testimony — Deposition Video https://rumble.com/v6zg9u8-sworn-testimony-of-the-venezuelan-smartmatic-whistleblower.html | AM Transcript https://electioncrimebureau.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/922651983-70-1-Exhibit-AM-Transcript-of-EUO-Confidential-Witness.pdf | PM Transcript https://electioncrimebureau.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/922651931-70-2-Exhibit-PM-Transcript-of-EUO-Confidential-Witness.pdf
- 14 Machine-Based Methods to Steal Elections
- Stolen Elections by Ralph Pezzullo; See also StolenElectionsFacts.com
Venezuelan CNE Owns Smartmatic Source Code - OFAC-Sanctioned and DOJ-Indicted Individuals Alleged as Beneficial Owners (Venezuela)
The Venezuelan National Electoral Council (CNE) owns the source code of Smartmatic's core election software system (SAES) - a fact confirmed by the 2005 EU Electoral Observation Mission report and acknowledged by the Venezuelan government itself. A 2006 U.S. Embassy cable from Caracas assessed that "Smartmatic's real ownership is hidden" and that the company maintained ties to the Chavez government. CFIUS opened an investigation in 2006; Smartmatic's response was a nominal sale of Sequoia Voting Systems that investigators characterized as a potential sham designed to avoid CFIUS scrutiny while retaining software licensing rights. Investigative sources identify Jorge Rodriguez - sanctioned by OFAC in September 2018 for corruption and human rights abuses as a Venezuelan government official - and Diosdado Cabello - indicted by the DOJ on narco-trafficking charges and designated a narcotics trafficking kingpin - as alleged beneficial owners of Smartmatic. If accurate, U.S. election technology was beneficially owned by individuals simultaneously under U.S. government sanctions and federal criminal indictment.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Stolen Elections by Ralph Pezzullo; see also StolenElectionsFact.com
- DOJ Indictment Smartmatic Executives — US Department of Justice
Spanish-owned SCYTL Contracted with U.S. Election Officials to Provide Election Results Services
Scytl’s own marketing and bid documents for U.S. jurisdictions describe web‑based SaaS systems (ENR, eBallot Delivery, ePollBook, etc.) that are hosted in Scytl data centers or on cloud platforms (e.g. AWS) and accessed over the internet by election officials. Based on Scytl’s described services and contracts: Election Night Reporting: Scytl receives result files exported from the Provide Election Results Services county/state tabulation system, ingests them into its hosted ENR platform, and publishes them online. eBallot Delivery / overseas and absentee systems: Scytl systems can receive voter‑specific ballot‑delivery data and returned ballots or ballot selections via “secure online transmission” for UOCAVA voters in multiple states. So, even if Scytl does not operate the certified voting equipment, their hosted systems do hold: Files containing unofficial vote totals, turnout, and precinct‑level results. Voter‑level data associated with online ballot delivery or request systems. Because Scytl runs the hosted platform and provides 24/7 maintenance and support, its staff or contractors almost certainly have administrative access to these hosted election‑related records unless the contract explicitly forbids such access and uses strong technical controls to enforce it.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Lovell v. Raffensperger, Case No. 2022ECV0610, Columbia Superior Court
- SCYTL Contract with Grand Traverse County, MI
- Scytl Electronic Ballot Delivery Solution Sheet (Verified Voting, PDF)
- Scytl and Microsoft: Digitally Transforming Elections (Microsoft Industry Blog, Apr. 2017)
- Scytl Election Night Reporting Proposal — State of West Virginia, RFQ SOS1800000006 (WV.gov, Jan. 2018, PDF)
U.S. Election Systems Hosted on AWS Platform Compromised by Chinese Government
As of 2019, AWS was confirmed to be supporting election infrastructure in over 40 states, including state and county election websites, voter registration databases, overseas military voting, and real-time election night results — by direct admission of an AWS executive in a client- facing webinar reviewed by Reuters. China's 2017 National Intelligence Law (Articles 7 and 14) requires Chinese individuals and entities — including subsidiaries of U.S. companies operating in China — to "support, assist, and cooperate with national intelligence efforts," which structurally obligates CCP-partner operators of AWS China infrastructure to provide intelligence access; the testimony directly states: "the fact that U.S. cloud operators in China are required by the Chinese government to partner with a Chinese operator is concerning". As a condition of operating in China, AWS entered into a partnership agreement with Chinese firms (Beijing Sinnet Technology Co.) that requires AWS to store all Chinese data in China and obliges transfer of foreign data — including data of Americans — to the Chinese Communist Party upon request under Chinese law; Congress's own witness confirmed this structure creates a pathway for PRC intelligence access. A Reuters review of over 50 Chinese public procurement documents revealed at least 11 Chinese entities — including state-linked institutions — sought or obtained access to restricted U.S. technologies via AWS, with at least 4 specifically naming AWS; Shenzhen University spent 200,000 yuan through an intermediary to access AWS cloud servers running Nvidia A100 and H100 chips banned from direct export to China.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Reuters — "How Amazon.com moved into the business of U.S. elections," October 15, 2019
- AWS Public Sector Blog — "Simplifying voter registration and building confidence with the cloud," September 27, 2021
- Reuters — "Exclusive: Chinese entities turn to Amazon cloud and its rivals to access high-end US chips, AI," August 22, 2024
- U.S. Senate HSGAC — Testimony of Rush Doshi, "China's New National Security Laws: Risks to American Companies and U.S. National Security," September 24, 2024
Dominion Corporate Structure and Licensing Agreements Compromise Election Security (China)
The ASOG Antrim Michigan Forensics Report (December 13, 2020) documented Dominion Voting Systems' corporate structure: Dominion is Canadian-incorporated, owned by Staple Street Capital, which is in turn owned by UBS Securities LLC. Of UBS Securities' seven board members, three are identified as Chinese nationals. Dominion's software is licensed from Smartmatic - described as "Venezuelan-owned and Venezuelan-controlled." Dominion's operational server locations were identified as Serbia, Canada, the United States, Spain, and Germany. Under 31 C.F.R. Part 800, CFIUS reviews transactions that could result in "foreign government-controlled" business operations in critical sectors. A Chinese national's board position in a company that owns an operator of U.S. election infrastructure may constitute a reportable transaction. No public record of CFIUS review of Dominion's ownership structure has been disclosed. The dual- jurisdiction supply chain exposure - Chinese national board members at the top of the ownership chain, Venezuelan-controlled software at the product layer, and an operational data center in Serbia - creates three independent foreign-nexus vectors simultaneously, none of which has been subjected to CFIUS analysis, OFAC review, or ODNI threat assessment of record.
📍 Jurisdiction: China
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Antrim Michigan Forensics Report — US Department of Justice
- Dominion Voting Systems Acquired by its Management Team and Staple Street Capital — PR Newswire
20% of U.S. Election System Components Manufactured by Foreign Adversaries (China)
Interos mapped Machine A down to its third-tier suppliers and determined that 19.6% of the 140 identified components originate from China-based companies. Components sourced from Chinese firms enter the voting machine at every level of the supply chain — not merely at the periphery. This includes hardware for touchscreens ultimately packaged into the machine's primary voter interface. The concern articulated by the study, and reinforced by Congressional testimony on public-private supply chain security initiatives (House Committee on Homeland Security), is that the current posture of intermittent monitoring and annual due diligence is structurally insufficient for the volume, velocity, and variety of data required to continuously secure election infrastructure supply chains.
📍 Jurisdiction: China
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Discovery of Fake IDs from China Enabling Illegals to Vote (China)
In 2025, FBI Director Kash Patel declassified a 2020 Intelligence Information Report alleging the Chinese government planned to mass-produce fraudulent U.S. driver’s licenses and ship them to Chinese nationals/sympathizers in the U.S. to facilitate tens of thousands of fraudulent mail-in ballots for Joe Biden. U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) did seize 19,888 counterfeit driver’s licenses (mostly from China/Hong Kong) at Chicago O’Hare between January–June 2020.
📍 Jurisdiction: Foreign, China
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- “Chinese Government Production and Export of Fraudulent US Drivers Licenses to Chinese Sympathizers in the United States, in Order to Create Tens of Thousands of Fraudulent Mail-in Votes for US Presidential Candidate Joe Biden, in late August 2020”
- “FBI internal emails and production documents (detailing the original dissemination, recall, and handling of the IIR)
Dominion Employees and Contractors in Serbia had Ability to Manipulate U.S. Election Results (Serbia)
Because Dominion acknowledges that some software development and maintenance is performed by its own employees in Serbia, and contemporaneous reporting describes this as ongoing, it is a reasonable inference that Serbia-based developers had the technical capability and internal permissions to interact with code and systems ultimately deployed in U.S. elections (Electronic Voting System Integrity; Foreign Interference). Foreign, Serbia
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Spain had Ability to Manipulate Election Results (Spain)
Scytl Election Technologies S.L.U. is a Spanish electronic voting and election‑technology company headquartered in Barcelona. A U.S. subsidiary, Scytl USA LLC, is described in an Alaska procurement decision as “a wholly‑owned subsidiary of a Spanish entity, Scytl Secure Electronic Voting, S.A. (Scytl Spain),” and is itself the parent of SOE Software in Florida, which provides election services to local U.S. jurisdictions. This means that when a U.S. jurisdiction signs a contract with “Scytl USA” or “SOE Software (d/b/a Scytl),” operational control, intellectual property, and some personnel are ultimately tied to a foreign parent company based in Spain. Scytl went through bankruptcy proceedings in Spain in 2020 with the intention to sell its business to the U.S. investment fund Sandton Capital, Foreign, Spain illustrating additional ownership complexity and potential for changes in control during or after contract periods.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Konnech Indicted for Giving U.S. Election Records to China (China)
Konnech Inc. an East Lansing, Michigan-based election software company, provided poll worker management, election logistics, and scheduling software to election offices across the United States - including multiple Michigan jurisdictions. Forensic investigation revealed that Konnech transferred sensitive U.S. election data - including poll worker personally identifiable information (PII), building schematics, and operational logistics - to servers physically located in China, managed through Konnech's Chinese subsidiary Jinhua Konnech (a.k.a. Jinhua Hongzheng Technology Co. Ltd.), where Chinese nationals with CCP-proximate affiliations held developer-level access. Konnech CEO Eugene Yu was arrested by the Los Angeles County District Attorney on October 4, 2022, on charges of conspiracy related to the data transfer. The case was subsequently dismissed on jurisdictional grounds - not on the merits - leaving the underlying data-transfer allegations unresolved. Under Chinese law (Article 37 of the Cybersecurity Law of the PRC), data stored on Chinese servers is subject to compelled government access upon request by Chinese authorities. U.S. election worker and facility data on Chinese servers is therefore, by operation of Chinese law, accessible to the Chinese Communist Party.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Smartmatic Executives Indicted for FCPA Violations and Money Laundering - Pattern of Corporate Corruption in Foreign Election Contracts (Venezuela)
On August 9, 2024, federal prosecutors in the Southern District of Florida filed a superseding indictment against Smartmatic executives Roger Pinate Martinez (President/COO) and Jorge Vasquez for: (1) conspiracy to violate the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (18 U.S.C. § 371); and (2) money laundering in connection with bribes paid to Philippine government officials to obtain election contracts for the 2016 Philippine national elections (United States v. Pinate Martinez and Vasquez, in Foreign Election Contracts (Venezuela) Case No. 1:24-cr-20343-KMW, S.D. Fla. superseding indictment filed Oct. 16, 2025). This federal prosecution establishes that Smartmatic, as a corporate entity, has a documented and prosecuted pattern of obtaining election contracts through bribery in sovereign nations - the same business model it employed to obtain and maintain the Venezuelan government's election infrastructure contract that funded its foundational software development. Whether identical corrupt practices influenced Smartmatic's U.S. business relationships, licensing agreements with Dominion, or relationships with U.S. election officials has not been the subject of any known federal investigation.
📍 Jurisdiction: Foreign, Venezuela
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
Smartmatic: Venezuelan Government Funding, OFAC-Sanctioned Beneficial Owners, DOJ-Indicted Beneficial Owners, FCPA-Convicted Executives - Core Software Architecture Licensed to Dominion (Venezuela)
The Smartmatic foreign interference nexus is documented through four independent evidentiary layers. Layer 1 - Government Origin: Smartmatic was funded by a $140 million Venezuelan government contract, developed its core election software in Venezuela, and was acquired by Venezuelan government-linked entities. A 2006 U.S. Embassy cable from Caracas assessed that Smartmatic's "real ownership is hidden" and that the company had ties to the Chavez government. A 2008 NIST-hosted VoterAction report described Venezuela as "the foremost meddler in foreign elections in the Western hemisphere" and assessed Smartmatic's Venezuelan ownership structure as a national security risk to the U.S. Layer 2 - OFAC-Sanctioned Beneficial Owners: OFAC sanctioned Jorge Rodriguez - identified in investigative records as a beneficial owner of Smartmatic - on September 25, 2018, for corruption and human rights abuses as a senior Venezuelan government official. If this beneficial ownership attribution is accurate, U.S. election systems may have been beneficially owned by an individual designated under U.S. sanctions. Layer 3 - DOJ-Indicted Beneficial Owners: Diosdado Cabello - identified as a beneficial owner - was indicted by the DOJ on narco-trafficking charges and designated a narcotics trafficking kingpin. Layer 4 - FCPA-Indicted Executives: DOJ indicted Smartmatic executives Roger Pinate Martinez and Jorge Vasquez in August 2024 in the Southern District of Florida for conspiracy to violate the FCPA and related money laundering charges in connection with bribes paid to Philippine government officials for election contracts. This prosecution establishes Smartmatic's documented international pattern of corruption in its election business. Separately, sworn testimony from a former Venezuelan election official attested in Colorado federal proceedings that Dominion's software architecture "exhibits the same structure and vulnerabilities" as Smartmatic systems deployed in Venezuela, including encryption flaws, plaintext credentials, and adjudication pathways - a claim Dominion has denied but which has never been subjected to independent federal forensic analysis.
📍 Jurisdiction: Foreign, Venezuela
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Voting Machine Company Involved in Bribing Scandal Has Long History of Controversy — Zero Day
- All the Presidente's Men — NYU Law Magazine
- Smartmatic: The Company That Ran Venezuela's Elections — Mariana Atencio Substack
DNI Ratcliffe Memorandum: CIA Analysts Suppressed Chinese Election Interference Assessments on Explicit Political Grounds - Violation of IRTPA Analytic Standard B (China)
On January 7, 2021, Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe issued a formal memorandum documenting a significant intelligence failure: career CIA analysts had suppressed evidence of Chinese interference in the 2020 election on explicit political grounds. Ratcliffe's memorandum stated that "China analysts were hesitant to assess Chinese actions as 'undue influence' or 'interference.' These analysts appeared reluctant to have their analysis on China brought forward because they tend to disagree with the administration's policies." Ratcliffe characterized this as a violation of Analytic Standard B - Independence of Political Considerations under IRTPA § 1019. The substance of the suppressed assessments - what specifically the CIA found regarding Chinese interference with election infrastructure - has never been publicly disclosed and represents the most significant evidentiary gap in the foreign interference record. The EO 13848 45-day post-election assessment - required to be delivered by approximately December 18, 2020 - was not publicly issued in a form that addressed the suppressed China analysis. Whether the suppression also violates 18 U.S.C. § 1001 (false statements), 18 U.S.C. § 1505 (obstruction), or the Inspector General Act, 50 U.S.C. § 3033 depends on the specific content of the suppressed assessments and what representations were made to oversight bodies - a determination requiring IG investigation and potential declassification.
📍 Jurisdiction: Foreign, China
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Views on Intelligence Community Election Security Analysis — Washington Post
- BREAKING: DNI Ratcliffe Releases Report Showing China Interfered with the 2020 Election — The Gateway Pundit
- John Ratcliffe: Intel on China politicized — Washington Times
Iranian Nationals Charged for Cyber-Enabled Disinformation and Threat Campaign Designed to Influence the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election (Iran)
Seyyed Mohammad Hosein Musa Kazemi ( سید محمد حسی موس کاظیم), aka Mohammad Hosein Musa Kazem, aka Hosein Zamani, 24, and Sajjad Kashian ( سجاد کاشیان), aka Kiarash Nabavi, 27, both of Iran, obtained confidential U.S. voter information from at least one state election website; sent threatening email messages to intimidate and interfere with voters; created and disseminated a video containing disinformation about purported election infrastructure vulnerabilities; attempted to access, without authorization, several states’ voting-related websites; and successfully gained unauthorized access to a U.S. media company’s computer network that, if not for successful FBI and Foreign, Iran Presidential Election (Iran) victim company efforts to mitigate, would have provided the conspirators another vehicle to disseminate false claims after the election. FN.IO-5 CCP University Partnerships Established with US Universities (China) Established Fact Partnerships were formed between Wayne State University Law School and Beijing Normal University and the China University of Political Science and Law following a June 2013 trip to China by Wayne Law Interim Dean Jocelyn Benson, and a subsequent December 2013 visit by Wayne Law Associate Professor Paul Dubinsky, who served as director of graduate studies and primary facilitator of the partnerships.¹ A memorandum of understanding was signed with Beijing Normal University establishing a framework for Chinese law students to enroll in Wayne Law's master of laws (LL.M.) degree program in U.S. law, with faculty exchanges at both institutions also in development.² Jocelyn Benson, who was appointed permanent dean of Wayne Law in June 2014, subsequently served as Michigan Secretary of State beginning in January 2019 and was named as a defendant in multiple post-2020 election lawsuits.³ Dubinsky also served as a panel moderator at the Levin Center for Oversight and Democracy at Wayne Law, moderating the "Sanctuary Cities: Immigration Law Meets Federalism" panel at the Levin Center's November 10, 2017 national symposium, "Current Issues in Immigration Law: Detention, 'Sanctuary Cities,' and the 'Travel Ban'" — a day-long event convening eighteen scholars from institutions including Georgetown University Law Center and the University of Michigan Law School to address Trump administration immigration policies that were direct outgrowths of the 2016 presidential election.⁴ Wayne Law's Carl Levin Center separately hosted a "Post-Election Analysis" Zoom panel on November 10, 2020, featuring U.S. Representative Debbie Dingell (D-MI) and former U.S. Representative Dave Trott (R-MI), moderated by Levin Center Director Jim Townsend.⁵ Although billed as a bipartisan forum, both panelists offered uniformly critical assessments of President Trump's post-election conduct: Dingell characterized the congressional task as being to "minimize the damage that the president can do between now and when he gets sworn in on January 20th,"⁶ while Trott — the forum's nominal Republican voice — described Trump as "acting like a spoiled baby," characterized the administration's refusal to authorize the GSA transition as making the United States "look like a banana republic," accused the president of "using the Department of Justice as a political tool," stated that Trump's COVID response "was motivated singularly by his desire to get reelected," and predicted Trump would "probably pardon his entire family and himself."⁷ Townsend's opening framing had itself pre-concluded that while "President Trump and many of his supporters continue to raise objections to the election's outcome, it appears very likely that Joe Biden will be the next president of the United States." FN.IO-6 COVID-19 Released from Lab in Wuhan, China Encouraged Mail-In Voting (China) Disputed Fact Multiple U.S. government investigations have concluded that SARS-CoV-2 most likely emerged from a laboratory in Wuhan, China. The House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic's December 2024 final report — the product of a two-year investigation — concluded that "COVID-19 most likely emerged from a laboratory in Wuhan, China" and that "a lab-related incident involving gain-of-function research is most likely the origin of COVID-19." The Senate HELP Committee Minority Staff similarly concluded in October 2022 that "the COVID-19 pandemic was, more likely than not, the result of a research-related incident," noting that the lack of transparency from the People's Republic of China "prevents reaching a more definitive conclusion." The Federal Bureau of Investigation assessed with moderate confidence, and the Central Intelligence Agency assessed with low confidence, that a laboratory origin is more likely than a natural one.
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/two-iranian-nationals-charged-cyber-enabled-disinformation-and-threat-campaign-designed
- Wayne State University News Service, "Wayne Law professor visits China to promote master of laws program," Today@WayneToday@Wayne, December 19, 2013 ("Partnerships have been formed by Wayne Law with Beijing Normal University and the China University of Political Science and Law for that purpose, thanks to Dubinsky's visit and a trip to China in June by Wayne Law Interim Dean Jocelyn Benson."). Available at
- Levin Center for Oversight and Democracy, "Conferences & Events," event listing for "Current Issues in Immigration Law: Detention, 'Sanctuary Cities,' and the 'Travel Ban,'" November 10, 2017, Wayne State University Law School, Detroit ("Moderating the discussions (respectively) were Associate Professor Rachel Settlage, Professor Paul Dubinsky, Assistant Professor (Clinical) Sabrina Balgamwalla, and Professor Jonathan T. Weinberg, all members of the Wayne Law faculty."). Available at
- Carl Levin Center for Oversight and Democracy, "Post-Election Analysis," Wayne State University Law School, November 10, 2020, 12:00–1:15 p.m. EDT (Zoom webinar). Event listing
- House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic, After Action Review of the COVID-19 Pandemic: The Lessons Learned and a Path Forward, 520-page final report, December 4, 2024. Primary conclusion: "COVID-19 most likely emerged from a laboratory in Wuhan, China." Additional finding: "A lab-related incident involving gain-of-function research is most likely the origin of COVID-19." Press release and report summary available at
- U.S. Census Bureau, "What Methods Did People Use to Vote in the 2020 Election?", April 29, 2021, reporting data from the Current Population Survey's November 2020 Voting and Registration Supplement: "In 2020, 43% of voters cast ballots by mail... In 2016, 21% mailed in their ballots." Introduction: "The COVID-19 pandemic led to a variety of
CCP University Partnerships Established with US Universities (China)
COVID-19 Released from Lab in Wuhan, China Encouraged Mail-In Voting (China)
Swiss Business Contracted by National Institute for Health to Develop a Patent for Injection of Fake Voters into Election Systems (Switzerland)
Patent US 7,549,049 proves that some of the greatest threats to election integrity aren't software bugs—they are intentional design features. Internet-based voting systems that lack a verifiable, physical paper trail continue to represent an unacceptable risk to secure elections. It is concerning for the following reasons: 1. It Provides a Built-In Blueprint for Ballot Stuffing The exact mechanism designed to test the system is structurally identical to a ballot-stuffing attack. An insider or a hacker who breaches the voter creation subsystem could generate fake voter IDs with pre-selected ballot choices and inject them into a live election. Because the software is intentionally designed to accept these "test" submissions as real, the fraudulent votes would be computationally indistinguishable from legitimate ones. 2. It Offers Legal Cover for Fraud Perhaps the most profound risk is legal. If a malicious actor were caught injecting fake votes into this system, the patent provides them with the ultimate cover story. They could simply claim they were conducting a legitimate, patented "dynamic audit". Because the audit trail relies entirely on manual, out-of-band records, forensic investigators would have no systemic way to prove if a "test" injection was legitimate or a malicious attack. 3. A Centralized Single Point of Failure This architecture completely relies on a single "Central Hosting Facility" to manage voter registration, ballot delivery, and vote storage. Furthermore, its security relies on Public Key Infrastructure (PKI) and roaming digital certificates to authenticate voters. If a hacker, corrupt insider, or nation-state compromises this central server or the third-party PKI authority, they would gain global, undetected access to alter ballot definition files, impersonate voters, or manipulate tabulation results before local officials ever download them. 4. It Evades Standard Election Audits Standard election audits, like checking the machine poll tapes against central tallies, fail entirely against this architecture. If the central server or the electronic ballot definition files are poisoned, the system will output manipulated results that perfectly match its own internal, manipulated data Switzerland FN.IO-8 Venezuelan General Exposes Maduro's Cartel (Venezuela) Established Fact Retired Major General Cliver Antonio Alcalá Cordones — a senior Venezuelan military commander currently serving a federal sentence in Maryland after surrendering to U.S. authorities in March 2020 — addressed an open letter to President Donald J. Trump and the American people on December 8, 2025, offering to testify broadly before the U.S. government on Venezuela's criminal regime. Key topics addressed: The Rodriguez Siblings Run Venezuela, Tren de Aragua, Smartmatic Electoral Fraud, Control of U.S. Congressmen, Iran, and Hezbollah. changes in voting methods across the country in 2020." Available at: https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2021/04/what-methods-did-people-use-to-vote-in-2020- election.html FN.IO-9 Venezuela's Former Spy Chief Speaks from U.S. Prison (Venezuela) Established Fact Hugo Carvajal Barrios — Venezuela's former Director of Military Intelligence, a three-star general trusted by both Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro, and a former Deputy in Venezuela's National Assembly — penned an open letter to President Donald J. Trump and the American people on December 2, 2025, writing from a U.S. federal prison where he is serving time after pleading guilty to narco-terrorism conspiracy charges. Known as "El Pollo" (The Chicken), Carvajal is one of the most senior Venezuelan intelligence officials ever to cooperate with the United States. Key topics addressed: Narco-Terrorism as Deliberate State Policy, Tren de Aragua, Russian Espionage and Smartmatic. Venezuela
📍 Jurisdiction: Venezuela
🔗 Sources cited by the report:
- Bogasky, J. J., & Almond, C. (2009). Dynamic Auditing of Electronic Elections (U.S. Patent No. 7,549,049B2). U.S. Patent and Trademark Office
- Alcalá Cordones, Cliver Antonio. Letter to President Donald J. Trump and the American people. December 8, 2025. Written from federal correctional facility, Maryland. Subject: "Information of interest for the national security and foreign policy of the United States." Reproduced in translated English PDF: Letter from Major General Cliver Antonio
- Carvajal Barrios, Hugo. Open letter to President Donald J. Trump and the People of the United States. December 2, 2025. Federal custody, United States of America
Venezuelan General Exposes Maduro's Cartel (Venezuela)
Venezuela's Former Spy Chief Speaks from U.S. Prison (Venezuela)
Venezuelan Election Insider Reveals Election Theft Mechanisms (Venezuela)
On September 18, 2025, attorney John Case — representing Tina Peters in Case No. 1:25-cv-00425- STV before the U.S. District Court for the District of Colorado — took the sworn examination under oath of a confidential witness whose identity has been redacted, face disguised, and voice altered by technology due to confirmed physical danger to the witness. The witness testified to 20 years of direct personal experience in Venezuelan electoral systems starting in 2003. Key declarations: 1. U.S. Voting Systems Can Be Manipulated by Foreign Agents 2. The Venezuelan War Room — Who Was Present 3. Smartmatic Was Created to Rig Elections — Venezuelan Government Owns the Source Code 4. Smartmatic's Sister Company Bizta — Both Incorporated in Delaware 5. Sequoia Acquisition Chain: Venezuelan Money → American Voting Market 6. Voting Hardware Manufactured in China and Taiwan — Firmware Pre-Installed 7. Cuban Officials Embedded in Venezuelan Government Operations Alcalá Cordones to President Donald J. Trump, United States of America. https://electioncrimebureau.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/LETTER-FROM-MAJOR-GENERAL- CLIVER-ANTONIO-ALCALA-CORDONES-TO-PRESIDENT-DONALD-J.pdf
📍 Jurisdiction: Venezuela
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